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TEST  TARGET  (MT-3) 


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Photographic 

Sciences 

Corporation 


23  WEST  MAIN  STREET 

WEBSTER,  N.Y.  14580 

(716)972-4503 


4' 


CIHM/ICMH 

Microfiche 

Series. 


CIHIVI/ICIVIH 
Collection  de 
microfiches. 


Canadian  Institute  for  Historical  Microreproductions  /  Institut  Canadian  de  microreproductions  historiques 


Tachnical  and  Bibliographic  Notas/Nota*  tachniquaa  at  bibliographiquaa 


Tha  Initituta  has  attamptad  to  obtain  tha  baat 
original  copy  availabia  for  filming.  Faaturas  of  this 
capv  which  may  ba  bibliographically  uniqua. 
which  may  altar  any  of  tha  imagaa  in  tha 
raproduction.  or  which  may  significantly  changa 
tha  usual  mathod  of  filming,  ara  chackad  balow. 


□    Colourod  covors/ 
Couvartura  da  coulaur 


I      I   Covars  damagad/ 


□ 


□ 


D 
D 


D 


D 


Couvartura  andommagAa 


Covars  rastorad  and/or  laminatad/ 
Couvartura  rastaurte  at/ou  palliculte 


r~n   Covar  titia  missing/ 


La  titra  da  couvartura  manqua 


I      I    Colourad  mapa/ 


Cartas  giographiquas  an  coulaur 

Colourad  inic  (i.a.  othar  than  blua  or  black)/ 
Encra  da  coulaur  (i.a.  autra  qua  blaua  ou  noira) 


I      I   Colourad  platas  and/or  illuatrations/ 


Planchaa  at/ou  illustrationa  an  coulaur 


Bound  with  othar  matarial/ 
Rail*  avac  d'autras  documants 


Tight  binding  may  causa  shadows  or  distortion 
along  intarior  margin/ 

La  re  liura  99rri»  paut  causar  da  i'ombra  ou  da  la 
distorsion  le  long  d^  la  marge  int6riauro 

Blank  laavas  addad  during  rastoration  may 
appaar  within  tha  taxt.  Whanavar  possibla.  thasa 
hava  baan  omittad  from  filming/ 
II  sa  paut  qua  cartainaa  pagaa  blanchaa  ajoutiaa 
lors  d'una  rastauration  apparaiaaant  dana  la  taxta, 
mala,  lorsqua  cala  itait  possibla,  cas  pagas  n'ont 
pas  iti  filmAaa. 

Additional  commanta:/ 
Commantairaa  supplAmantairas: 


L'Institut  a  microfiimi  la  maillaur  axemplaire 
qu'il  lui  a  M  possibla  da  sa  procurer.  Las  details 
da  cat  axamplaira  qui  sont  paut-Atra  uniquas  du 
point  da  vua  bibliographiqua.  qui  pauvant  modifiar 
una  imaga  raproduita,  ou  qui  pauvant  axigar  una 
modification  dans  la  mithoda  normaia  da  fiimaga 
sont  indiquto  ci-daasous. 


r~|   Colourad  pagas/ 


D 
D 

0 
D 
0 


D 


Pagas  da  coulaur 

Pagaa  damagad/ 
Pagas  andommagtes 

Pagas  rastorad  and/or  laminated/ 
Pagas  rastaurias  at/ou  peiliculies 

Pagas  discoloured,  stained  or  foxed/ 
Pagas  dicolorAas.  tachet^as  ou  piquAes 

Pagas  detached/ 
Pagas  dttachias 

Showthrough/ 
Transparence 


The  c( 
to  the 


The  in 
poaall 
of  the 
fllmin 


Origin 
begini 
thelai 
sion, 
other 
first  p 
sion. 
or  illui 


I     I    Quality  of  print  varies/ 


Quality  inigaia  da  I'imprassion 

Includes  supplementary  material/ 
Comprand  du  mstiriei  supplAmentaire 

Only  edition  available/ 
Seuie  idition  disponible 


Pagas  wholly  or  partially  obscured  by  errata 
slips,  tissues,  etc.,  hava  been  refilmed  to 
ensure  the  best  possible  image/ 
Lea  pagas  totalamant  ou  partieltement 
obscurcies  par  un  feuiilet  d'errata,  una  pelure, 
etc.,  ont  iiti  fiimies  i  nouveau  da  faqon  A 
obtenir  le  meiileure  image  possible. 


TheM 
shall 
TINUI 
which 

Maps, 
differ! 
entirel 
begini 
right  I 
requir( 
metho 


This  item  is  filmed  at  the  reduction  ratio  checked  below/ 

Ce  document  est  film*  au  taux  da  rMuction  indiquA  ci-dessous. 


10X 

14X 

18X 

22X 

26X 

XX 

f 

y 

12X 

16X 

ax 

24X 

28X 

32X 

Th«  copy  filmad  h«r«  Hm  b««n  raproduetd  thanks 
to  tho  gonorosity  of: 

University  of  Alberta 
Edmonton 


L'Momplairo  filmA  fut  roproduit  grico  i  la 
gAn^roaitA  da: 

University  of  Alberta 
Edmonton 


Tha  imagaa  appaaring  hara  ara  tha  baat  quality 
possibia  considaring  tha  condition  and  lagibiiity 
of  tha  original  copy  and  in  kaaping  with  tha 
filming  contract  spacificationa. 


Original  eopiaa  in  printad  papar  covara  ara  filmad 
baginning  with  tha  front  eovar  and  anding  on , 
tha  last  paga  with  a  printad  or  illuatratad  impraa- 
sion,  or  tha  back  covar  whan  appropriata.  All 
othar  original  eopiaa  arm  filmad  baginning  on  tha 
first  paga  wKh  a  printad  or  illuatratad  impraa- 
sion.  and  anding  on  tha  laat  paga  with  a  printad 
or  illuatratad  impraaaion. 


Las  imagas  suivantas  ont  At*  raproduitas  avac  la 
plus  grand  soin.  compta  tanu  da  la  condition  at 
da  la  nattat*  da  I'axampiaira  film*,  at  an 
conformit*  avac  laa  conditiona  du  contrat  da 
filmaga. 

Laa  axamplairaa  originaux  dont  la  couvartura  mn 
papiar  aat  imprim*a  sont  f  ilm*s  an  commandant 
par  la  pramia**  plat  at  an  tarminant  soit  par  la 
darniira  paga  qui  comporta  una  amprainta 
d'imprassion  ou  d'illustration.  soit  par  la  sacond 
plat,  salon  la  caa.  Tous  las  autras  axamplairaa 
originaux  sont  fiimis  an  commandant  par  la 
pramlAra  paga  qui  comporta  una  amprainta 
d'impraasion  ou  d'illustration  at  an  tarminant  par 
la  darniira  paga  qui  comporta  una  talla 
amprainta. 


Tha  laat  racordad  frama  on  aach  microfleho 
shall  contain  tha  symbol  -i^^  (moaning  "CON- 
TINUED"), or  tha  symbol  ▼  (meaning  "END"), 
whichavar  appliaa. 


Un  daa  symbolaa  suivants  apparaftra  sur  la 
darniira  imaga  da  chaqua  microficha.  salon  la 
caa:  la  symbols  -^  signifia  "A  SUIVRE".  la 
symbols  V  signifia  "FIN". 


Mapa.  platas,  charts,  ate  may  ba  filmad  at 
diffarant  raduction  ratios.  Thoaa  too  larga  to  ba 
antiraly  includad  in  ona  axpoaura  ara  filmad 
baginning  in  tha  uppar  laft  hand  comar,  laft  to 
right  and  top  to  bottom,  aa  many  framaa  aa 
raquirad.  Tha  following  diagrama  illuatrata  tha 
mathod: 


Laa  cartas,  planchas,  tablaaux,  ate,  pauvant  *tra 
film*s  *  das  taux  da  reduction  diff*rants. 
Lorsqua  la  documant  ast  trop  grand  pour  fttra 
raproduit  an  un  saul  clich*,  il  ast  film*  *  partir 
da  i'angia  sup*riaur  gaucha.  da  gaucha  *  droita. 
at  da  haut  an  baa.  an  pranant  la  nombra 
d'imagaa  n*cassaira.  lias  diagrammaa  suivants 
illustrant  la  m*thoda. 


1  2  3 


32X 


1 

2 

3 

4 

5 

6 

\' 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT 


H 


Fron 


A   COMPLETE 


History  of  Connecticut 


CIVIL  AND  ECCLESIASTICAL 


'mi 


From  the  Emigration  of  its  First  Planters,  from  England, 

in  the  Year  1630,  to  the  Year  1764;  and  to  the 

Close  of  the  Indian  Wars 


IN  TWO   VOLUMES 


BY 


BENJAMIN  TRUMBULL,   D.D. 


VOLUME  I 

WITH  AN  APPENDIX 
Containing  the  Original  Patent  of  New  England 


i 

\ 
5» 


K 


■  H 


m. 


Published  by  H.  D.  Utley 
New  London  r::::::::^^::  1898 


V^ 


V^ 


'  I 


..  .    f 


•  i 


/  1  '•  / . 


i^v,  viivr 


*f,  ,  t 


Is. 


*    LIBRARY  OF  IH^   UNIVERSHTY 
jt  OF  ALBERTA 

Ii_i.^i.xT,miin  ■■■■•■I 


SHTY    I 


A.   ■! .  .\i  ■''  .-v 

.,  .,  ;,■...-  .v.^'  ;',.'.■; .;.      -..1 

'         ■■'.''     .       '  '..  .j'J  '(■•>        i  '    ■,     ,  .;.{ 


INTRODUCTION.- 


(I    « - 


,>J    4i    .' 


,.,..i  i(U  hhi^..'?,  J  •.• 


ui 


{^fi?^ 


'►i 


It  is  an  open  question  whether  a  reprint  of  Dr.  Benjamin  Trum- 
bull's History  of  Connecticut  should  be  modernized  even  by  an 
introduction.  It  stands  to-day,  as  it  has  stood  for  a  century,  the 
most  careful,  minute,  and  conscientious  chronicle  of  the  colonial 
history  of  the  State  which  has  ever  been  written;  and  it  is  safe 
to  say  that  the  future  historian  will,  like  his  predecessors,  make 
numerous  citations  from  this  old  standard  history,  and  will  take 
the  risk — always  a  dangerous  one— of  omitting  some  of  the  mi< 
nute  details  which  its  venerable  author  has  so  carefully  recorded. 

At  the  request  of  the  publisher,  and  under  circumstances  afford- 
ing but  little  time  for  a  full  and  careful  review  of  the  subject,  I 
have  undertaken  to  preface  the  reprint  with  a  few  words  of  in- 
troduction and  explanation,  and  have  added  an  index,  lacking  in 
the  original,  in  which  an  attempt  has  been  made  to  give,  as  far  as 
possible,  full  names  in  instances  where  the  author  only  gives  sur- 
names of  persons ;  and  the  present  names  of  places  by  references 
from  the  original  names  which  he  uses  in  many  instances.  I  have 
also  undert?l<cn  to  add  to  the  reprint  a  few  annotations,  correct- 
ing the  err«.>:s,  surprisingly  few  in  a  work  of  such  minuteness, 
which  have  be^n  noted  by  various  historians  and  others  in  the 
course  of  a  century  of  reading  and  criticism.  No  pretension  is 
made  either  to  completeness  or  editorship  in  doing  this. 


It  is  quite  possible  that  it  will  be  a  disappointment  to  some  of 
the  profounder  students  of  history  that  this  reprint  is  not  edited 
in  such  a  way  as  to  modernize  it  completely,  if  that  were  possible. 
This  would  be  a  difficult,  if  not  an  impossible  task.  The  author's 
chief  aim  is  to  give  a  fair  and  faithful  recital  of  the  events  of  this 
all-important  period  of  the  history  of  Connecticut.  His  own 
point  of  view,  his  personal  opinion,  rarely  appear  in  the  course  of 
his  work,  and  never  in  an  obtrusive  way.  He  is  more  of  a  chron- 
icler than  historian.    A  modern  writer  with  the  same  task  before 


-J     ^     Jm     ^'     'v'    V 


:     -V 


10" 


vi 


INTRODUCTION. 


him  would,  no  doubt,  employ  diflferent  methods  and  reach  more 
numerous  conclusions,  varying  widely  from  those  of  the  author 
in  the  few  instances  where  comparison  could  be  made.  It  might 
be  edifying,  for  example,  to  compare  his  statement  that  the 
propagation  of  religious  liberty  was  one  of  the  leading  motives 
for  the  settlement  of  New  England  by  the  Puritans,  with  John 
Fiske's  statement  that  "  the  notion  that  they  came  to  New  Eng- 
land for  the  purpose  of  establishing  religious  liberty  in  any  sense 
in  which  we  should  understand  such  a  phrase,  is  entirely  incor- 
rect." But,  after  all,  the  grafting  of  new  ideas  on  such  a  sturdy 
old  trunk  as  Trumbull's  Connecticut  can  hardly  yield  the  best 
results;  and  it  is  doubtful  if  there  is  such  a  thing  as  hybridizing 
history  successfully.  For  the  reason  that  a  reprint  so  edited  would 
not  form  even  a  composite  colonial  history  of  the  State,  and  that 
it  might  be  the  means  of  discouraging  some  historian  who  may 
have  in  view  the  much  needed  work  of  writing  a  complete  his- 
tory covering  the  period  of  the  Revolution  and  the  Civil  War,  it 
is  best  that  Trumbull's  work  should  be  left  as  we  find  it,  with  only 
the  additions  already  mentioned.  His  expressed  wish  "  to  assist 
future  historians  "  has  already  been  partially  fulfilled,  as  may  be 
seen  by  reference  to  the  "luminous  page  of  Hollister,"  and 
others;  but  the  complete  history  of  the  State  still  remains  to  be 
written,  and  a  mine  of  unused  information  still  remains  in  the  work 
now  reprinted. 

In  addition  to  the  corrections  which  the  footnotes  afford,  a  few 
words  should  be  said  regarding  the  autnor's  mention  of  the  sub- 
ject of  witchcraft  in  Connecticut,  or,  rather,  his  explanation  of 
his  omission  to  record  any  executions  for  what  was  once  known 
as  that  crime.  It  is,  I  believe,  strictly  true,  as  he  says,  "  that  no 
indictment  of  any  person  for  that  crime,  nor  any  process  relative 
to  that  affair,  can  be  found."  It  must  be  confessed,  however,  that 
a  careful  study  of  the  official  colonial  records  of  Connecticut  and 
New  Haven  leaves  no  doubt  that  Goodwife  Bassett  was  con- 
victed and  hung  at  Stratford,  for  witchcraft  in  1651,  and  Good- 
wife  Knapp  at  Fairfield  in  1653.  It  is  also  recorded  in  Win- 
throp's  Journal,  to  the  no  small  satisfaction  of  its  editor,  Savage, 
that "  One  of  Windsor  was  arraigned  and  executed  at  Hartford  for 
a  v^ritch  "  in  March,  1646-47,  which,  if  it  actually  occurred,  forms 
the  first  instance  of  an  execution  for  witchcraft  in  New  England. 
The  quotation  here  given  is  the  only  known  authority  for  the 
statement,  and  opens  the  question  whether  something  probably 
recorded  as  hearsay  in  a  journal  may  be  taken  as  authoritative 


evK 
uni 
inst 
beir 
mai 
garc 


and 


INTRODUCTION. 


vii 


evidence  of  an  occurrence.  Professor  Ferguson,  who  exhibits 
unusual  diligence  in  searches  of  this  kind,  cites  numerous  other 
instances  of  executions,  acquittals,  pardons,  and  suspicions  of 
being  suspected,  on  various  authorities.*  The  fact,  however,  re- 
mains, that  the  official  records  are,  as  our  author  says,  silent  re- 
garding the  actual  proceedings;  and  it  is  only  by  inference  that 
it  may  be  found  from  these  records  that  the  executions  took  place. 
There  remains  but  little  more  to  be  said  by  way  of  introduction 
that  has  not  already  been  said  by  the  author  in  his  own  preface. 
It  seems  fitting,  however,  that  a  very  brief  sketch  of  his  career 
and  lineage  should  be  given  in  closing. 


Benjamin  Trumbull  was  born  in  Hebron,  Conn.  December  19, 
1735.  He  was  the  son  of  Benjamin  Trumbull  of  Hebron  (171 2 — ), 
grandson  of  Bcnoni  Trumbull  of  Hebron  (1684- 1770),  great- 
grandson  of  Joseph  Trumbull  of  SufHeld,  Conn.  (1647-84),  and 
great-great-grandson  of  John  Trumbull,  who  appears  on  record  at 
Roxbury,  Mass.  in  1639,  and  Rowley,  Mass.  in  1640,  having  emi- 
grated from  Newcastle-on-Tyne,  England,  in  1639,  and  not  from 
the  West  of  Wales,  as  Sprague  erroneously  states  in  his  "  An- 
nals of  the  American  Pulpit."  Among  his  most  distinguished 
family  connections  were  Governor  Jonathan  Trumbull,  to  whom 
he  refers  in  his  preface,  a  first  cousin  once  removed;  Colonel 
John  Trumbull,  the  artist,  and  his  brothers  Jonathan  and  Joseph, 
who  were  his  first  cousins ;  and  Dr.  John  Trumbull,  the  lawyer- 
poet,  author  of  "  McFingal,"  also  a  first  cousin.  His  most  dis- 
tinguished lineal  descendant  was  his  grandson,  the  Hon.  Lyman 
Trumbull,  U.  S.  Senator  from  Illinois,  and  afterwards  distin- 
guished as  a  lawyer  and  jurist. 

His  career  as  a  clerg>man  is  remarkable,  even  for  the  times  of 
long  pastorates  in  which  he  lived.  He  was  the  pastor  of  the 
North  Haven  Congregational  Church  for  sixty  years  of  con- 
tinuous service,  interrupted  only  for  six  months  by  his  services 
as  chaplain  in  the  Fifth  Battalion  of  Wadsworth's  Brigade,  during 
which  time  he  was  with  this  battalion  in  the  important  period  cov- 
ering the  battle  of  Long  Island  and  the  retreat  from  New  York. 
This  service  is  officially  recorded  as  extending  from  June  24  to 
December  25, 1776.  Eye-witnesses  have  told  us  that,  at  the  battle 
of  White  Plains,  his  patriotism  would  not  allow  him  to  remain  in 
clerical  garb  among  the  non-combatants,  but  that  he  shouldered 

'  Essays  in  American  History,  pp.  73-77. 


..  H 


m 


ST 


vin 


INTRODUCTION. 


his  musket,  and  loaded  and  fired  with  coolness  and  the  utmost 
precision  of  which  he  was  capable.  Immediately  on  his  return  to 
North  Haven,  January  5, 1777,  his  martial  spirit  again  so  asserted 
itself  that  he  temporarily  exchanged  the  word  for  the  sword,  and 
was  chosen  captain  of  a  company  of  sixty  volunteers  of  that  town. 
He  was  alsj  to  be  found  at  the  post  of  danger  at  the  time  of 
Tryon's  invasion  of  New  Haven,  July  4, 1779. 

All  accounts  agree  that  he  was  a  man  of  wonderful  vigor  and 
activity  even  up  to  the  time  of  his  death,  at  the  advanced  age  of 
eighty-five.  But  nine  days  before  that  time  he  preached  his  last 
sermon.  He  died  on  the  2d  of  February,  1820.  He  is  also  de- 
scribed as  a  man  of  courteous  demeanor  and  quick  intelligence. 

The  fullest  account  of  his  career  which  is  known  to  me  is  in 
Sheldon  B.  Thorpe's  "  North  Haven  Annals."  Sprague's  "  An- 
nals of  the  American  Pulpit "  devotes  five  pages  to  him,  and  gives 
personal  reminiscences  of  contemporaries.  For  the  most  part, 
his  career  of  steady,  untiring  clerical  and  literary  labor  would  re- 
veal but  little  to  interest  the  reader  of  to-day.  A  large  part  of  his 
long,  busy,  useful  life  was  devoted  to  collecting  the  material  for 
this  History  of  Connecticut,  a  work  prosecuted  under  disadvan- 
tages which  he  bravely  and  persistently  overcame,  many  of  which 
would  not  be  encountered  in  these  days  of  printed  records  and 
quick  and  easy  communication.  ^ 

Jonathan  Trumbull. 
Norwich,  Conn.,  Much  i,  1898. 


V 


CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER  I. 

INTRODUCTION,  i  ;  the  diicovery 
of  North-America  and  New-England,  a  ; 
captain  Smith's  ditcovery,  3 ;  the  coun- 
try ii  named  New-  England,  3  ;  New- 
Plymouth  settled,  3;  the  great  patent  of 
New-England,  and  patent  of  Massachu- 
setts, 3,  4  ;  the  settlement  of  Salem, 
Charlestown,  Boston,  and  other  towns  in 
Massachusetts,  5 ;  Mr.  Warham,  Mr. 
Phillips  and  Mr.  Hooker,  with  others  of 
the  Arst  planters  of  Connecticut,  arrive, 
6 ;  and  make  settlements  at  Dorchester, 
Watertown,  and  Newtown,  7;  their 
churches  are  formed  and  they  are  or- 
dained 9. 

CHAPTER  II. 

The  patent  of  Connecticut,  9;  the  situ- 
ation, extent,  boundaries  and  area  of  the 
settled  part  of  the  colony,  10,  ix  ;  the  dis- 
covery of  Connecticut  river,  la ;  a  descrip- 
tion of  it,  and  the  signification  of  Its  name, 
13 ;  the  colony  derives  its  name  from  the 
river,  14  ;  description  of  other  rivers,  14  ; 
Plymouth  and  Dutch  houses,  16;  pros- 
pects of  trade  upon  the  river,  17. 

CHAPTER   III. 

The  state  of  the  country  of  Connecti- 
cut when  the  settlement  of  the  colony 
began,  19;  its  trees  and  fruits,  19;  its 
animals,  ao;  number,  situation,  genius, 
manners,  arms,  utensils  and  wars  of  the 
Indians,  31-35. 

CHAPTER  IV. 

The  people  at  Dorchester,  Water- 
town,  and  Newtown,  finding  themselves 
straitened  in  the  Massachusetts,  deter- 
mine to  remove  to  Connecticut,  37 ;  de- 
bates in  Massachusetts  relative  to  their 
removal,  38 ;  the  general  court  at  first 
prohibited  it,  but  afterwards  gave  its  con- 
sent, 38  ;  the  people  removed  and  settled 
the  towns  of  Windsor,  Hartford  and 
Weathersfield,  39 ;  hardships  and  losses 
of  the  first  winters,  41. 

„    CHAPTER    V. 

The  war  with  the  Pequots,  47 ;  the 
origin  of  it.  The  murder  of  Captains 
Stone  and  Norton,  of  Mr.  Oldham  and 
others,  47 ;  Mr.  Endicot's  expedition 
against  them,  50 ;  the  Pequots  kill  a  num- 


ber of  the  garrison  at  the  mouth  of  the 
river,  and  besiege  the  fort,  53  ;  captain 
Mason  is  sent  down  from  Connecticut 
with  a  reinforcement,  54 ;  the  enemy 
make  a  descent  on  Weathersfield,  torture 
and  mock  the  English,  54 ;  the  court  at 
Connecticut  declares  war  against  them, 
56 ;  Captain  Mason  takes  Mistic  fort,  61 ; 
Sassncus  destroys  his  royal  fortress  and 
floes  to  the  westward,  64  ;  a  second  expe- 
dition is  undertaken  against  the  Pequots 
conjointly,  by  Massachusetts  and  Con- 
necticut, 65  ;  the  great  swamp  fight,  65  ; 
the  Pequots  subdued,  67 ;  Sassacus  flying 
to  the  Mohawks  was  beheaded,  67 ;  the 
captivated  and  surviving  Pequots,  after 
the  war,  were  given  to  the  Moheagans 
and  Narraeansets,  and  their  name  extin- 
guished, 68. 

CHAPTER   VI. 

Effects  of  the  war,  69 ;  great  scarcity 
In  Connecticut,  and  means  taken  to  re- 
lieve the  necessities  of  the  people,  69  ;  set- 
tlement of  New-Haven,  70  ;  plantation 
covenant,  73 ;  means  for  the  defence  of  the 
colony,  73 ;  captain  Mason  made  major 
general,  70  ;  civil  constitution  of  Connec- 
ticut, formed  by  voluntary  compact,  75  ; 
first  general  election  at  Connecticut,  77  ; 
governors  and  magistrates,  77 ;  general 
rights  of  the  people,  and  principal  laws 
of  the  colony,  77 ;  constitution  and  laws 
of  New-Haven,  78  ;  purchase  and  settle- 
ment of  several  towns  in  Connecticut  and 
New-Haven,  83. 

CHAPTER  VII. 

The  progress  of  purchase,  settlement, 
and  law  in  the  colonies  of  Connecticut 
and  New-Haven,  89 ;  the  effect  of  the  con- 
quest of  the  Pequots  on  the  natives,  and 
the  manner  in  which  they  were  treated,  89 ; 
purchases  of  them,  90 ;  towns  settled,  90 ; 
divisions  at  Weathersfield  occasion  the 
settlement  of  Stamford,  93  ;  troubles  with 
the  Dutch  and  Indians,  94 ;  capital  laws  of 
Connecticut,  95 ;  the  confederation  of  the 
united  colonies,  98  ;  further  troubles  with 
the  Indians,  loi ;  victory  of  Uncas  over 
the  Narragansets,  and  capture  of  their 
sachem,  103  ;  the  advice  of  the  commis- 
sioners respecting  Miantonimoh,  104  ;  his 
execution,  106 ;  precautions  of  the  colo- 
nies to  prevent  war,  107  ;  the  Dutch,  har- 
assed by  an  Indian  war,  apply  to  New- 
Haven  for  assistance,  109. 


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CONTENTS. 


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CHAPTER  VIII. 

Public  fasts  appointed,  iii  ;  Indians 
continue  hostile,  and  commit  murder, 
III ;  acts  of  tlie  commissioners  respecting 
them,  113 ;  Branford  settled,  113;  towns 
in  Connecticut,  113 ;  message  of  the  com- 
missioners to  the  Narraeansets,  114;  their 
agreement  respecting  Uncas,  115;  Long- 
Island  Indians  taken  under  the  protection 
of  the  united  colonies,  115;  Massachu- 
setts claim  part  of  the  Pequot  country 
and  Waranoke,  116 ;  determination  of 
the  commissioners  respecting  said  claim, 
116 ;  agreement  with  Mr.  Fenwick  relative 
to  Saybrook  fort  and  the  adjacent  coun- 
try, 117;  fortifications  advanced,  119; 
extraordinary  meeting  of  the  commission- 
ers to  suppress  the  outrages  of  the  Nar- 
ragansets,  X19;  war  proclaimed  and  troops 
sent  against  them,  130 ;  they  treat  and 
prevent  war,  12a;  Fairfield  object  to  a 
jury  of  six,  133  ;  controversy  with  the 
Dutch,  134 ;  the  Indians  plot  against  the 
life  of  governor  Hopkins  and  other  prin- 
cipal gentlemen  at  Hartford,  136;  dam- 
ages at  Windsor,  137  ;  battle  between  the 
Dutch  and  Indians,  139 ;  losses  of  New- 
Haven,  139;  dispute  with  Massachusetts 
relative  to  the  impost  at  Saybrook,  133  ; 
Mr.  Winthrop's  claim  of  the  Nehantick 
country,  134  ;  settlement  of  accounts  be- 
tween the  colonies,  135. 


CHAPTER    IX. 

Settlement  of  New-I.ondon,  136 ;  sala- 
ries first  granted  to  civil  officers,  137 ; 
troubles  with  the  Narraganset  Indians, 
137  ;  Rhode-Island  petitions  to  be  united 
with  the  colonies  in  confederation,  138 ; 
the  Massachusetts  resume  the  affair  of 
the  impost,  139  ;  Mr.  Westerhouse  com- 
plains of  the  seizure  of  his  vessel  by  the 
Dutch,  in  the  harbour  of  New-Haven, 
141 ;  murders  committed  by  the  Indians, 
14a ;  resolutions  respecting  the  murder- 
ers, 145 ;  body  of  laws  compiled,  143 ; 
debates  relative  to  the  settlement  of  Del- 
aware, 144 ;  the  Pequots  revolt  from 
Uncas,  and  petition  the  English,  146 ; 
resolution  respecting  them,  147 ;  Mr. 
Westerhouse  petitions  to  ni^ke  reprisals 
from  the  Dutch,  147  ;  letter  to  the  Dutch 
governor,  147  ;  further  altercation  respect- 
ing the  impost,  148 ;  final  issue  of  that 
affair,  149;  the  conduct  of  the  Massachu- 
setts upon  its  decision,  and  the  declara- 
tion of  the  commissioners  respecting  it, 
149 ;  their  treatment  of  Connecticut  re- 
specting the  line  between  the  colonies, 
151 ;  the  court  at  Connocticul  determine 
to  avenge  the  death  of  John  Whitmore, 
151 ;  and  detach  men  to  take  the  mur- 
derer, 151. 

CHAPTER   X. 

Court  of  election  at  Hartford,  153 ; 
grants  to  captain  Mason,  153 ;  the  com- 
missioners meet,  15a ;  and  dispatch  cap- 
tain Atherton  to  the  Narragansets,  152 ; 
their  message  to  Ninigrate,  153 ;  the 
Dutch  Governor  arrives  at  Hartford,  153  ; 


and  refers  the  differences  between  him 
and  the  colonies  to  arbitrators,  153  ;  their 
determination,  155 ;  and  the  line  is  fixed 
between  the  English  and  Dutch  planta- 
tions, 156  ;  agreements  with  Mr.  Fenwick 
occasion  general  uneasiness,  157 ;  com- 
mittees are  appointed  to  explain  and  as- 
certain them,  158 ;  towns  are  invited  to 
attend  the  committees,  by  their  deputies, 
at  Saybrook,  158  ;  an  act  for  the  encour- 
agement of  Mr.  Winthrop  in  seeking  and 
improving  mines,  158  ;  Norwalk  and  Mat- 
tabeseck  settled  and  made  towns,  159; 
the  colony  of  New-Haven  make  another 
attempt  to  settle  at  Delaware,  159 ;  the 
Dutch  Governor  seizes  the  company  and 
frustrates  the  design,  160  ;  he  pursues  his 
former  line  of  conduct  toward  the  colo- 
nies, 160  ;  the  resolutions  of  the  commis- 
sioners relative  to  his  conduct,  161 ;  to  the 
settlement  of  Delaware,  161 ;  and  the 
tribute  to  be  paid  by  the  Pequots,  161 ; 
French  commissioners  from  Canadt^  i6a  ; 
their  proposals,  162  ;  reply  to  them,  163 ; 
the  Dutch  governor  and  Indians  concert 
a  plan  to  extirpate  the  colonies,  165  ;  the 
commissioners  meet,  and  dispatch  agents 
to  the  Dutch  governor,  t66 ;  they  deter- 
mine upon  war,  unless  he  should  manifest 
his  innocence,  166  ;  and  redress  the  griev- 
ances of  the  colonies,  166  ;  they  determine 
on  the  number  of  men  to  be  raised,  and 
draw  a  declaration  of  the  reasons  of  the 
war,  167  ;  the  agents  return  unsuccessful, 
167;  the  commissioners  meet  again,  and 
determine  to  make  war  upon  the  Dutch 
and  Narraganset  Indians,  168 ;  the  gen- 
eral court  of  Massachusetts  refuses  to 
raise  men,  and  prevents  the  war,  168  ;  al- 
tercations between  that  general  court  and 
the  commissioners,  and  between  that  and 
the  general  courts  of  Connecticut  and 
New-Haven,  169  ;  the  alarm  and  distress 
of  the  plantations  in  these  colonies,  173; 
their  general  courts  protest  against  the 
court  of  Massachusetts,  as  violators  of  the 
articles  of  confederation ;  and  write  to 
Cromwell  and  the  parliament  for  assist- 
ance, 173 ;  the  tumultuous  state  of  the 
inhabitants  in  several  of  the  towns,  175. 

CHAPTER   XI. 

The  death  and  character  of  Governor 
Haynes,  176;  the  freemen  of  Connecticut 
meet  and  appoint  a  moderator,  177  ;  Mr. 
Ludlow  removes  to  Virginia,  178 ;  the 
spirited  conduct  of  the  pecple  at  Milford, 
in  recovering  Manning's  vessel,  178  ;  the 
freemen  add  to  the  fundamental  articles, 
179 ;  fleet  arrives  at  Boston  for  the  re- 
duction of  the  Dutch,  179 ;  the  colonies 
agree  to  raise  men  to  assist  the  armament 
from  England,  180;  peace  prevents  the 
expedition,  180 ;  the  general  court  at 
New-Haven,  charge  the  Massachusetts 
with  a  breach  of  the  confederation,  181 ; 
they  refuse  to  joifi  in  a  war  against  Nini- 
grate, and  oblige  Connecticut  and  New- 
Haven  to  provide  for  the  defence  of  them- 
selves and  their  allies,  181 ;  Ninigrate 
continuing  his  hostile  measures,  the  com- 
missioners send  messengers  to  him,  183  ; 
his  answer  to  them,  182  ;  they  declare  war, 
and  send  an  army  against  him,  183 ;  the 


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CONTENTS. 


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art  of  Massachusetts  and  the  deceit  of 
Major  Willard,  defeat  the  designed  expe- 
dition, 183;  the  number  of  rateable  polls, 
and  the  amount  of  the  list  of  Connecticut, 
184  ;  the  Pequots  are  taken  under  their 
protection,  184;  Ninigrate  persisting  in 
(lis  hostilities  against  the  Indians  upon 
Long-Island,  the  general  court  adopt 
measures  for  the  defence  of  the  Indians 
and  the  English  inhabitants  there,  185 ; 
New-Haven  perfect  and  print  their  laws, 
186;  the  answer  of  New- Haven  to  the 
protector's  invitation,  that  they  would  re- 
move to  Jamaica,  187  ;  reply  of  the  com- 
missioners to  the  Dutch  governor,  188 ; 
Uncas  embroils  the  country,  188  ;  deaths 
and  characters  of  Governors  Eaton  and 
Hopkins,  190  ;  settlement  of  Stonington, 
193  ;  Mr.  Winthrop  chosen  governor,  194  ; 
the  third  fundamental  article  is  altered  by 
the  freemen,  194 ;  Mr.  Fitch  and  his 
church  and  people  remove  to  Norwich, 
195  ;  final  settlement  of  accounts  with  the 
heirs  of  Mr.  Fenwick,  195 ;  deputy  gov- 
ernor Mason  resigns  the  Moheagan  lands 
to  the  colony,  196. 


CHAPTER  XII. 

The  general  court  of  Connecticut  de- 
clare their  loyalty  and  submission  to  the 
king,  197  ;  determine  to  address  his  maj- 
esty, and  apply  for  charter  privileges, 
197  ;  a  petition  '.o  his  majesty  is  prepared, 
197 ;  and  a  letter  addressed  to  lord  Say 
and  Seal,  198  ;  Governor  Winthrop  is  ap- 
pointed the  colony's  agent,  to  present 
their  petition,  and  solicit  a  patent,  199 ; 
regicides  condemned,  199 ;  Whalley  and 
Goffe  arrive  at  Boston,  199;  escape  to 
New-Haven,  and  are  kindly  entertained, 
and  kept  from  their  pursuers,  199 ;  New- 
Haven  falls  into  great  trouble  and  danger 
on  that  account,  202  ;  New-Haven  excuse 
themselves,  303;  decline  sending  an 
agent,  304;  but  join  with  Massachusetts 
in  supporting  one,  204;  the  king  pro- 
claimed, 304 ;  Governor  Winthrop  obtains 
the  charter  of  Connecticut,  305  ;  first  gov- 
ernor and  council  under  the  charter,  305  ; 
representation  of  the  constitution  it  or- 
dains, and  the  privileges  it  conveys,  305  ; 
difficulties  of  the  colony  of  New-Haven  ; 
Governor  Leet's  address,  ao6  ;  charter  of 
Connecticut  arrives,  307  ;  proceedings  of 
Connecticut  in  consequence  of  the  char- 
ter, 207;  they  extend  their  jurisdiction  to 
all  places  within  the  limits  of  their  patent, 
808  ;  and  challenge  New-Haven  colony, 
as  under  their  jurisdiction,  308 ;  contro- 
versy between  the  two  colonies,  209 ;  set- 
tlement of  Killingworth,  216;  patent  of 
the  duke  of  Vork,  321  ;  colonel  Nichols 
and  commissioners  arrive,  321 ;  reduce 
all  the  Dutch  settlements,  223  ;  their  ex- 
traordinary  powers,  225  ;  important  crisis 
of  Connecticut,  226 ;  the  general  court 
make  a  present  to  the  commissioners,  236 ; 
answer  to  the  propositions  from  his 
majesty,  and  reply  to  the  duke  of  Hamil- 
ton's claim  and  petition,  229;  boundaries 
between  Connecticut  and  New- York,  237  ; 
union  of  Connecticut  and  New-Haven, 
330. 


CHAPTER  XIII. 
A  view  of  the  churches  of  Connecticut 
and  New-Haven,  from  their  first  settle- 
ment, until  their  union,  in  1665,  231 ;  their 
ministers,  233  ;  the  character  of  the  minis- 
ters and  first  planters,  233 ;  their  religious 
and  political  sentiments,  333 ;  gathering 
of  the  churches  of  New-Haven  and  Mil- 
ford,  236;  installation  of  Mr.  Davenport 
and  Mr.  Prudden,  236;  church  formed  at 
Guilford,  236  ;  number  of  ministers  in 
Connecticut  and  New-Haven  before  the 
union,  238  ;  proportion  of  ministers  to  the 
people,  before,  and  at  the  union,  239 ; 
harmony  between  the  civil  rulers  and  the 
clergy,  239  ;  influence  of  the  clergy,  and 
the  reasons  of  it,  340 ;  their  opposition  to 
Antinomianism,  240  ;  assisted  in  the  com- 
pilation of  Cambridge  Platform,  240  ;  ec- 
clesiastical laws,  241 ;  care  to  diffuse  gen- 
eral knowledge  :  its  happy  influence,  243  ; 
attempts  to  found  a  college  at  New-Ha- 
ven, 242  ;  no  sectaries  in  Connecticut  nor 
New-Haven,  until  after  the  union,  243 ; 
and  for  twenty  years  the  churches  gener- 
ally enjoyed  great  peace,  244  ;  deaths  and 
characters  of  several  of  the  first  ministers, 
344;  great  dissensions  in  the  church  at 
Hartford  soon  after  Mr.  Hooker's  death, 
247 ;  dissensions  and  controversies  in  the 
colony  and  churches  in  general,  relative 
to  baptism,  church-membership,  and  the 
rights  of  the  brethren,  347  ;  a  new  gener- 
ation arises,  who  had  not  all  imbibed  the 
spirit  of  their  fathers,  347  ;  grievances 
presented  to  the  general  court  of  Connect- 
icut, on  the  account  of  the  strictness  of 
the  churches,  and  that  sober  people  were 
denied  communion  with  them,  and  bap- 
tism for  their  children,  349 ;  the  court  of 
Connecticut  send  to  the  other  general 
courts  for  advice,  349 ;  laws  against  the 
Quakers,  349;  Massachusetts  and  Con- 
necticut agree  in  appointing  a  synod  at 
Boston,  250 ;  general  court  at  New-Haven 
oppose  the  meeting  of  a  synod,  and  de- 
cline sending  their  elders,  251 ;  questions 
proposed  for  discussion,  353 ;  the  synod 
meet  and  answer  them,  353 ;  but  it  had  no 
good  effect  on  the  churches :  they  would 
not  comply  with  their  decisions,  354  ;  dis- 
sensions continued  at  Hartford,  354 ;  acts 
of  the  general  court  respecting  them,  354 ; 
councils  from  Massachusetts,  356 ;  diffi- 
culties in  some  measure  composed,  257  ; 
divisions  and  animosities  at  Weathers- 
field,  358 ;  act  of  the  general  court  re- 
specting the  church  there,  358  ;  Mr.  Rus- 
sell and  others  remove  from  Weathersfield 
and  Hartford  and  settle  Hadley,  258  ;  Mr. 
Stow  dismissed  from  the  ministry  at  Mid- 
dletown,  by  a  committee  of  the  general 
court,  259  ;  synod  at  Boston.  259  ;  its  de- 
termination relative  to  baptism,  and  the 
consociation  of  churches,  259  ;  division  in 
the  synod  and  in  the  churches  relative  to 
those  points,  259  ;  the  court  at  Connecti- 
cut send  no  elders  to  the  council,  nor  take 
any  part  in  the  controversy,  until  some 
time  afterwards,  260. 

CHAPTER  XIV. 
Conduct  of  the  king's  commissioners, 
262  ;  counties  and  County  Courts  regu- 


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J 


xii 


CONTENTS. 


lated,  264 ;  Governor  WInthrop's  estate 
freed  from  taxation,  364 ;  towns  settled, 
364  ;  controversy  with  Rliode-Island,  366  ; 
the  grounds  of  it,  366 ;  courts  appointed 
in  the  Narraganset  country,  366 ;  laws  re- 
vised and  printed,  369;  war  with  the 
Dutch,  370 ;  claims  and  conduct  of  major 
Edmund  Andross,  governor  of  New- York, 
374 ;  protest  against  him,  375 ;  conduct 
of  capt.  Thomas  Bull,  376  ;  proclamation 
respecting  the  insult  received  from  major 
Andross,  377  ;  Philip's  war,  278  ;  Captains 
Hutchinson  and  Lothrop  surprised  and 
slain,  379 :  treachery  of  the  Springfield 
Indians,  380;  Hadley  attacked  by  the 
enemy,  sSi ;  the  assembly  make  provision 
for  the  defence  of  Connecticut,  281 ;  ex- 
pedition against  the  Narraganset  Indians, 
a8a ;  the  reasons  of  it,  aSa ;  the  great  swamp 
fight,  384  ;  loss  of  men,  3S5  ;  courage  ex- 
hibited and  hardships  endured,  385 ;  Cap- 
tain Pierce  and  his  party  cut  off,  387 ; 
Nanunttenoo  taken,  388 ;  success  of  cap- 
tains Denison  and  Avery,  389;  Captain 
Wadsworth  and  his  party  slain,  388  ;  death 
and  character  of  governor  Winthrop,  390 ; 
success  of  Major  Talcott,  391 ;  attack 
upon  Hadley,  391 ;  the  enemy  beaten  and 
begin  to  scatter,  393 ;  they  are  pursued  to 
Housatonick,  393 ;  sachem  of  Quabaug 
and  Philip  killed,  393  ;  number  of  the  en- 
emy before  the  war,  394 ;  their  destruc- 
tion, 394 ;  loss  of  the  colonies,  394  ;  Con- 
necticut preserves  its  own  towns  and 
assists  its  neighbours,  395.  ) 

CHAPTER  XV. 

Measures  adopted  to  discharge  the 
public  debt,  and  settle  the  country  in 
peace,  296 ;  the  reasons  of  the  colony's 
claim  to  Narraganset,  396;  the  former 
settlers  and  owners  of  land  there  apply  to 
Connecticut  for  protection,  097 ;  major 
Treat  goes  to  the  upper  towns  upon  Con- 
necticut river,  to  treat  with  the  Indians, 
S98 ;  fasts  appointed  through  New-Eng- 
land, 398 ;  act  concerning  the  conquered 
lands  in  Narraganset,  398 ;  navigation 
act  grievous  to  the  colonies,  399  ;  gover- 
nor Leet  takes  the  oath  respecting  trade 
and  navigation,  399 ;  answers  to  queries 
from  the  lords  of  trade  and  plantations, 
999;  protest  against  Sir  Edmund  An- 
dross'^ claim  to  Fisher's  Island,  300 ; 
character  of  governor  Leet,  300;  commis- 
sioners appointed  by  his  majesty,  to  ex- 
amine and  make  report  concerning  all 
claims  to  the  Narraganset  country,  or 
king's  province,  300 ;  they  report  in  fa- 
vour of  Connecticut,  301 ;  answers  to  the 
renewed  claim  of  the  duke  of  Hamilton, 
and  opinions  on  the  case,  303  ;  Connecti- 
cut congratulates  the  arrival  of  colonel 
Dungan,  governor  of  New-York,  and 
agree  with  him  respecting  the  boundary 
line  between  that  colony  and  Connecti- 
cut, 306;  petition  to  king  James  II.,  308; 
settlement  of  Waterbury,  309  ;  quo-war- 
rantos  against  the  colony,  310  ;  the  assem- 
bly petition  his  majesty  to  continue  their 
charter  privileges,  309  ;  Sir  Edmund  An- 
dross made  governor  of  New-England, 
313 ;  arrives  at  Hartford :  takes  the  gov- 


ernment by  order  of  his  majesty,  313 ; 
the  oppression  and  cruelty  of  his  admin- 
istration, 314 ;  distressed  and  sorrowful 
state  of  the  people,  315. 

CHAPTER  XVI. 

Revolution  in  New  -  England,  316  ; 
Connecticut  resume  their  government, 
3ijr ;  address  to  king  William,  317  ;  troops 
raised  for  the  defence  of  the  eastern  set- 
tlements in  New  Hampshire  and  the  prov- 
ince of  Maine,  318  ;  French  and  Indian 
war,  319;  Schenectady  destroyed,  319; 
Connecticut  dispatch  a  reinforcement  to 
Albany,  331 ;  expedition  against  Canada, 
331  ;  die  land  army  retreats,  and  the  en- 
terprise proves  unsuccessful,  333;  Leis- 
ler  s  abuse  of  major-general  Winthrop, 
334  ;  the  assembly  of  Connecticut  approve 
the  general's  conduct,  334 ;  thanks  are  re- 
turned to  Mr.  Mather,  agent  Whiting,  and 
Mr.  Porter,  335 ;  opinions  respecting  the 
charter,  and  the  legality  of  Connecticut's 
assuming  their  government,  336;  Wind- 
ham settled,  337  ;  the  Mohawk  castles  are 
surprised,  and  the  country  alarmed,  337 ; 
Connecticut  send  troops  to  Albany,  338 ; 
Colonel  Fletcher,  governor  of  New-York, 
demands  the  command  of  the  militia  of 
Connecticut,  339;  the  colony  petition 
king  William  on  the  subject,  339 ;  Colonel 
Fletcher  comes  to  Hartford,  and,  in  per- 
son, demands  that  the  legislature  submit 
the  militia  to  his  command,  but  they  re- 
fuse, 331 ;  Captain  Wadsworth  prevents 
the  reading  or  his  commission ;  and  the 
colonel  judges  it  expedient  to  leave  the 
colony,  331 ;  the  case  of  Connecticut  rela- 
tive to  the  militia  stated,  333 ;  his  nujeitv 
determines  in  favour  of  the  colony,  333 ; 
committees  are  appointed  to  settle  tn« 
boundary  line  between  Connecticut  and 
Massachinsetts,  333 ;  General  Winthrop 
returns,  and  receives  public  thanks,  334 ; 
congratulations  of  the  Earl  of  Bellemont, 
appointed  governor  of  New-York  and 
Massachusetts,  334  ;  dispute  with  Rhode- 
Island  continues,  335  ;  committee  to  settle 
the  boundaries,  335  ;  expenses  of  the  war, 
TI5  ;  vexatious  conduct  of  governor 
Fletcher,  335 ;  peace,  joy,  and  thanksgiv- 
ing, 336. 

CHAPTER  XVII. 

General  Winthrop  is  elected  govern- 
or, 336 ;  the  assembly  divide  and  form 
into  two  houses,  336  ;  purchase  and  set- 
tlement of  several  towns,  337  ;  the  boun- 
dary line  between  Connecticut  and  New- 
York  surveyed  and  fixed,  338 ;  attempts 
for  running  and  establishing  the  line  be- 
tween Massachusetts  and  Connecticut, 
339 ;  Owaneco  and  the  Moheagans  claim 
Colchester  and  other  tracts  in  the  colony, 
340 ;  attempts  to  compose  all  differences 
with  them,  340;  grant  to  the  volunteers, 
340 ;  the  assembly  enacts,  that  the  session 
in  October,  shall,  for  the  future,  be  in 
New-Haven,  341 ;  an  Act  enlarging  the 
boundaries  of  New- London,  343 ;  and  acts 
relative  to  towns  and  patents,  34a  ;  meas- 
ures adopted  for  the  defence  of  the  col- 
ony, 343  ;  appointment  of  king's  attorneys. 


CONTENTS. 


•  •  • 

xin 


govern- 
ind  form 
and  set- 
he  boun- 
nd  New- 
attempts 
line  be- 
necticut, 
ns  claim 
colony, 
'erences 
unteers, 
session 
,  be  in 
ing  the 
and  acts 
;  meas- 
the  col- 
torneys, 


344  ;  attempt  to  despoil  Connecticut  of  its 
charter,  344 ;  bill  for  re-uniting  the  char- 
ter governments  to  the  crown,  345 ;  Sir 
Henry  Ashurst  petitions  against,  345  ;  and 
prevents  the  passing  of  the  bill,  345 ;  Gov- 
ernor Dudley,  Lord  Cornbury,  and  other 
enemies  conspire  against  the  colony,  346 ; 
they  exhibit  erievous  complaints  against 
it,  347 ;  Sir  Henry  Ashurst  defends  the 
colony,  and  defeats  their  attempts,  350; 
Quakers  petition^  355 ;  Moheagan  case, 
3S6 ;  survey  and  bounds  of  the  pretended 
Moheagan  country,  356 ;  Dudley's  court 
at  Stonington,  357;  the  colony  protest 
against  it,  357  ;  Dudley's  treatment  of  the 
colony,  358 ;  judgment  against  it,  ^8 ; 
petition  to  her  majesty  on  the  subject, 
360 ;  new  commissions  are  granted,  361 ; 
act  in  favor  of  the  clergy,  362 ;  state  of  the 
colony,  363. 

CHAPTER  XVIII. 

The  country  is  alarmed,  363 ;  means  of 
defence,  364 ;  the  assembly  decline  the  af- 
fording of  any  assistance  in  the  expedition 
against  Port  Royal,  364 ;  grant  assistance 
to  the  frontier  towns,  364 ;  new  townships 
eranted  and  settled,  364 ;  the  Rev.  Gur- 
don  Saltonstall  chosen  governor,  365; 
act  empowering  the  freemen  to  choose 
the  governor  from  among  themselves  at 
large,  366 ;  acts  relative  to  the  settlement 
of  the  tMundary  line  with  Massachusetts, 
366;  garrisons  erected  in  the  towns  on 
the  frontiers,  367 ;  expedition  against 
Canada,  367 ;  first  emission  of  paper 
money,  368 ;  address  to  her  majesty,  369 ; 
loss  of  the  colony  at  Wood  Creek,  370 ;  ex- 
pedition against  Port  Royal,  371 ;  expedi- 
tion against  Canada,  under  the  command 
of  Admiral  Walker  and  general  Nichol- 
son, 373  ;  fleet  cast  away,  and  the  enter- 
prise defeated,  374;  the  colony  petition 
ber  majesty,  and  send  the  only  pilot  from 
Connecticut,  to  England,  to  represent  to 
her  majesty  the  loss  of  the  fleet  truly  as  it. 
was,  376;  acts  respecting  the  superior 
court,  377;  settlement  of  the  boundary 
line  between  Massachusetts  and  Connect- 
icut, 378;  reasons  why  the  colony  con- 
sented to  such  a  settlement,  379  ;  return 
of  peace,  381 ;  the  colony  happy  in  the 
preservation  of  their  frontiers,  381 ;  towns 
settled  under  Massachusetts,  383 ;  state 
of  the  colony,  38a ;  observations,  386. 


CHAPTER  XIX. 

A  view  of  the  churches  of  Connecticut, 
from  1665  to  1714,  continued  from  chapter 
XIII.,  386 ;  the  general  assembly  appoint 
a  synod  to  determine  points  of  religious 
controversy,  386;  the  ministers  decline 
meeting  under  the  name  of  a  synod,  387 ; 
the  assembly  alter  the  name,  and  require 


them  to  meet  as  a  general  assembly  of  the 
ministers  and  churches  of  Connecticut, 
387 ;  seventeen  questions  were  proposed 
to  the  assembly,  to  be  discussed  and  an- 
swered, 387 ;  the  assembly  of  ministers 
meet  and  discuss  the  questions,  387  ;  the 
legislature  declare,  that  thev  had  not  been 
decided,  and  give  intimations  that  they 
did  not  desire,  that  the  ministers  and 
churches  of  Connecticut  should  report 
their  opinion  upon  them,  388 ;  they  ex- 
press their  desires  of  a  larger  council  from 
Massachusetts,  and  New-Plymouth,  389  ; 
the  Rev,  Mr.  Davenport  removes  to  Bos- 
ton, 380 ;  dissension  at  Windsor,  390 ; 
Mr.  Bufkley  and  Mr.  Fitch  are  appointed 
by  the  assembly  to  devise  some  way  in 
which  the  churches  might  walk  together, 
notwithstanding  their  different  opinions 
relative  to  the  subjects  of  baptism,  church 
communion,  and  the  mode  of  church  dis- 
cipline, 391  ;  the  church  at  Hartford 
divides,  and  Mr.  Whiting  and  his  adhe- 
rents are  allowed  to  practice  upon  congre- 
tational  principles,  391 ;  the  church  at 
tratford  allowed  to  divide  and  hold  dis- 
tinct meetings,  393  ;  Mr.  Walker  and  hit 
hearers,  upon  advice,  remove  and  settle 
the  town  of  Woodburv,  394 ;  deaths  and 
characters  of  the  Rev.  Messrs.  John  Dav- 
enport and  John  Warham,  394 ;  general 
attempts  for  a  reformation  of  manners, 
396 ;  religious  state  of  the  colony  in  1680, 
397;  attempts  for  the  instruction  and 
christianizing  of  the  Indians  in  Connecti- 
cut, 397 ;  act  of  the  legislature  respecting 
Windsor,  399 ;  the  people  there  required 
peaceably  to  settle  and  support  Mr. 
Mather,  399 ;  owning  or  subscnbing  the 
covenant  introduced  at  Hartford,  400 ; 
college  founded,  and  trustees  incorporat- 
ed, 401 ;  worship  according  to  the  mode 
of  the  church  of  England,  performed  in 
this  colony,  first  at  Stratford,  405 ;  Epis- 
copal church  gathered  there,  405  ;  act  of 
assembly  requiring  the  mmisters  and 
churches  of  Connecticut  to  meet  and  form 
a  religious  constitution,  409;  they  meet 
and  compile  the  Saybrook  Platform,  410 ; 
articles  of  discipline,  41X  ;  act  of  the  legis- 
lature adopting  the  Platform,  414 ;  asso- 
ciations, 415 ;  consociations,  415 ;  general 
association,  415 ;  its  recommendations 
relative  to  the  examination  of  candidates 
for  the  ministry,  and  of  pastors  elect  pre- 
vious to  their  ordination,  416 ;  ministers, 
churches,  and  ecclesiastical  societies  in 
Connecticut,  in  1713,  418  ;  degrree  of  in- 
struction, 418  ;  the  whole  number  of  min- 
isters in  the  colony  from  its  first  settle- 
ment, to  that  period,  418. 

APPENDIX. 

Containing  various  documents  referred 
to  in  this  Tolume,  with  the  great  original 
Patent  of  New-England,  433. 


m 


M 


i 


•if- 


PREFACE. 


AUTHENTIC  history  is  of  great  utility ;  especially,  to  the  countries  and  people 
whose  afltkirs  it  relates.  It  teaches  human  nature,  politics  and  morals  ;  forms  the 
head  and  heart  for  usefulness,  and  is  an  important  part  of  the  instruction  and  litera- 
ture of  states  and  nations,  while  it  instructs,  it  affords  an  exalted  pleasure.  No  man 
of  genius  and  curiosity  can  read  accounts  of  the  origin  of  nations,  the  discovery,  settle- 
ment, and  progress  of  new  countries,  without  a  high  degree  of  entertainment.  But  in 
the  settlement  of  his  own  country,  in  the  lives  ot  his  ancestors,  in  their  adventures, 
morals,  jurisprudence  and  heroism,  he  feels  himself  particularly  interested.  He  at 
once  becomes  a  party  in  their  affairs,  and  travels  and  converses  with  them,  with  a  kind 
of  filial  delight  While  he  beholds  them  braving  the  horrors  of  the  desert,  the  terrors 
of  the  savage,  the  distresses  of  famine  and  war,  he  admires  their  courage,  and  is  pleased 
with  all  their  escapes  from  danger,  and  all  their  progress  in  settlement,  population, 
opulence,  literature  and  happiness.  While  he  contemplates  their  self-denial  and  per- 
severance in  surmounting  all  dangers  and  enduring  all  hardships,  to  form  new  churches, 
and  lay  the  foundations  of  new  colonies  and  empires,  and  the  immenselv  happy  conse- 
quences of  their  conduct  in  turning  the  wilderness  into  gardens  and  fruitful  fields,  and 
in  transmitting  liberty  and  religion  to  posterity,  he  is  struck  with  a  pleasmg  astonish- 
ment. The  pious  man  views  a  divine  hand  conducting  the  whole,  gives  thanks,  adores 
and  loves.  No  history  is  better  calculated  to  produce  these  happy  effects,  than  that  of 
New-England  and  Connecticut 

Connecticut,  originally  consisting  of  two  colonies,  replete  with  Indians,  and  con- 
nected as  it  was  with  the  neighboring  colonies,  affords  much  interesting  matter  for 
historv.  An  authentic  and  impartial  account  of  the  affairs  of  the  colony  had  long  been 
an  object  of  the  wishes  of  the  legislature,  and  of  many  gentlemen  of  principal  character 
both  m  church  and  commonweiSth. 

In  these  views  the  writer,  many  years  since,  determined  to  attempt  the  compilation 
of  the  history  which  is  presented  to  the  public  in  the  following  sheets.  He  wished  for 
the  improvement  which  such  a  work  might  afford  him,  and  for  the  pleasure  of  contribut- 
ing his  mite  to  the  service  of  the  community  in  which  he  received  his  birth  and  educa- 
tion, and  has  enjoyed  such  distinguished  liberty  and  immunities. 

In  pursuance  of  his  design,  he  collected  all  books  and  manuscripts  from  which  he 
could  expect  assistance.  He  read  the  records  of  Connecticut,  New-Haven  and  the 
United  Colonies  ;  and  extracted  whatever  he  judged  important  He  made  a  journey 
to  Boston,  examined  the  collection  of  the  Rev.  Mr.  Prince,  and  minuted  every  thing 
which  he  could  find  relative  to  Connecticut  To  him,  at  the  time  he  was  about  writing 
the  Chronological  History  of  New-England,  the  ancient  ministers,  and  other  principal 
gentlemen  in  Connecticut,  had  transmitted  accounts  of  the  settlement  of  the  towns  and 
churches  to  which  they  respectively  belonged.  In  this  collection,  important  informa- 
tion was  found,  which  could  have  been  obtained  from  no  other  source.  The  author 
visited  most  of  the  principal  towns,  and  places  of  burial,  and  obtained  from  records, 
monuments,  and  men  of  intelligence,  whatever  they  could  communicate  on  the  subject. 
The  ministers  and  clerks  of  the  respective  towns,  and  other  gentlemen  of  character, 
assisted  him  in  his  researches.  The  honorable  legislature,  having  been  made  acquainted 
with  his  design,  passed  a  generous  resolve,  which  gave  him  access  to  their  records  and 
papers  on  file. 

His  excellency  governor  Trumbull,  than  whom  no  man  had  a  more  thorough  ac- 
quaintance with  the  history  of  the  colony,  employed  his  influence  and  friendship  for 
his  assistance,  and  furnished  him  with  many  important  papers.  In  a  letter  to  him  on 
the  subject,  he  expresses  himself  in  this  manner — "  I  wish  you  success,  and  to  afford 
you  all  the  assistance  in  my  power.  I  imagine  the  earliest  times  of  the  colony  will  be 
attended  with  the  most  difficulty,  to  collect  the  facts  with  sufficient  certainty — wherein 
the  great  excellencjr  of  a  history  consists.  Such  an  one  I  have  long  desired  to  see.  It 
must  be  a  work  of  time  and  indefatigable  labour  and  industry,  since  it  has  been  so  long 
neglected,  and  the  materials,  many  of  them,  almost  lost,  and  others  scattered,  and  all 
need  so  much  care  in  collecting,  time  in  comparing,  and  judgment  in  compiling. "  The 
truth  of  these  observations,  the  author  hath  fully  experienced  ;  how  far  he  hath  acted 
upon  them  must  be  determined  by  the  public  opinion. 

The  honorable  George  Wyllys,  Esq.  late  secretary  of  the  state,  was  second  to  none 
in  the  assistance  and  encouragement  which  he  afforded.  From  these  various  sources, 
the  author,  in  1774,  found  himself  possessed  of  an  ample  and  important  collection  ;  and 
determined  to  write  the  first  volume  of  the  history,  as  soon  as  might  be,  with  conven- 
ience. But  before  he  had  entered  upon  the  work,  the  war  commenced  between  Great- 
Britain  and  her  colonies,  and  the  universal  attention  was  turned  to  a  very  different  ob- 
ject. It  was  conceived  to  be  dangerous  for  any  of  the  public  papers  to  be  kept  so  near 
the  sea  coast  as  the  place  of  his  residence.  A  great  number  of  papers,  therefore,  which 


i'''l 


l\ 


XV 


f.'l 


11 


ilii 


I:    ! 


XVI 


PREFACE. 


he  had  received  from  governor  Trumbull,  and  others  which  had  been  taken  out  of  the 
office  at  Hartford,  were  returned  to  their  respective  offices. 

For  a  number  of  years  after  the  war,  the  state  of  the  country  was  altogether  unfavor- 
able for  publications  of  this  kind.  It  was  nevertheless  still  hoped  that  an  opportunity 
would  present  for  the  publication  of  luch  a  work  to  advantage,  and  the  design  of  writ- 
ing was  not  wholly  given  up. 

However,  before  the  writer  had  entered  upon  the  work,  he  was  invited,  by  a  vote  of 
the  General  Association  of  the  state,  to  compile  a  different  history.  Manv  objections 
presented  themselves  to  his  mind  against  engaging  in  the  work  proposed  by  that  ven- 
erable body.  But  after  these  had  been  fully  communicated,  the  solicitation  was  re- 
newed. In  consequence  of  which,  and  the  opinion  and  advice  of  some  principal  gentle- 
men of  the  legislature,  he  was  induced  to  undertake  thewritingof  a  general  history  of 
the  United  States  of  America,  from  the  first  discovery  of  this  northern  continent  until 
the  year  1799,  including  three  complete  centuries.  In  making  collections  for  this,  and 
in  the  compilation  of  it,  all  the  leisure  hours  which  he  could  possibly  redeem,  by  early 
rising  and  an  indefatigable  attention  to  business,  from  the  stated  labours  o<  his  office, 
have  been,  for  nearly  ten  years,  employed. 

In  the  progress  or  this  work  it  became  necessary  to  have  frequent  recourse  to  his 
former  collections,  which,  by  this  time,  had  been  in  a  manner  forgotten.  By  this  means 
the  ideas  of  the  ample  materials  which  had  been  prepared,  for  the  history  of  Connecti- 
cut, were  revived  in  his  mind.  When  he  contemplated  the  pains  and  expense  at  which 
they  had  been  collected,  the  countenance  which  he  had  received  from  the  legislature, 
and  the  general  expectations  which  had  been  entertained  with  respect  to  a  history  of 
Connectfeut,  it  appeared  to  him  not  very  consistent  with  that  respectful  and  generous 
treatment  which  he  owed  more  particularly  to  his  own  state,  to  publish  a  large  history 
of  the  United  States,  while  he  neglected  theirs.  It  also  appeared  to  be  a  duty,  which 
he  owed  to  himself  and  family,  as  well  as  the  public,  not  to  suffer  all  his  former  pains 
and  expense,  in  his  collections  for  the  history  of  Connecticut,  to  be  lost.  Upon  a 
mature  view  of  the  case,  and  the  advice  of  a  number  of  his  brethren  in  the  ministry,  he 
determined  to  suspend  the  writing  of  the  history  of  the  United  States,  until  he  should 
publish  one  volume,  at  least,  of  the  history  of  Connecticut.  If  this  should  meet 
the  public  approbation,  it  might  assist  him  in  introducing  a  lareer  work,  and  render  it 
more  extensively  useful.  If  the  history  of  Connecticut  should  be  unpopular,  it  would 
give  him  a  profitable  admonition,  and  prevent  a  greater  misfortune,  by  a  larger  and 
more  expensive  publication. 

About  the  middle  of  December,  1796,  he  began  to  look  over  and  arrange  his  papers 
and  to  compile  the  following  history.  Since  that  time  he  hath  examined  me  papers  on 
file  in  the  secretary's  office,  and  taken  out  such  as  were  necessary,  composed  ana  copied 
off  with  his  own  hands  the  history  now  published,  besides  preaching  twice  on  every 
Lord's  day,  lectures  on  proper  occasions,  and  attending  the  other  duties  of  his  office. 

The  death  of  that  truly  worthy  gentleman,  the  honorable  George  Wyllys,  the  former 
secretary,  considerably  retarded  the  work,  as  more  time  has  been  employed  in  examin- 
ing the  files  than  otherwise  would  have  been  necessary. 

In  compiling  the  history,  great  pains  have  been  taken  to  exhibit  the  state  of  the 
country  when  the  first  settlements  commenced,  to  present  every  important  transaction 
in  a  candid  and  clear  view,  and  to  make  such  an  arrangement  of  the  whole,  as  that 
every  preceding  chapter  might  prepare  the  way  for  the  next,  and  add  perspicuity  to 
the  story. 

As  this  is  the  first  history  of  the  colony,  and  as  time  effaces  ancient  records  and 
papers,  and  eradicates  from  the  mind  of  man  the  remembrance  of  former  transactions, 
the  compiler  judged  it  expedient  to  make  it  more  full  and  particular,  than  otherwise 
might  have  been  necessary  or  proper.  He  imagined,  that  no  person  would,  probably, 
hereafter  have  the  same  advantages  which  he  nas  had,  nor  take  the  same  pains  which 
he  has  taken,  to  examine  the  ancient  records,  histoiies  and  manuscripts  of  tne  country. 
He  wished  to  assist  future  historians,  and  that  nothing  useful  and  important,  respecting 
church  or  state,  might  be  lost.  As  he  has  aimed  at  information  and  usefulness,  he  has 
avoided  all  circumlocutions,  reasonings  and  opinions  of  his  own,  and  attempted  to  fill 
every  page  with  history.  The  florid  and  pompous  style  has  been  avoided,  as  unnatural 
and  improper  in  historic  writings,  and  the  easy  and  familiar  has  been  attempted.  The 
compiler  has  judged  his  time  too  precious,  and  .the  field  of  usefulness  before  him  too 
extensive,  to  busy  himself  in  rounding  periods,  and  guarding  against  every  little  matter 
which  might  afford  business  for  the  critic.  He  has,  however,  aimpd  at  authenticity,  pro- 
priety and  perspicuity.  He  has  wished  to  avoid  the  dull  and  dry  manner,  and  to  write 
with  a  becoming  deference  to  the  public. 

The  account  which  has  been  given  of  the  sources  whence  the  compiler  has  obtained 
his  information,  the  quotations  in  the  body  of  the  work,  the  references  made  in  the  mar- 
ginal notes  to  authors,  records,  and  manuscripts,  with  the  appendix,  it  is  imagined,  will 
be  abundantly  sufficient  to  authenticate  what  has  been  written.  Indeed,  very  little  has 
been  taken  upon  tradition. 

Had  the  history  been  written  more  leisurely  and  with  fewer  avocations  it  might  have 
been  more  perfect ;  but  as  it  was  desired  to  make  as  short  a  pause  as  possible  in  writ- 
ing the  history  of  the  United  States,  it  was  judged  inexpedient  to  employ  more  time 
upon  it 

The  author  is  under  great  disadvantages  for  historic  writing.  He  can  command  no 
time  for  himself.    The  work  of  the  ministry,  which  is  his  chosen  and  beloved  employ- 


PREFACE. 


xvu 


ment,  after  all  his  application,  so  engrosses  liis  time,  tliat  sometimes  for  weeks  and 
months,  after  all  his  application,  be  cannot  find  a  single  day  for  the  compilation  of  his- 
tory. When  he  has  attempted  it,  he  has  been  able  scarcely  to  write  a  page  without  in- 
terruption. Often  he  has  been  so  fatigued  with  other  studies,  as  to  be  in  circumstances 
not  the  most  favorable  for  compositioa 

It  may,  possibly,  be  thought  a  great  neglect,  or  matter  of  partiality,  that  no  account 
is  given  of  witchcraft  in  Connecticut.  The  only  reason  is,  that  after  the  most  careful 
researches,  no  indictment  of  any  person  for  that  crime,  nor  any  process  relative  to  that 
affair,  can  be  found.  The  minnte  in  GofTs  journal,  published  by  governor  Hutchinson, 
.'elative  to  the  execution  of  Ann  Coles,  and  an  obscure  tradition  that  one  or  two  per- 
sons were  executed  at  Stratford,  is  all  the  information  to  be  found  relative  to  that  un- 
happy affair. 

The  countenance  and  assistance  which  the  honorable  legislature  have  given  the 
writer,  by  allowing  him  a  free  access  to  the  public  records  and  papers,  is  most  respect- 
fully acknowledged. 

The  attention  and  complaisance  with  which  he  has  been  treated  by  the  secretaries 
of  the  state,  and  their  respective  families,  while  he  has  had  occasion  to  examine  the 
public  records  and  papers,  challenge  the  warmest  expressions  of  his  gratitude. 

To  his  brethren  in  the  ministry,  the  gentlemen  of  the  bar,  and  the  towns  who  have 
so  generously  encouraged  and  supported  the  subscription,  he  returns  his  grateful  ac- 
knowledgments. 

The  labor  of  collecting  the  materials  for  the  history  and  compilement,  has  been  al- 
most incredible.  The  expense  of  publication  will  be  great  However,  should  it  meet 
a  favorable  reception,  assist  the  leijislator  or  divine,  the  gentlemen  of  the  bench  or  of 
the  bar ;  should  it  afford  instruction  and  pleasure  to  the  sons  and  daughters  of  the  state, 
and  in  any  degree  advance  its  morals  or  literature,  it  will  be  an  ample  compensation. 


ptii 

fl 

■  '■  '^iW 

1  ■ 

t  i 

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4i 

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m 


y. 


i;i  '' 


THE 


HISTORY    OF   CONNECTICUT. 


CHAPTER  I. 


THE  settlement  of  New-England,  purely  for  the  purposes  of 
Religion,  and  the  propagation  of  civil  and  religious  liberty,  is  an 
event  which  has  no  parallel  in  the  history  of  modem  ages.  The 
piety,  self-denial,  sufferings,  patience,  perseverance  and  magna- 
nimity of  the  first  settlers  of  the  country  are  without  a  rival.  The 
happy  and  extensive  consequences  of  the  settlements  which  they 
made,  and  of  the  sentiments  which  they  were  careful  to  propagate, 
to  their  posterity,  to  the  church  and  to  the  world,  admit  of  no  de- 
scription. They  are  still  increasing,  spreading  wider  and  wider, 
and  appear  more  and  more  important. 

The  planters  of  Connecticut  were  among  the  illustrious  charac- 
ters, who  first  settled  New-England,  and  twice  made  settlements, 
first  in  Massachusetts,  and  then  in  Connecticut  on  bare  creation. 
In  an  age  when  the  light  of  freedom  was  but  just  dawning,  they, 
by  voluntary  compact,  formed  one  of  the  most  free  and  happy 
constitutions  of  government  which  mankind  have  ever  adopted. 
Connecticut  has  ever  been  distinguished  by  the  free  spirit  of  its 
government,  the  mildr/ess  of  its  laws,  and  the  general  diffusion  of 
knowledge,  among  all  classes  of  its  inhabitants.  They  have  been 
no  less  distinguished  by  their  industry,  economy,  purity  of  man- 
ners, population  and  spirit  of  enterprise.  For  more  than  a  century 
and  half,  they  have  had  no  rival,  as  to  the  steadiness  of  their  gov- 
ernment, their  internal  peace  and  harmony,  their  love  and  high 
enjoyment  of  domestic,  civil  and  religious  order  and  happiness. 
They  have  ever  stood  among  the  most  illuminated,  first  and  bold- 
est defenders  of  the  civil  and  religious  rights  of  mankind. 

The  history  of  such  a  people  must  be  curious,  entertaining  and 
important.  It  will  exhibit  the  fairest  models  of  civil  government, 
of  religious  order,  purity  and  human  happiness.  It  is  the  design 
of  the  present  work  to  lay  this  history  before  the  public. 

As  the  planters  of  Connecticut  were  among  the  first  settlers 
of  New-England,  and  interested  in  the  first  patents  and  settle- 


,.  ^ 

'M 


HlB 


111 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


[149* 


II 


111 


ments,  sketches  of  the  discovery  of  the  country,  of  the  patents 
by  which  it  was  conveyed  and  divided  to  the  different  colonies, 
and  of  the  first  settlements,  will  be  necessary  to  illustrate  the  his- 
tory of  Connecticut  and  be  a  natural  preliminary  to  this  work. 

Christopher  Columbus,  a  Genoese,  on  October  12,  1492,  dis- 
covered the  western  isles,  and  first  communicated  to  Europe  the 
intelligence  of  a  new  world:  but  the  Cabots  had  the  honor  of 
discovering  the  great  continent  of  North- America. 

John  Cabot,  a  Venetian,  bom  in  England,  in  1494  discovered 
Newfoundland  and  the  island  of  St.  Johns.  In  consequence  of 
this  discovery,  king  Henry  the  seventh  of  England,  in  whose  ser- 
vice he  was  employed,  conferred  on  him  the  honor  of  knighthood ; 
and  gave  him  and  his  sons  a  commission  to  make  further  discov- 
eries in  the  new  world.  John  Cabot  died  soon  after  he  received 
this  commission.  His  son  Sebastian,  in  1497,  sailed  with  the  fleet, 
which  had  been  preparing  for  his  father,  and  directing  his  course 
by  his  journals,  proceeded  to  the  67th  degree  of  north  latitude, 
and,  returning  to  the  southward,  fell  in  with  the  continent  in  the 
56th  degree  of  north  latitude;  and  thence  explored  the  coast  as 
far  south  as  the  Floridas.  From  these  discoveries  originated  the 
claims  of  England  to  these  parts  of  the  northern  continent.       i 

In  1602,  Bartholomew  Gosnuld  discovered  some  part  of  New- 
England.  He  first  touched  on  its  eastern  coast,  in  about  43  de- 
grees of  north  latitude;  and,  sailing  to  the  southward,  landed 
on  the  Elizabeth  Islands.  He  made  some  discoveries  of  the  adja- 
cent parts,  and  gave  the  name  to  Cape  Cod  and  Marthas  Vineyard. 

Captain  Henry  Hudson,^  commissioned  by  king  James  I.  in 
1608,  sailed,  in  the  employment  of  several  London  merchants, 
to  North-America.  He  came  upon  the  coast  in  about  40  degrees 
of  north  latitude,  and  made  a  discovery  of  Long-Island  and  Hud- 
son's river.  He  proceeded  up  the  river  as  far  as  the  latitude  of 
43,  and  called  it  by  his  own  name. 

About  two  years  after  he  made  a  second  voyage  to  the  river, 
in  the  service  of  a  number  of  Dutch  merchants;  and,  some  time 
after,  made  sale  of  his  right  to  the  Dutch.  The  right  to  the  coun- 
try, however,  was  antecedently  in  king  James,  by  virtue  of  the 
discovery  which  Hudson  had  made  under  his  commission.  The 
English  protested  against  the  sale;  but  the  Dutch,  in  1614,  under 
the  Amsterdam  West-India  company,  built  a  fort  nearly  on  the 
same  ground  where  the  city  of  Albany  now  is,  which  they  called 
fort  Aurania.  Sir  Thomas  Dale,  governor  of  Virginia,  directly 
after  dispatched  captain  Argall  to  dispossess  the  Dutch,  and  they 

'  The  Hudson  river  was  discovered  a  year  later,  viz.,  September  4,  1609,  at  a  time 
when  Hudson's  expedition  in  the  yacht  "  Half  Moon,"  was  under  the  auspices  of 
the  Dutch  East  India  Company.  The  discoveries  made  at  this  time  formed  the 
basis  for  a  claim  by  the  Dutch  to  the  whole  territory  from  the  Delaware  river  to 
Cape  Cod,  which  points  were  the  limits  of  Hudson's  cruise  on  our  coast  at  this 
time.  'See  Purchas's  Pilgrim,  also  De  LAet.— J.  T. 


i6ao] 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


submitted  to  the  king  of  England,  and  under  him  to  the  governor 
of  Virginia.^ 

The  same  year  captain  John  Smith,  who  some  years  before  had 
been  governor  of  Virginia,  made  a  voyage  to  this  part  of  the  con- 
tinent. He  ranged  the  coast  from  Penobscot  to  Cape  Cod ;  made 
a  discovery  of  the  river  Pascataqua,  and  the  Massachusetts  islands. 
On  his  return  to  England,  he  published  a  description  of  the  coun- 
try, with  a  map  of  the  sea  coast,  and  gave  it  the  name  of  New- 
England. 

In  1620,  a  number  of  pious  people,  part  of  Mr.  John  Robinson's 
church  and  congregation,  who,  by  the  violence  of  persecution, 
had  been  driven  from  their  pleasant  seats  and  enjoyments  in 
England,  arrived  on  the  coast;  and,  after  braving  every  danger, 
and  enduring  almost  every  hardship  and  distress  of  which  human 
nature  is  capable,  effected  a  permanent  settlement  in  this  part 
of  North-America.  They  gave  it  the  name  of  New-Plymouth. 
By  voluntary  compact  they  formed  themselves  into  a  small  com- 
monwealth, and  had  a  succession  of  governors.  They  settled  all 
that  part  of  Massachusetts  included  in  the  county  of  Plymouth. 
By  making  permanent  settlements,  to  which  others  might  resort, 
on  their  first  arrival  in  New-England,  or  afterwards  in  times  of 
distress;  by  making  treaties  with  the  Indians,  by  which  the  peace 
of  the  country  was  preserved;  by  their  knowledge  of  it,  and  the 
experience  which  they  had  gained,  they  were  of  peculiar  ad- 
vantage to  those  who  came  over  and  made  settlements  after  them. 
They  were  a  pious,  industrious  people,  and  exhibited  towards 
each  other  the  most  striking  examples  of  fraternal  affection. 
They  continued  a  distinct  colony  for  about  seventy  years,  until 
their  incorporation,  by  the  charter  of  William  and  Mary,  in  1691, 
with  the  colony  of  Massachusetts  and  the  province  of  Maine. 

November  3d,  1620,  just  before  the  arrival  of  Mr.  Robinson's 
people  in  New-England,  king  James  the  first,  by  letters  patent, 
under  the  great  seal  of  England,  incorporated  the  duke  of  Lenox, 
the  marquises  of  Buckingham  and  Hamilton,  the  earls  of  Arundel 
and  Warwick,  and  others,  to  the  number  of  forty  noblemen, 
knights  and  gentlemen,  by  the  name  "  of  the  council  established 
at  Plymouth  in  the  county  of  Devon,  for  the  planting,  ruling  and 
governing  of  New- England  in  America  " — "  and  granted  unto 
them,  and  their  successors  and  assigns,  all  that  part  of  America, 
lying  and  being  in  breadth  from  forty  degrees  of  north  latitude, 
from  the  equinoctial  line,  to  the  forty  eighth  degree  of  said  north- 
erly latitude  inclusively,  and  in  length  of,  and  within  all  the 
breadth  aforesaid,  throughout  the  main  lands  from  sea  to  sea." 
The  patent  ordained  that  this  tract  of  country  should  be  called 
New-England  in  America,  and  by  that  name  have  continuance 
for  ever. 

>  Smith's  history  of  New  York,  p.  3. 


§' 


■\ 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


[|6«8 


This  grant  is  the  broad  basis  on  which  stand  all  the  other  grantii 
made  to  the  colonies  in  New-England.  This  prepared  the  way 
for  future  grants  and  the  immediate  settlement  of  New-England. 

On  the  19th  of  March,  i6a8,  the  Plymouth  company  gi  jnted 
unto  Sir  Henry  Roswell,  Sir  John  Young,  knights,  Thom«''« 
Southcoat,  John  Humphry,  John  Endicott  and  Simon  Whitcomb, 
their  heirs  and  assigns  forever,  all  that  part  of  New-England  in 
America,  which  lies  and  extends  between  Merrimack  river  and 
Charles  river,  in  the  bottom  of  Massachusetts  bay,  and  three  miles 
to  the  north  and  south  of  every  part  of  Charles  river,  and  three 
miles  south  of  the  southernmost  part  of  said  bay,  and  three  miles 
to  the  northward  of  every  part  of  Merrimack  river,  and  "  all  lands 
and  hereditaments  whatsoever  lying  within  the  limits  aforesaid 
north  and  south,  in  latitude  and  breadth ;  and  in  length  and  longi- 
tude, of  and  within  all  the  breadth  aforesaid  throughout  the  main 
lands  there,  from  the  Atlantic  sea  and  ocean  on  the  east  part,  to 
the  south  sea  on  the  west  part." 

On  the  4th  of  March,  1629,  king  Charles  the  first  confirmed  this 
patent  under  the  great  seal  of  England.  This  was  the  patent  of 
Massachusetts  bay,  under  which  the  settlement  of  that  colony 
immediately  commenced. 

At  this  time,  liberty  of  conscience  could  not  be  enjoyed  in  the 
parent  country.  No  indulgence  was  granted  even  to  the  most 
pious,  loyal,  and  conscientious  people,  who  would  not  strictly 
conform  to  the  habits,  ceremonies,  and  worship  of  the  church 
of  England.  All  non-conformists  were  exposed  to  fines,  impris- 
onments, the  ruin  of  their  families,  fortunes,  and  every  thing 
which  ought  to  be  dear  to  men.  The  most  learned,  pious,  ortho- 
dox, and  inoffensive  people,  who  did  not  conform  to  the  church 
of  England,  were  treated,  by  the  king  and  his  bishops,  with  far 
greater  severity,  than  drunkards,  sabbath  breakers,  or  even  the 
most  notorious  debauchees.  They  were  condemned,  in  the  spirit- 
ual courts,  without  juries;  without  having  the  witnesses  against 
them  brought  into  court,  to  depose  face  to  face;  and,  sometimes, 
without  knowing  the  crime  alleged  against  them,  or  who  were  the 
witnesses  by  whom  it  was  to  be  proved.  Many  of  the  pious  people 
in  England,  were  so  harassed  and  persecuted  for  their  non-con- 
formity, that  they  determined,  if  possible,  rather  to  make  settle- 
ments in  a  dreary  wilderness,  at  the  distance  of  three  thousand 
miles  from  their  native  country,  than  endure  the  persecution  and 
sufferings,  to  which  they  were  constantly  exposed  from  the  hands 
of  those  who  ought  to  have  cherished  and  defended  them.  This 
cruel  treatment  of  our  venerable  ancestors,  was  the  cause  of  the 
settlement  of  the  New-England  colonies  and  churches.  It  will 
ever  be  the  distinguishing  glory  of  these  colonies,  that  they  were 
not  originally  formed  for  the  advantages  of  trade  and  worldly 
emolument,  but  for  the  noble  purposes  of  religion,  the  enjoyment 


I630J 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


S 


of  liberty  of  conscience  in  the  worship  and  ordinances  of  God. 
The  pious  fathers  of  these  colonics  wished  to  enjoy  the  uncor- 
rupted  gospel,  administered  in  all  its  ordinances  in  purity  and 
power,  and  to  transmit  the  invaluable  blessings  of  civil  and  relig- 
ious Uberty  to  their  remotest  posterity.  With  these  views  they 
left  their  native  country,  their  pleasant  seats  and  enjoyments  in 
Europe,  and  made  settlements  in  the  wilds  of  America. 

The  same  year  in  which  the  patent  of  Massachusetts  received 
the  royal  confirmation,  Mr.  John  Endicott  was  sfiil  over,  with 
about  three  hundred  people,  by  the  patentees,  to  prepare  Ihe  way 
for  the  settlement  of  a  permanent  colony  in  that  part  of  New-Eng- 
land. They  arrived  at  Naumkeak  on  June  34th,  and  began  a  set- 
tlement, which  they  named  Salem.  This  was  the  first  town  in 
Massachusetts,  and  the  second  in  New- England. 

About  a  hundred  of  the  planters  who  came  over  with  Mr.  Endi- 
cott, removed  very  soon  to  Mishawam,  and  began  a  plantation 
at  that  place.  Here  they  erected  a  very  spacious  house,  and  made 
other  preparations  for  the  accommodation  of  those  who  were  ex- 
pected from  England  the  next  year.  They  called  their  settlement 
Charlestown. 

At  a  meeting  of  the  company  for  the  planting  of  the  Massa- 
chusetts, in  England,  August  29th,  it  was  voted,  that  the  patent 
and  government  of  the  plantation  be  transferred  to  New-Eng- 
land.* 

The  next  year,  therefore,  seventeen  ships  were  prepared,  with 
all  necessaries  for  the  settlement  of  a  colony.  Eleven  or  twelve 
of  these  ships  made  a  safe  arrival  in  New-England  by  the  middle 
of  July,  and  they  all  arrived  before  the  close  of  the  year."  In  these 
came  over  governor  Winthrop,  and  the  magistrates  of  the  colony, 
who  had  been  previously  chosen  in  England.  With  them  also 
came  a  number  of  ministers,  to  illuminate  the  infant  churches, 
and  preach  in  the  wilderness  the  glad  tidings  of  salvation. 

On  the  loth  or  12th  of  July,  governor  Winthrop  arrived  at 
Charlestown,  with  about  fifteen  hundred  people.  They  encamped 
in  cottages,  booths,  and  tents,  upon  Charlestown  hill.  Their  place 
of  public  worship  was  under  a  large  spreading  tree.  Here  Messrs. 
Wilson  and  Phillips  preached  their  first  sermons  to  these  pious 
pilgrims."  In  the  ships  which  arrived  this  year,  there  came  over 
about  seventeen  hundred  people.  In  this  and  the  last  year,  there 
came  into  New-England  two  thousand  planters.  These  settled 
about  nine  or  ten  towns  or  villages.  A  considerable  number  set- 
tled at  Boston  and  Charlestown.  Many  of  the  pr  c'pal  charac- 
ters fixed  their  abode  in  these  towns.  Governor  Winthrop  lived 
in  the  great  house,  which  had  been  erected  the  preceding  year 
at  Charlestown.  Mr.  Isaac  Johnston,  who  married  the  lady  Ara- 
bella, sister  of  the  earl  of  Lincoln,  and  who  had  the  best  estate 

'  Prince'*  Chron.  p.  19a.  '  Ibid,  port  ii.  p.  la  '  Ibid.  p.  240 


lit 


"Ij'- 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


[1630 


of  any  of  the  company,  fixed  his  residence  at  Boston.  He  was  the 
great  promoter  of  the  settlement  of  the  capital  of  the  Massachu- 
setts.^ Sir  Richard  Saltonstall,  who  was  another  of  the  magis- 
trates, with  his  company,  settled  at  Watertown.  They  made 
choice  of  Mr.  Phillips  for  their  pastor.  Mr.  Pyncheon,  and  an- 
other company,  began  a  settlement  at  Roxbury,  and  the  famous 
Mr.  John  Elliot  and  Mr.  Weld,  who  came  into  New-England  the 
next  year,  were  elected  their  ministers.  Other  companies  settled 
Medford  and  Weymouth.  Boston  and  Charlestown,  the  first  year, 
considered  themselves  as  one  company,  and  chose  Mr.  Wilson  for 
their  pastor. 

In  one  of  the  first  ships  which  arrived  this  year,  came  over  the 
Rev.  Mr.  John  Warham,  Mr.  John  Maverick,  Mr.  Rossiter,  Mr. 
Ludlow,  Mr.  Henry  Wolcott.  and  others  of  Mr.  Warham's  church 
and  congregation,  who  first  settled  the  town  of  Windsor,  in  Con- 
necticut. Mr.  Rossiter  and  Mr.  Ludlow  were  magistrates.  Mr. 
Wolcott  had  a  fine  estate,  and  was  a  man  of  superior  abilities. 
This  was  an  honourable  company.  Mr.  Warham  had  been  a  fa- 
mous minister  in  Exeter,  the  capital  of  the  county  of  Devonshire. 
The  people  who  came  with  him,  were  from  the  three  counties  of 
Devonshire,  Dorsetshire,  and  Somersetshire. 

Some  time  before  the  20th  of  March,  just  as  they  were  about 
to  embark  for  New-England,  upon  a  day  of  solemn  fasting  and 
prayer,  they  were  formed  into  a  congregational  church,  in  the 
new  hospital  at  Plymouth,  in  England.  They  then  made  choice 
of  Mr.  Warham  and  Mr.  Maverick  to  be  their  pastor  and  teacher, 
and  they  were  ordained,  or  re-installed  to  the  care  of  this  par- 
ticular church.  The  famous  Mr.  White,  of  Dorchester,  preached 
and  assisted  on  this  occasion.' 

They  sailed  from  Plymouth,  in  England,  on  the  20th  of  March, 
in  the  ship  Mary  and  John,  of  400  tons,  and  arrived  at  Nantasket 
on  the  Lord's  day,  May  30th.  The  next  day,  captain  Squeb,  mas- 
ter of  the  ship,  put  them  and  their  goods  on  shore,  at  Nantasket 
point,  and,  in  this  situation,  left  them  to  shift  for  themselves.' 
But,  by  the  assistance  of  some  of  the  old  planters,  they  obtained 
a  boat,  and  proceeded  up  Charles  river,  to  the  place  since  called 
Watertown.  Here  they  landed  their  goods,  and  erected  a  shelter 
to  cover  them;  but  as  they  had  .nany  cattle,  and  found  a  neck 
of  land  at  Mattapan,  affording  good  accommodations  for  them, 
they  soon  removed  and  began  a  settlement  there.  They  named 
their  town  Dorchester. 

Sir  Richard  Saltonstall's  people,  who  settled  at  Watertown, 
were  the  first  settlers  of  Weathersfield,  in  Connecticut.  Mr.  Phil- 
lips, who  was  elected  their  pastor,  at  Watertown,  had  been  min- 

•  Prince's  "/iron,  part  ii.  sect.  2,  p.  2.  '  Ibid.  p.  200. 

*  Ibid.  p.  207.  Captain  Squeb  was,  afterwards,  obliged  to  pay  damages  for 
this  conduct. 


1630] 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


1 200. 

lages  for 


ister  at  Boxford,  in  the  county  of  Essex.  Most  of  them  were, 
probably,  the  people  of  his  former  charge,  and  from  the  same 
county. 

The  emigrants  who  came  into  New-England  with  Mr.  Endicott 
and  governor  Winthrop,  soon  after  their  arrival,  were  visited  with 
imcommon  sickness  and  mortality.  Of  the  company  who  came 
with  Mr.  Endicott  the  last  y«  > ,  eighty  were  in  their  graves  before 
governor  Winthrop  arrived.  He  found  the  colony  in  very  mis- 
erable circumstances.  Many  of  those  who  were  yet  living,  were 
in  a  weak  and  sickly  condition.  The  people  had  scarcely  a  suffi- 
ciency of  provisions  for  their  subsistence  fourteen  days.  Besides, 
they  had  sustained  a  capital  loss  in  their  servants.  They  brought 
over  with  them  a  hundred  and  eighty.  These  cost  them  more 
than  three  thousand  pounds  sterling.  But  they  were  so  strait- 
ened for  provisions,  that  they  were  necessitated  to  give  all  those 
who  survived  the  sickness,  their  liberty,  that  they  might  shift  for 
themselves.* 

Many  of  the  ships  which  arrived  this  year,  had  a  long  passage 
of  seventeen  or  eighteen  weeks;  in  consequence  of  which,  num- 
bers had  the  scurvy,  and  came  on  shore  in  a  sickly  condition.  By 
reason  of  wet  lodgings,  in  cottages  and  miserable  huts,  for  the 
want  of  fresh  food  and  other  conveniences,  this  sickness  increased. 
Other  diseases  also,  soon  attacked  them  with  violence;  so  that, 
in  a  fortnight  or  three  weeks,  the  sickness  became  general.  In 
a  short  time,  so  many  fell  sick,  that  the  well  were  not  sufficient 
properly  to  attend  them,  and  bury  the  dead.  Great  numbers  died, 
and  were  buried  on  Charlestown  hill.'  The  sickness  and  mortal- 
ity greatly  retarded  the  necessary  labours  and  affairs  of  the  col- 
ony; so  that  many  of  the  people  were  obliged  to  lie  in  tents,  or 
miserable  huts,  during  the  winter.  By  the  next  spring,  a  hundred 
and  twenty,  or  more,  were  among  the  dead.  Of  this  number  were 
Mr.  Johnson  and  Mr.  Rossiter.  The  charming  lady  Arabella, 
celebrated  for  her  many  virtues,  died  before  her  husband.  She 
was  sister  to  the  earl  of  Lincoln;  and,  for  the  sake  of  religion, 
came  from  a  paradise  of  ease,  plenty,  and  delight,  in  the  house  of  a 
renowned  earl,  into  a  wilderness  of  toil,  disaster,  and  misery. 

About  a  hundred  of  the  people  were  discouraged,  and  returned 
to  England;  two  hundred  were  dead,  and  some  went  to  Piscat- 
aqua.  About  seventeen  hundred  remained;  a  little  more  than 
a  hundred  and  eighty  persons,  or  thirty  families,  on  an  average, 
to  each  town.  The  greatest  numbers  fixed  themselves  at  Boston 
and  Watertown.  In  these  towns,  there  were,  probably,  nearly 
sixty  families:  in  Charlestown  and  Dorchester,  about  forty;  and 
in  the  other  towns,  not  more  than  fifteen  or  twenty  families.' 

In  addition  to  all  the  other  calamities,  with  which  these  planta- 


■  M 


'  Prince's  Chron.  p.  209,  210. 
*  Ibid,  part  ii.  p.  i  and  31. 


*  Ibid.  p.  342. 


-h!'ii!. 


:  :l 


f^\ 


mm 


P'Mi 


8 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


[1630 


tions  had  been  visited,  they,  this  year,  experienced  the  distress 
of  famine.  By  the  beginning  of  February,  bread  failed  in  every 
house,  except  the  governor's,  and  even  in  this  the  family  were 
reduced  to  the  last  loaves.  Such  were  the  necessities  of  the  people, 
that  they  fed  on  clams,  muscles,  ground-nuts,  and  acorns.  In- 
deed, in  the  winter  season,  it  was  with  great  difficulty  that  the 
people  procured  these  poor  articles  of  subsistence.  The  gover- 
nors foreseeing,  in  the  fall,  that  they  should  want  provisions,  dis- 
patched a  ship  to  Ireland  to  procure  them  a  supply.  Her  happy 
arrival  on  the  5th  of  February,  prevented  their  perishing  with 
famine.  The  return  of  health  in  the  spring,  the  arrival  of  ofher 
vessels,  with  provisions,  afterwards,  and  a  plenteous  harvest,  g.ve 
the  affairs  of  the  colony  a  more  prosperous  appearance. 

While  affairs  were  thus  transacting  in  the  colony,  the  violent 
persecution  of  the  puritans  in  England  made  great  numbers  look 
towards  America  as  the  only  safe  retreat  from  the  impending 
storm.  This,  annually,  occasioned  a  large  accession  of  new  plant- 
ers to  the  settlements  in  New-England. 

In  1630,  the  Rev.  Mr.  Thomas  Hooker,  a  gentleman  of  great 
abilities,  and  a  famous  preacher,  at  Chelmsford,  in  the  county  of 
Essex,  was  silenced  for  non-conformity.  To  escape  fines  and 
imprisonment,  he  fled  into  Holland.  He  was  held  in  such  high 
and  universal  esteem  among  his  acquaintance,  that  forty-seven 
ministers,  in  his  vicinity,  petitioned  the  bishop  of  London  in  his 
favour.  These  were  all  conformists,  and  witnessed  for  Mr. 
Hooker,  that  they  esteemed  him,  and  knew  him  "  to  be,  for  doc- 
trine orthodox,  for  life  and  conversation  honest,  for  disposition 
peaceable,  and  no  wise  turbulent  or  factious."  However,  as  he 
was  a  non-conformist,  no  personal  or  acquired  excellencies,  no 
testimonials  of  his  good  conduct,  nor  prayers  of  his  friends,  could 
save  him  from  prosecutions  and  deposition. 

He  was  so  esteemed  as  a  preacher,  that  not  only  his  own  people, 
but  others,  from  all  parts  of  the  county  of  Essex,  flocked  to  hear 
him.  The  noble  earl  of  Warwick,  though  he  resided  at 'a  great 
distance  from  Chelmsford,  was  so  delighted  with  his  public  per- 
formances, that  he  frequently  attended  them.  Great  numbers  not 
only  attended  his  ministry,  but  experienced  its  salutary  effects, 
and  found  themselves  willing  to  emigrate  into  any  part  of  the 
world,  to  enjoy  the  happiness  of  such  a  pastor.  No  sooner,  there- 
fore, was  he  driven  from  them,  than  they  turned  their  eyes  towards 
New-England.  They  hoped  that,  if  comfortable  settlements  could 
be  made  in  this  part  of  America,  they  might  obtain  him  for  their 
pastor.  Therefore,  in  1632,  a  large  body  of  them  came  over  and 
settled  at  Newtown,  since  called  Cambridge,  in  Massachusetts. 
Numbers  of  them,  it  seems,  came  over  at  an  earlier  period,  and 
began  to  settle  at  Weymouth,  but,  this  year,  the>  all  removed 
to  Newtown.    They  had  expressed  their  earnest  desires  to  Mr. 


[1630 


i633l 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


Hooker,  that  he  would  come  over  into  New-England,  and  take 
the  pastoral  charge  of  them. 

At  their  desire  he  left  Holland,  and  having  obtained  Mr.  Samuel 
Stone,  a  lecturer  at  Torcester,  in  Northamptonshire,  for  an  as- 
sistant in  the  ministry,  took  his  passage  for  America  in  the  Griffin, 
a  ship  of  300  tons,  and  arrived  at  Boston,  September  4th,  1633. 
With  him  came  over  the  famous  Mr.  John  Cotton,  Mr.  John 
Haynes,  afterwards  governor  of  Connecticut,  Mr.  Goflf,  and  two 
hundred  other  passengers,  of  importance  to  the  colony. 

Mr.  Hooker,  soon  after  his  arrival  at  Boston,  proceeded  to 
Newtown,  where,  finding  himself  in  the  midst  of  a  joyful  and 
affectionate  people,  he  was  filled  with  joy  himself.  He  embraced 
them  with  open  arms,  saying,  in  the  language  of  the  apostle, 
"  Now  I  live,  if  ye  stand  fast  in  the  Lord."  ^  These  were  the  pious 
people  who  afterwards  settled  the  town  of  Hartford. 

Soon  after  Mr.  Hooker's  arrival,  he  was  chosen  pastor,  and  Mr. 
Stone  teacher  of  the  people  at  Newtown.  On  the  nth  of  Oc- 
tober, 1633,  the  church  was  gathered,  and,  after  solemn  fasting 
and  prayer,  the  pastor  and  teacher  were  ordained  to  their  respec- 
tive offices.  The  church  at  Watertown,  had  been  gathered  before, 
on  the  27th  of  August,  1630,  and  Mr.  Phillips  ordained  pastor. 
Thus,  the  three  churches  of  Windsor,  Hartford,  and  Weathers- 
field,  were  gathered  antecedently  to  their  settlement  in  Connecti- 
cut, and  it  does  not  appear  that  they  were  ever  re-gathered  after- 
wards. 


m 


■  H'll 


■  ''J 


CHAPTER  II. 


lusetts. 
)d,  and 
imoved 

I  to  Mr. 


THE  great  Plymouth  company  wished  to  make  grants  of  their 
lands  as  fast  as  they  could  find  purchasers;  and  conformity  was 
so  pressed,  and  the  times  grew  so  difficult  in  England,  that  men 
of  quality,  as  well  as  others,  were  anxious  to  provide,  for  them- 
selves and  their  friends,  a  retreat  in  America.  Another  patent, 
therefore,  containing  a  large  tract  of  country  in  New-England, 
soon  succeeded  that  of  Massachusetts. 

On  the  19th  of  March,  1631,  Robert,  earl  of  Warwick,  president 
of  the  council  of  Plymouth,  under  his  hand  and  seal,  did  grant 
and  confirm  unto  the  honourable  William  Viscount  Say  and  Seal, 
Robert  Lord  Brooks,  Robert  Lord  Rich,  Charles  Fiennes,  Esq. 
Sir  Nathaniel  Rich,  Sir  Richard  Saltonstall,  and  others,  to  the 
number  of  eleven,  and  to  their  heirs,  assigns,  and  associates,  for 
ever,  "  All  that  part  of  New-England,  in  America,  which  lies  and 
extends  itself  from  a  river  there,  called  Narraganset  river,  the 

■  Magnalia  B.  III.    The  Life  of  Hooker. 


|. 


10 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


ri63t 


m 


''i! 


space  of  forty  leagues  upon  a  straight  line  near  the  sea  shore, 
towards  the  south-west,  west  and  by  south,  or  west  as  the  coast 
lieth  towards  Virginia,  accounting  three  English  miles  to  the 
league,  and  all  and  singular  the  lands  and  hereditaments  what- 
soever, lying  and  being  within  the  bounds  aforesaid,  north  and 
south  in  latitude  and  breadth,  and  in  length  and  longitude  of,  and 
within  all  the  breadth  aforesaid,  throughout  all  the  main  lands 
there,  from  the  western  ocean  to  the  south  seas;  and  all  lands, 
grounds,  soil,  wood  and  wood  lands,  ground,  havens,  ports,  creeks 
and  rivers,  waters,  fishings  and  hereditaments  whatsoever,  lying 
within  the  said  space,  and  every  part  and  parcel  thereof;  and  also, 
all  islands  lying  in  America  aforesaid,  in  the  said  seas,  or  either 
of  them,  on  the  western  or  eastern  coasts,  or  parts  of  the  said 
tracts  of  land,  by  these  presents  to  be  given  or  granted."  ^  The 
council  of  Plymouth,  the  preceding  year,  1630,  granted  this  whole 
tract  to  the  earl  of  Warwick,  and  it  had  been  confirmed  to  him 
by  a  patent  from  king  Charles  the  first. 

This  is  the  original  patent  of  Connecticut.*  The  settlers  of  the 
two  colonies  of  Connecticut  and  New-Haven  were  the  patentees 
of  Viscount  Say  and  Seal,  lord  Brook,  and  their  associates,  to 
whom  the  patent  was  originally  given. 

President  Clap  describes  the  extent  of  the  tract,  conveyed  by 
this  patent,  in  the  words  following:  "  All  that  part  of  New-Eng- 
land which  lies  west  from  Narraganset  river,  a  hundred  and 
twenty  miles  on  the  sea  coast;  and  from  thence,  in  latitude  and 
breadth  aforesaid,  to  the  south  sea.  This  grant  extends  from 
Point  Judith,  to  New- York;  and  from  thence,  in  a  west  line  to 
the  south  sea:  and  if  we  take  Narraganset  river  in  its  whole 
length,  this  tract  will  extend  as  far  north  as  Worcester:  it  com- 
prehends the  whole  of  the  colony  of  Connecticut,  and  much 
more." "  Neal,  Douglass,  Hutchinson,*  and  all  ancient  historians 
and  writers,  have  represented  all  the  New-England  grants  as  ex- 
tending west  from  the  Atlantic  ocean  to  the  south  sea.  Indeed 
the  words  of  the  patent  are  most  express,  declaring  its  extent  to 
be  south  west  or  west,  towards  Virginia,  to  be  in  length  and  longi- 
tude throughout  all  the  main  lands  to  the  south  sea. 

The  colony  of  the  Massachusetts,  and  the  commissioners  of  the 

'  See  this  natent  in  the  Appendix,  No.  i, 

'  The  foundation  of  the  earl  of  Warwick's  claim  to  this  territory  is  as  Johnston 
remarks,  "mythical."  The  grant  to  Lord  Say  and  Seal  and  others  shows  no  title 
on  the  part  of  the  grantor,  and  is  merely  a  quit-claim.  The  same  terrirory  was 
granted  by  the  Plymouth  Company  in  1635  to  the  Marquis  of  Hamilton,  whose 
claim  was  set  up  in  opposition  to  the  charter  in  1662,  but  was  barred  by  prescrip- 
tion. The  fact  that  the  agreement  with  Fenwick  in  1644  provides  that  he  shall 
arrange  that  this  same  territory  shall  "  fall  in  under  the  jurisdiction  of  Connecticut, 
if  it  come  into  his  power,"  indicates  that  the  court  of  the  colony  was  by  no  means 
sure  of  its  jurisdiction. — J.  T. 

*  Manuscripts  of  president  Clap. 

*  Neal's  history  N.  £.  vol.  i.  p.  148.  Douglass,  vol.  ii.  p.  90  and  160 ;  and 
Hutchinson  vol.  i.  p.  64  and  vol.  ii.  p.  303. 


[1631 


1631I 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


II 


I 


rs  of  the 


Johnston 
frs  no  title 

irory  was 
on,  whose 

1 

prescrip- 
:  he  shall 
inecticut, 
no  means 

i 

160 ;  and 

united  colonies  of  New-England,  understood  the  patents  in  this 
light,  and  hence  extended  their  claims  to  the  westward  of  the 
Dutch  settlements.  The  Massachusetts,  in  the  year  1659,  made 
a  grant  of  lands,  opposite  to  fort  Aurania,  upon  Hudson's  river, 
to  a  number  of  principal  merchants,  in  the  colony,  who  were  plan- 
ning to  make  settlements  in  those  parts.*  The  same  year,  the 
commissioners  of  the  united  colonies  asserted  their  claim  of  all 
the  western  lands  to  the  south  sea.  In  a  letter  to  the  Dutch  gov- 
ernor, September  1st,  1659,  they  write,  "  We  presume  you  have 
heard  from  your  people  of  the  fort  of  Aurania,  that  some  of  our 
people,  the  English,  have  been  lately  in  those  parts,  upon  dis- 
covery of  some  meet  places  for  plantations,  within  the  bounds 
of  the  patent  of  the  Massachusetts  colony;  which  from  the  lati- 
tude of  42  degrees  and  a  half,  or  42  degrees  and  33  and  a  half 
minutes,  and  so  northerly,  extends  itself  from  east  to  west,  in 
longitude  through  the  main  land  of  America,  from  the  Atlantic 
ocean  to  the  south  or  west  sea." 

The  patents  to  Virginia,  the  Carolinas,  and  Georgia,  have  ever 
been  understood  to  have  the  same  westerly  extension.  In  the 
same  light  have  they  always  been  viewed,  by  the  British  kings, 
and  have  been  pleaded  and  acted  upon,  in  treaties,  between  the 
court  of  Great-Britain,  and  the  French  and  Spanish  monarchs. 
By  virtue  of  this  construction  of  patents  and  charters  of  the  Amer- 
ican colonies,  it  was,  that  all  the  western  territories,  as  far  as 
Mississippi,  were,  in  the  late  peace  with  Great-Britain,  ceded  to 
the  states  of  America.  From  the  same  construction  of  the  patents, 
congress  have  taken  a  formal  surrender  of  the  unappropriated 
western  lands  from  particular  states,  and  from  Connecticut  no 
less  than  from  others. 

The  situation  of  the  settled  part  of  Connecticut  is  chiefly  from 
41  to  42  degrees  of  north  latitude,  and  from  72  to  73  degrees  and 
45  minutes  west  longitude.  It  is  bounded  south  by  the  sea  shore 
about  90  miles,  from  Byram  river,  in  the  latitude  of  40  degrees 
and  58  minutes,  and  longitude  72  degrees  and  25  minutes,  to  Paw- 
cat  uck  river,  in  latitude  41  degrees  and  17  minutes,  and  in  longi- 
tude y2  degrees  and  25  minutes;  east  on  the  colony  of  Rhode- 
Island  45  miles;  north  on  Massachusetts  72  miles,  the  line  run- 
ning nearly  in  the  latitude  of  42  degrees ;  and  west  on  New- York 
about  73  miles.  It  contains  4,730  square  miles,  and  3,020,000 
acres.  One  twentieth  part  of  the  colony  is  water  and  highways." 
Exclusive  of  these  there  are  2,869,000  acres.  Of  this  about 
2,640,000  are  estimated  improvable.  The  land  is  excellently 
watered,  and  liberal  to  the  husbandman.    Though,  in  some  places, 

'  Hutchinson,  vol.  i.  p.  159. 

*  To  find  the  quantity  of  water  and  highways,  an  accurate  computation  was 
made  of  the  proportion  of  water  and  highways  in  a  particular  town,  which  was 
supposed  to  contain  an  average  with  the  towns  in  general. 


J 


•♦IV;!  a 


m 


m^t 


ii: 


iiliiii 


^1  'iiiii 


fi 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


[1631 


it  is  mountainous  and  broken,  yet  the  greatest  part  of  this  is  profit- 
able either  for  wood  or  grazing.  There  are  some  thin  lands,  but 
these  are  profitable  with  proper  manuring  and  cultivation. 

The  present  population  is  more  than  fifty  souls  to  every  square 
mile,  including  land  and  water.  It  is  about  one  person  to  every 
ten  or  twelve  acres  of  land. 

The  first  discoveries  made  of  this  part  of  New-England  were 
of  its  principal  river  and  the  fine  meadows  lying  upon  its  bank. 
Whether  the  Dutch  at  New-Netherlands,  or  the  people  of  New- 
Plymouth,  were  the  first  discoverers  of  the  river  is  not  certain. 
Both  the  English  and  Dutch  claimed  to  be  the  first  discoverers, 
and  both  purchased  and  made  a  settlement  of  the  lands  upon  it 
nearly  at  the  same  time. 

In  1631,  Wahquimacut,  a  sachem  upon  the  river  Connecticut, 
made  a  journey  to  Plymouth  and  Boston,  earnestly  soliciting  the 
governors  of  each  of  the  colonies  to  send  men  to  make  settlements 
upon  the  river.  He  represented  the  exceeding  fruitfulness  of  the 
country,  and  promised  that  he  would  supply  the  English,  if  they 
would  make  a  settlement  there,  with  corn  annually,  and  give  them 
eighty  beaver  skins.  He  urged  that  two  men  might  be  sent  to 
view  the  country.  Had  this  invitation  been  accepted  it  might 
have  prevented  the  Dutch  claim  to  any  part  of  the  lands  upon  the 
river,  and  opened  an  extensive  trade,  in  hemp,  furs,  and  deer 
skins,  with  all  the  Indians  upon  it,  and  far  into  Canada. 

The  governor  of  Massachusetts  treated  the  sachem  and  his 
company  with  generosity,  but  paid  no  further  attention  to  his 
proposal.  Mr.  Winslow,  the  governor  of  Plymouth,  judged  it 
worthy  of  more  attention.  It  seems,  that  soon  after  he  went  to 
Connecticut,  and  discovered  the  river  and  the  adjacent  parts.  The 
commissioners  of  the  united  colonies,  in  their  declaration  against 
the  Dutch,  in  1653,  say,  "  Mr.  Winslow,  one  of  the  commissioners 
for  Plymouth,  discovered  the  fresh  river  when  the  Dutch  had 
neither  trading  house  nor  any  pretence  to  a  foot  of  land  there."  ^ 

It  very  soon  appeared  that  the  earnestness,  with  which  the 
Indian  sachem  solicited  the  English  to  make  settlements  on  the 
river,  originated  in  the  distressed  state  of  the  river  Indians. 
Pekoath,  at  that  time,  the  great  sachem  of  the  Pequims,  or 
Pequots,  was  conquering  them,  and  driving  their  sachems  from 
that  part  of  the  country.  The  Indian  king  imagined  that,  if  he 
could  persuade  the  English  to  make  settlements  there,  they  would 
defend  him  from  his  too  powerful  enemies.' 

The  nt' !:  vear,  the  people  of  New-Plymouth  made  more  par- 
ticular irscoveries,  upon  the  river,  and  found  a  place  near  the 
mouth  of  the  little  river,  in  Windsor,  at  which  they  judged  a  trad- 
ing house  might  be  erected,  which  would  be  advantageous  to  the 
colony. 


Records  of  the  United  Colonies. 


'  Winthrop's  Journal,  p.  25 


163a] 


cano 
abou 

O 
miles 
river 
and 
on  tl 

Co 
tains 
exten 
of  its 


;  i!niji 


163a] 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


13 


'»■  .1 


The  Indians  represented  that  the  river  Connecticut  extended 
so  far  north,  and  so  near  the  great  lake,  that  they  passed  their 
canoes  from  the  lake  into  it;  and  that  from  the  great  swamps 
about  the  lake  came  most  of  the  beaver  in  which  they  traded. 

One  of  the  branches  of  Onion  river,  in  Vermont,  is  within  ten 
miles  of  Connecticut  river.  This  was  anciently  called  the  French 
river.  The  French  and  Indians  from  Canada  came  by  this  river, 
and  from  this  into  Connecticut,  when  they  made  their  attacks 
on  the  northern  frontiers  of  New-England  and  Connecticut. 

Connecticut  river  has  its  source  in  that  grand  ridge  of  moun- 
tains which  divides  the  waters  of  New-England  and  Canada,  and 
extends  north-easterly  to  the  gulf  of  St.  Lawrence.  The  source 
of  its  highest  branch  is  in  about  45  degrees  and  a  half,  or  46  de- 
grees of  north  latitude.  Where  it  enters  New-England,  in  45  de- 
grees of  north  latitude,  it  is  ten  rods  in  breadth,  and  in  running 
sixty  miles  further,  it  becomes  twenty-four  rods  wide.  It  forms 
the  boundary  line  btween  New-Hampshire  and  Vermont  about 
two  hundred  miles.  Thence  running  through  the  states  of  Massa- 
chusetts and  Connecticut,  it  disembogues  its  waters  into  Long- 
Island  sound,  between  Saybrook  and  Lyme.  It  runs  with  a  gentle 
flow,  as  its  course  is,  between  three  and  four  hundred  miles.  Its 
breadth  through  Connecticut,  as  a  medium,  is  between  a  hundred 
rods  and  half  a  mile.  In  the  high  spring  floods  it  overflows  its 
banks,  and  in  some  places  is  nearly  two  miles  in  breadth.  As  its 
banks  are  generally  low,  it  forms  and  fertilizes  a  vast  tract  of  the 
finest  meadow;  feasible,  fertile,  and  in  which  a  stone  is  scarcely 
to  he  found.  The  general  course  of  this  beautiful  river,  above, 
and  between  the  states  of  New-Hampshire  and  Vermont,  is  nearly 
south  west;  thence  it  turns  and  runs  but  a  few  degrees  west  of 
south  to  its  mouth.  At  a  small  distance  from  its  mouth  is  a  bar 
of  sand,  apparently  formed  by  the  conilux  of  the  river  and  tide. 
Upon  this  there  is  but  ten  feet  of  water  at  full  tide.  The  bar  is 
at  such  a  distance  from  the  mouth  of  the  river,  that  the  greatest 
floods  do  not  increase  the  depth  of  the  water.  This  is  some  ob- 
struction to  navigation,  but  any  vessel,  which  can  pass  the  bar, 
may  proceed  without  obstruction  as  far  as  Middletown,  thirty 
miles  from  the  sound ;  and  vessels  of  eighty,  and  a  hundred  tons, 
go  up  to  Hartford,  fifty  miles  from  the  river's  mouth.  By  means 
of  locks  and  cuts,  at  the  falls,  it  is  now  navigable,  for  boats,  more 
than  three  hundred  miles. 

In  Connecticut,  there  is  one  exception  to  the  lowness  of  the 
river's  banks.  About  three  miles  below  Middletown  the  river 
makes  its  way  through  two  mountains,  by  which  its  breadth  is 
contracted  to  about  forty  rods.  This  occasions  the  waters,  some- 
times, in  the  spring  floods,  to  rise,  even  at  Hartford,  twenty  feet 
above  the  common  surface  of  the  river.  This,  for  the  length  of 
its  course,  its  gentle  flow,  its  excellent  waters,  the  rich  and  ex- 


,  ,r,ii 


14 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


[163a 


i  '11 

I :  '1 


riHI! 


IM 


tensive  meadows  which  it  forms,  and  the  immense  quantities  of 
fish,  with  which  it  abounds,  is  one  of  the  finest  rivers  in  NeW' 
England. 

None  of  the  ancient  adventurers,  who  discovered  the  great  con- 
tinent of  North-America,  or  New-England,  made  any  discovery 
of  this  river.  It  does  not  appear  that  it  was  known  to  any  civilized 
nation,  until  some  years  after  the  settlement  of  the  English  and 
Dutch,  at  Plymouth  and  New-Netherlands. 

From  this  fine  river,  which  the  Indians  called  Quonehtacut, 
or  Connecticut,  (in  English,  the  long  river,)  the  colony,  originally 
took  its  name.  Indeed  this  is  one  principal  source  of  its  wealth 
and  convenience. 

The  Housatonick  and  the  little  or  Farmington  river,  westward 
of  it,  and  Pequot  river,  now  called  the  Thames,  on  the  east,  are 
also  considerable  sources  of  its  opulence  and  prosperity.  The 
Housatonick,  now  commonly  called  Stratford  river,  has  two  prin- 
cipal branches.  One  rises  in  Lanesborough,  and  the  other  in 
Windsor,  in  the  county  of  Berkshire,  in  Massachusetts.  Where 
it  enters  Connecticut,  between  Salisbury  and  Canaan,  it  is  about 
fifty  rods  wide,  and  running  through  the  whole  length  of  the 
colony,  it  empties  into  the  sound  between  Milford  and  Stratford. 
It  is  navigable  twelve  miles  to  Derby.  Between  Milford  and 
Stratford  it  is  about  eighty  rods  wide,  and  there  is  about  four 
fathoms  of  water.  Were  it  not  obstructed,  by  a  bar  of  shells,  at 
the  mouth,  it  would  admit  large  ships.  Between  Salisbury  and 
Canaan  is  a  cataract  where  the  water  of  the  whole  river  falls  per- 
pendicularly sixty  feet.  The  fall  produces  a  perfectly  white  sheet 
of  water,  and  a  mist  in  which  various  floating  rainbows  are  ex- 
hibited, forming  a  scene  exquisitely  grand  and  beautiful. 

The  Naugatuck,  or  Waterbury  river,  is  another  considerable 
branch  of  the  Housatonick.  Its  source  is  in  Torrington,  and  run- 
ning through  Harwinton,  Plymouth  and  Waterbury,  it  empties 
itself  into  said  river  at  Derby. 

The  little,  or  Farmington  river,  rises  in  Becket,  in  Massachu- 
setts, crosses  the  boundary  line  between  the  colonies  at  Hartland, 
and  passing  through  Barkhempsted  and  New-Hartford,  runs 
south  considerably  below  the  centre  of  Farmington  first  society; 
then,  making  a  remarkable  turn,  it  runs  back  nearly  a  north 
course,  twelve  or  fourteen  miles  into  Simsbury;  where  it  turns 
easterly,  and  running  into  Windsor,  discharges  its  waters  into 
Connecticut  river ,^  nearly  in  the  centre  of  the  town.  This  formerly 
was  replenished  with  all  kinds  of  fish  in  as  great  a  profusion  as 
Connecticut.  The  numerous  dams,  which  more  lately  have  been 
erected  upon  it,  have  very  greatly  obstructed  their  passage. 

Pequot  river,  or  the  Thames,  empties  into  the  sound  at  New- 

•  The  Connecticut  river  was  doubtless  explored  by  Adrian  Block  in  1614,  who,  ac- 
cording to  De  Laet,  sailed  as  far  as  the  present  site  of  Hartford. — J.  T. 


1; 


New- 

irho,  ac- 


I 


i 


.3 


1633] 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


•I 


London.  It  is  navigable  fourteen  miles,  to  Norwich  landing. 
Here  it  loses  its  name,  and  branches  into  Shetucket  on  the  east, 
and  Norwich  or  little  river  on  the  west. 

About  a  mile  from  the  mouth  of  the  little  river,  is  a  remarkable 
romantic  cataract.  A  perpendicular  rock,  about  twelve  feet  high, 
extends  itself  across  the  whole  channel:  over  this  the  river  pitches, 
in  one  entire  sheet,  on  to  a  bed  of  rocks:  here  it  is  compressed  by 
a  very  narrow  and  crooked  passage,  between  two  craggy  cliffs, 
and  for  fifteen  or  twenty  rods,  forces  its  way  over  numerous 
pointed  rocks,  with  the  most  violent  agitation;  thence  it  flows 
into  a  large  basin,  which  spreads  itself  for  its  reception.  The  long 
and  constant  falling  of  the  waters,  have  excavated  the  rocks,  even 
to  admiration.  In  some,  cavities  are  made,  of  a  circular  form, 
not  less  than  five  or  six  feet  deep.  The  smooth  and  gentle  flow 
of  the  river  above  the  fall,  the  regularity  and  beauty  of  its  descent, 
the  roughness  and  foam  of  the  waters  below,  and  the  rugged,  tow- 
ering cliff  impending  the  whole,  presents  the  spectator  with  a 
scene  majestic  and  pleasing  beyond  description. 

The  Shetucket,  which  name  it  bears  as  far  only  as  the  southern 
boundary  of  Windham,  is  formed  by  the  Willamantick  and  Queni- 
baug  rivers.  The  Willamantick  has  its  source  in  Massachusetts, 
enters  Connecticut  at  Stafford,  and  is  the  boundary  line  between 
Tolland  and  Willington,  Coventry  and  Mansfield,  and  passing  by 
Windham,  loses  itself  in  the  Shetucket.  Quenibaug  rises  in  Brim- 
field,  in  Massachusetts,  and  passing  through  Sturbridge  and 
Dudley,  crosses  the  line  between  that  state  and  Connecticut,  at 
Thompson;  and  dividing  Pomfret  from  Killingly,  Canterbury 
from  Plainfield,  and  Lisbon  from  Preston,  flows  into  the  She- 
tucket. 

The  colony  is  watered  and  fertilized  by  numerous  other  rivers, 
of  less  extent  and  utility. 

As  the  people  at  Plymouth  had  explored  Connecticut  river,  and 
fixed  upon  a  place  convenient  for  building  and  commerce,  and 
found  the  original  proprietors  of  the  soil  desirous  of  their  making 
settlements  among  them,  they  judged  it  an  affair  worthy  of  pub- 
lic, and  immediate  attention. 

In  July,  1633,  Mr.  Winslow  and  Mr.  Bradford  therefore  made 
a  journey  to  Boston,  to  confer  with  governor  Winthrop  and  his 
council,  on  the  subject.  Governor  Winslow  and  Mr.  Bradford 
proposed  it  to  them,  to  join  with  Plymouth,  in  a  trade  to  Connecti- 
cut, for  hemp  and  beaver,  and  to  erect  a  house  for  the  purposes 
of  commerce.  It  was  represented  as  necessary,  to  prevent  the 
Dutch  from  taking  possession  of  that  fine  country,  who,  it  was 
reported,  were  about  to  build  upon  the  river:  but  governor  Win- 
throp  declined  the  motion:  he  objected  that  it  was  not  proper 
to  make  a  plantation  there,  because  there  were  three  or  four  thou- 
sand warlike  Indians  upon  the  river;  and  because  the  bar  at  the 


I 


•:  ^'3 


Ml. 


i  ■ 
)  I 

Si 


i'        u 


■nil ! 
II  . 


(i,:.:"ii 


:i||'( 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


[1633 


mouth  of  it  was  such,  that  small  pinnaces  only  could  enter  it  at 
high  water;  and  because  that,  seven  months  in  the  year,  no  ves- 
sels could  go  into  it,  by  reason  of  the  ice,  and  the  violence  of  the 
stream. 

The  Plymouth  people  therefore  determined  to  undertake  the 
enterprise  at  their  own  risk.  Preparations  were  made  for  erecting 
a  trading  house,  and  establishing  a  small  company  upon  the  river. 
In  the  mean  time,  the  master  of  a  vessel  from  Massachusetts,  who 
was  trading  at  New-Netherlands,  shewed  to  Walter  Van  Twiller, 
the  Dutch  governor,  the  commission  which  the  English  had  to 
trade  and  settle  in  New-England;  and  that  his  majesty,  the  king 
of  England,  had  granted  all  these  parts  to  his  own  subjects.  He 
therefore  desired  that  the  Dutch  would  not  build  at  Connecticut. 
This  appears  to  have  been  done  at  the  direction  of  governor  Win- 
throp;  for,  in  consequence  of  it,  the  Dutch  governor  wrote  a  very 
complaisant  letter  to  him,  in  which  he  represented,  that  the  lords, 
the  Stat.'i  General,  had  granted  the  same  country  to  the  West- 
India  company.  He  requested  therefore,  that  the  English  would 
made  no  settlements  at  Connecticut,  until  the  affair  should  be 
determined  between  the  court  of  England,  and  the  States  General.^ 
This  appears  to  have  been  a  piece  of  policy  in  the  Dutch  governor, 
to  keep  the  English  still,  until  the  Dutch  had  got  a  firm  footing 
upon  the  river. 

Several  vessels,  this  year,  went  into  Connecticut  river  to  trade. 
John  Oldham,  from  Dorchester,'  and  three  men  with  him,  also 
travelled  through  the  wilderness  to  Connecticut,  to  view  the  coun- 
try, and  trade  with  the  Indians.  The  sachem  upon  the  river  made 
him  most  welcome,  and  gave  him  a  present  in  beaver.  He  found 
that  the  Indian  hemp  grew  spontaneously  in  the  meadows,  in 
great  abundance:  he  purchased  a  quantity  of  it;  and,  upon  trial, 
it  appeared  much  to  exceed  the  hemp  which  grew  in  England. 

William  Holmes,  of  Plymouth,  with  his  company,  having  pre- 
pared the  frame  of  a  house,  with  boards  and  materials  for  covering 
it  immediately,  put  them  on  board  a  vessel,  and  sailed  for  Con- 
necticut. Holmes  had  a  commission  from  the  governor  of  Ply- 
mouth, and  a  chosen  company  to  accomplish  his  design.  When 
he  came  into  the  river,  he  found  that  the  Dutch  had  got  in  before 
him,  made  a  light  fort,  and  planted  two  pieces  of  cannon:  this 
was  erected  at  the  place  since  called  Hartford.  The  Dutch  forbid 
Holmes'  going  up  the  river,  stood  by  their  cannon,  ordered  him 
to  strike  his  colours,  or  they  would  fire  upon  him:  but  he  v/as 
a  man  of  spirit,  assured  them  that  he  had  a  commission  from  the 
governor  of  Plymouth  to  go  up  the  river,  and  that  he  must  obey 

'  VVinthrop's  Journal,  p.  55. 

*  In  the  Colony  Records,  Oldham  is  mentioned  as  a  member  of  the  assembly  of 
May  8,  1632,  "for  Watertown."  From  this  Savage  draws  the  inference  that  he 
could  not  have  been  from  Dorchester  at  this  time,  September,  1633. — J.  T. 


ii' 


163J] 


HISTORY   OF  CONN  liCTIO^* 


«r 


his  orders:  they  poured  out  their  thiats,  but  W  proceeded,  and 
landing  on  the  west  side  of  the  river,  erected  bis  house  a  little 
below  the  mouth  of  the  little  river,  in  Windsor.*  The  house  was 
covered  with  the  utmost  dispatch,  and  fortified  with  palisadoes. 
The  sachems,  who  were  the  original  owners  of  the  soil,  had  been 
driven  from  this  part  of  the  country,  by  the  Pequots;  and  were 
now  carried  home  on  board  Holmes*  vessel.  Of  them  the  Ply- 
mouth people  purchased  the  land,  on  which  they  erected  their 
house.*  This,  governor  Wolcott  says,  was  the  first  house  erected 
in  Connecticut.*  The  Dutch,  about  the  same  time,  erected  a  trad- 
ing house  at  Hartford,  which  they  called  the  Hirse  of  good  hope.* 

It  was  with  great  difficulty  that  Holmes  and  his  company  erected 
and  fortified  their  house,  and  kept  it  afterwards.  The  Indians 
were  offended  at  their  bringing  home  the  original  proprietors, 
and  lords  of  the  country,  and  the  Dutch  that  they  had  settled  there, 
and  were  about  to  rival  them  in  trade,  and  in  the  possession  of 
those  excellent  lands  upon  the  river :  they  were  obliged  therefore 
to  combat  both,  and  to  keep  a  constant  watch  upon  them. 

The  Dutch,  before  the  Plymouth  people  took  possession  of  the 
river,  had  invited  them,  in  an  amicable  manner,  to  trade  at  Con- 
necticut; but  when  they  were  apprised  that  they  were  making 
preparations  for  a  settlement  there,  they  repented  of  the  invita- 
tion, and  spared  no  exertions  to  prevent  them. 

On  the  8th  of  June,  the  Dutch  had  sent  Jacob  Van  Curter,  to 
purchase  lands  upon  the  Connecticut.  He  made  a  purchase  of 
about  twenty  acres  at  Hartford,  of  Nepuquash,  a  Pequot  captain. 
Of  this  the  Dutch  took  possession  in  October,  and  on  the  25th  of 
the  month,  Curter  protested  against  William  Holmes,  the  builder 
of  the  Plymouth  house.  Some  time  afterwards,  the  Dutch  gov- 
ernor, Walter  Van  Twiller,  of  fort  Amsterdam,  dispatched  a  re- 
inforcement to  Connecticut,  designing  to  drive  Holmes  and  his 
company  from  the  river.  A  band  of  seventy  men,  under  arms, 
with  banners  displayed,  assaulted  the  Plymouth  house,  but  they 
found  It  so  well  fortified,  and  the  men  who  kept  it  so  vigilant  and 
determined,  that  it  could  not  be  taken  without  bloodshed:  they 
therefore  came  to  a  parley,  and  finally  returned  in  peace. 

The  Dutch  were  always  mere  intruders."  They  had  no  right 
to  any  part  of  this  country.  The  English  ever  denied  their  right, 
and  when  the  Dutch  placed  a  governor  at  New-Netherlands,  and 

'  Manuscripts  of  governor  Wolcott. 

^  Prince's  Chron.  part  ii.  sec.  2,  p.  94,  95,  96. 

3  In  his  manuscripts. 

*  Smith  represents  this  house  as  built  ten  years  before  it  was.  Hist,  of  New- 
York,  p.  2. 

'  This  is  disputed  by  Savage,  who  accuses  Trumbull  of  partisan  feeling,  and  re- 
fers to  the  N.  A.  Review,  8  :  85,  for  a  fair  statement  of  the  claims  of  the  Dutch. 
The  fact  that  Trumbull  erroneously  supposed  Hudson  to  be  under  control  of  the 
English  at  the  time  of  the  discovery  of  the  Hudson  river,  probably  had  much  to  do 
with  Trumbull's  entire  view  of  the  claims  of  the  Dutch. — J.  T. 


r,  ;1 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


(1634 


the  court  of  England  made  complaint  of  it  to  the  States  General, 
they  disowned  the  affair,  and  said  it  was  only  a  private  under- 
taking of  an  Amsterdam  West-India  company.  King  James  the 
first  commissioned  Edward  Langdon  to  be  governor,  at  New- 
Netherlands,  and  named  the  country  New-Albion  The  Dutch 
submitted  to  the  English  government,  until  the  tn  ables  in  Eng- 
land, under  the  administrations  of  king  Charles  the  first  and  the 
long  parliament.^  Taking  the  advantage  of  the  distraction  of 
those  times,  they  again  usurped  and  established  their  government, 
until  they  were  reduced  by  king  Charles  the  second,  in  1664. 
They  gave  great  trouble  to  both  the  colonies  of  Connecticut  and 
New-Haven. 

The  people  of  New-Plymouth  had  carried  on  a  trade  upon  Cott- 
necticut  river  for  nearly  two  years  before  they  erected  a  trading 
house.  They  found  the  country  to  be  excellent  and  the  trade 
profitable;  but  that,  were  there  a  house  and  company  to  receive 
the  commodities  which  were  brought  down  from  the  inland  coun- 
try, the  profits  would  be  much  greater.  The  country  abounded 
with  beaver.  The  Dutch  purchased  not  less  than  ten  thousand 
skins  annually.  Plymouth  and  Massachusetts  people  sometimes 
sent,  in  a  single  ship,  for  England,  a  thousand  pounds  sterling 
worth  of  otter  and  beaver  skins.  The  extent  of  Connecticut  river, 
the  numerous  Indians  upon  it,  and  the  easy  communication  which 
they  had  with  the  lakes,  and  natives  of  Canada,  gave  an  extensive 
opening  for  a  trade  in  furs,  skins,  corn,  hemp  and  all  kinds  of 
commodities  which  the  country  afforded. 

This  was  a  year  of  great  sickness  at  Plymouth.  They  lost 
twenty  of  their  people.  Some  of  them  were  their  principal  and 
most  useful  inhabitants. 

It  was  a  dreadful  year  to  the  Indians  in  the  Massachusetts. 
Two  sachems  with  a  great  part  of  their  Indians  died.  The  small 
pox,  which  spread  among  them,  was  the  occasion  of  the  mortality. 
The  people  of  Massachusetts  shewed  them  great  kindness  in  their 
distress.  Several  towns  received  their  children  to  prevent  their 
taking  the  infection,  and  to  nurse  and  save  them  if  they  had  taken 
it;  but  the  most  of  them  died,  notwithstanding  all  the  care  and 
pains  which  could  be  exercised  towards  them.  When  their  own 
people  forsook  them,  the  English,  who  lived  near  them,  went  to 
their  wigwams  and  ministered  to  them.  Some  families  spent  al- 
most their  whole  time  with  them.  One  Englishman  buried  thirty 
of  their  dead  in  one  day." 


'  Dong.  vol.  ii.  p.  222. 


Winthrop'i  Journal,  p.  59. 


i633l 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


19 


III 

'  'I 


Itl 


CHAPTER   III. 


WHEN  the  English  became  first  acquainted  with  that  tract 
comprised  within  the  settled  part  of  Connecticut,  it  was  a  vast 
wilderness.  There  were  no  pleasant  fields,  nor  gardens,  no  public 
roads,  nor  cleared  plats.  Except  in  places  where  the  timber  had 
been  destroyed,  and  its  growth  prevented  by  frequent  fires,  the 
groves  were  thick  and  lofty.  The  Indians  so  often  burned  the 
country,  to  take  deer  and  other  wild  game,  that  in  many  parts  of 
the  plain,  dry  parts  of  it,  there  was  but  little  small  timber.  Where 
lands  were  thus  burned  there  grew  bent  grass,  or  as  some  called 
it,  thatch,  two,  three  and  four  feet  high,  according  to  the  strength 
of  the  land.  This,  with  other  combustible  matter,  which  the  fields 
and  groves  produced,  when  dry,  in  the  spring  and  fall,  burned 
with  violence  and  killed  all  the  small  trees.  The  large  ones  es- 
caped, a><d  generally  grtw  to  a  notable  height  and  magnitude.  In 
this  manr  er  the  natives  so  thinned  the  groves,  that  they  were  able 
to  plant  th'^ir  corn  and  obtain  a  crop. 

The  constant  fall  of  foliage,  with  the  numerous  kinds  of  weeds 
and  wild  grass,  which  annually  died  and  putrified  on  the  lands, 
yielded  a  constant  manti  re,  and  exceedingly  enriched  them.  Vege- 
tation was  rapid,  and  all  the  natural  productions  of  the  country 
luxuriant. 

It  abounded  with  the  finest  oaks  of  all  kinds,  with  chestnut, 
walnut  and  wild  cherry  trees,  with  all  kinds  of  maple,  beech,  birch, 
ash  and  elm.  The  butternut  tree,  buttonwood,  basswood,  poplar 
and  sassafras  trees,  were  to  be  found  generally  upon  all  tracts 
in  Connecticut.  White,  yellow  and  pitch  pine,  white  and  red 
cedar,  hemlock  and  spruce,  grew  plenteously  in  many  places.  In 
the  north  and  northwestern  part  of  the  colony  were  excellent 
groves  of  pine,  with  spruce  and  fir  trees.  The  white  wood  tree 
also,  notable  for  its  height  and  magnitude,  making  excellent 
boards  and  clapboards,  was  the  natural  growth  of  the  country. 
In  some  towns  white  wood  trees  have  grown  in  great  abundance. 
All  other  kinds  of  small  trees,  of  less  utility,  common  to  New- 
England,  flourish  in  Connecticut. 

The  country  abounded  with  a  gfreat  variety  of  wild  fruit.  In 
the  gloves  were  walnuts,  chestnuts,  butternuts,  hazlenuts  and 
acorns  in  great  abundance.  Wild  cherries,  currants  and  plums, 
were  natural  productions.  In  the  low  lands,  on  the  banks  of  the 
rivers,  by  the  brooks  and  gutters,  there  was  a  variety  and  plenty 
of  grapes.  The  country  also  abounded  with  an  almost  endless 
variety  of  esculent  and  medicinal  berries,  herbs  and  roots.  Among 
the  principal  and  most  delicious  of  these  were  strawberries,  black- 
berries of  various  kinds,  raspberries,  dewberries,  whortleberries. 


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HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


[1633 


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bilberries,  blueberries  and  mulberries.  Cranberries  also  grew 
plenteously  in  the  meadows,  which  when  well  prepared  furnish  a 
rich  and  excellent  sauce.  Juniperberries,  barberries  and  baybcr- 
ries,  which  are  of  the  medicinal  kind,  grow  spontaneously  in  Con- 
necticut. The  latter  is  an  excellent  and  useful  berry,  producing 
a  most  valuable  tallow.  It  is  of  a  beautiful  green,  and  has  a  fine 
perfume.  Beside  these,  there  was  a  profusion  of  various  other 
kinds  of  berries  of  less  consideration.  Some  even  of  these,  how- 
ever, are  very  useful  in  various  kinds  of  dyes  and  in  certain  medici- 
nal appHcations. 

The  earth  spontaneously  produced  ground  nuts,  artichokes, 
wild  leeks,  onions,  garlicks,  turnips,  wild  pease,  plantain,  radish, 
and  other  esculent  roots  and  herbs. 

Among  the  principal  medicinal  vegetables  of  Connecticut  are 
the  blood  root,  seneca  snakeroot,  liquorice  root,  dragon  root, 
pleurisy  root,^  spikenard,  elecampane,  Solomon's  seal,  sarsaparilla, 
senna,  bittersweet,  ginseng,  angelica,  masterwort,  motherwort, 
lungwort,  consumption  root,'  great  and  small  canker  weed,  high 
and  low  centaury,  sweet  and  blue  flag,  elder,  maidenhair,  penny- 
royal, celandine,  mallow,  marsh  mallow,  slippery  elm,  adder's 
tongue  and  rattlesnake  weed.  Indeed  a  great  proportion  of  the 
roots  and  plants  of  the  country,  with  the  bark,  buds  and  roots 
of  many  of  the  trees,  are  used  medicinally.  There  is  a  great 
variety  of  plants  and  flowers,  the  names  and  virtues  of  which  are 
not  known." 

The  country  was  no  less  productive  of  animals,  than  of  natural 
fruit.  In  the  groves  there  were  plenty  of  deer,  moose,  fat  bears, 
turkeys,  herons,  partridges,  quails,  pigeons,  and  other  wild  game, 
which  were  excellent  for  food.  There  were  such  incredible  num- 
bers of  pigeons  in  New-England,  when  the  English  became  first 
acquainted  with  it,  as  filled  them  with  a  kind  of  astonishment. 
Such  numerous  and  extensive  flocks  would  be  seen  flying  for 
some  hours,  in  the  morning,  that  they  would  obscure  the  light. 
An  American  historian  writes,  "  It  passeth  credit,  if  but  the  truth 
were  written." 

Connecticut  abounded  in  furs.  Here  were  otters,  beaver,  the 
black,  gray,  and  red  fox,  the  racoon,  mink,  muskrat,  and  various 
other  animals,  of  the  fur  kind.  The  wolf,  wild  cat,  and  other  ani- 
mals, common  in  New-England,  were  equally  so  in  Connecticut. 
Wolves  were  numerous  in  all  parts  of  New-England,  when  the 

'  '  Esclepias  decumbens. 

^  This  is  the  Geum  Urbanum  of  Linnaeus.  It  is  known  in  Britain  by  the  name 
of  Jl€r6  Bennet,  or  common  Avens.  Dr.  Buchhave,  from  long  experience,  recom- 
mends it  as  much  superior  to  the  Peruvian  bark,  in  the  cure  of  periodical  and 
other  diseases.  Medical  commentaries  by  a  society  of  Physicians  in  Edinburgh, 
vol.  vii.  p.  379  to  288.  He  represents  three  ounces  of  this  root,  as  equal  to  a 
pound  of  the  cortex. 

'  The  roots  and  flowers  of  America,  would  be  the  most  valuable  addition  to  the 
works  of  the  celebrated  Linnaeus,  which  could  be  made. 


tu  1: 


i633] 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


21 


settlements  commenced,  and  did  great  damage  to  the  planters, 
killing  their  sheep,  calves,  and  young  cattle. 

The  country  afforded  an  almost  incredible  plenty  of  water  fowl. 
In  the  bays,  creeks,  rivers,  and  ponds,  were  wild  geese,  and  ducks 
of  all  kinds,  wigeons,  sheldrakes,  broadbills,  teal  of  various  sorts, 
and  other  fowl,  which  were  both  wholesome  and  palatable.  In 
the  waters,  on  the  shores,  and  in  the  sands,  were  lobsters,  oysters, 
clams,  and  all  kinds  of  shell  fish  in  abundance.  Most  of  these 
are  reckoned  among  the  dainties  of  the  table. 

In  the  seas,  bays,  rivers,  and  ponds,  there  was  a  variety,  and 
an  innumerable  multitude  of  fish.  Connecticut  river,  in  particu- 
lar, was  distinguished  for  that  plenty  and  variety  which  it  afforded 
in  the  proper  season :  especially  for  those  excellent  salmon,  with 
which  its  waters  were  replenished. 

As  Connecticut  abounded  in  wild  animals,  so  it  did  also  with 
wild  and  savage  men.  In  no  part  of  New-England  were  the  Ind- 
ians so  numerous,  in  proportion  to  the  extent  of  territory,  as  in 
Connecticut.  The  sea  coast,  harbors,  bays,  numerous  ponds  and 
streams,  with  which  the  country  abounded,  the  almost  incredible 
plenty  of  fish  and  fowl  which  it  afiforded,  were  exceedingly  adapted 
to  their  convenience  and  mode  of  living.  The  exceeding  fertility 
of  the  meadows,  upon  several  of  its  rivers,  and  in  some  other  parts 
of  it,  the  excellence  of  its  waters,  and  the  salubrity  of  the  air,  were 
all  circumstances,  which  naturally  collected  them  in  great  num- 
bers to  this  tract.  Neither  wars,  nor  sickness,  had  so  depopulated 
this,  as  they  had  some  other  parts  of  New-England. 

From  the  accounts  given  of  the  Connecticut  Indians,  they  can- 
not be  estimated  at  less  than  twelve  or  sixteen  thousand.  They 
might  possibly  amount  to  twenty.  They  could  muster,  at  least, 
three  or  four  thousand  warriors.^  It  was  supposed,  in  1633,  that 
the  river  Indians  only  could  bring  this  number  into  the  field.* 
These  were  principally  included  within  the  ancient  limits  of  Wind- 
sor, Hartford,  Weathersfield,  and  Middletown.  Within  the  town 
of  Windsor  only,  there  were  ten  distinct  tribes,  or  sovereignties. 
About  the  year  1670,  their  bowmen  were  reckoned  at  two  thou- 
sand. At  that  time,  it  was  the  general  opinion,  that  there  were 
nineteen  Indians,  in  that  town,  to  one  Englishman.^  There  was 
a  great  body  of  them  in  the  centre  of  the  town.  They  had  a  large 
fort  a  little  north  of  the  plat  on  which  the  first  meeting-house  was 
erected.  On  the  east  side  of  the  river,  on  the  upper  branches 
of  the  Podunk,  they  were  very  numerous.  There  were  also  a  great 
number  in  Hartford.  Besides  those  on  the  west  side  of  the  river, 
there  was  a  distinct  tribe  in  East-Hartford.    These  were  princi- 

'  Winthrop's  Journal,  p.  51.  *  Manuscripts  from  Windsor. 

'  This  estimate  is  considered  by  Stiles  (Ancient  Windsor,  ist  ed.  p.  86)  ns  ab- 
surd. From  church  records  unknown  to  Trumbull,  Stiles  shows  that  this  compu- 
tation would  make  the  number  of  Indians  in  Windsor  alone  from  11,000  to  13.000, 
or  a-!  many  as  the  whole  colony  of  Connecticut  was  supposed  to  hold  at  that  time. 
-J-  T. 


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HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


IX«>33 


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pally  situated  upon  the  Podunk,  from  the  northern  boundary  of 
Hartford,  to  its  mouth,  where  it  empties  into  Connecticut  river. 
Totanimo,  their  first  sachem  with  whom  the  English  had  any 
acquaintance,  commanded  two  hundred  bowmen.  These  were 
called  the  Podunk  Indians. 

At  Mattabesick,  now  Middletown,  was  the  great  sachem  Sow- 
heag.  His  fort,  or  castle,  was  on  the  high  ground,  facing  the  river, 
and  the  adjacent  country,  on  both  sides  of  the  river,  was  h^s 
sachemdom.  This  was  extensive,  comprehending  the  ancient 
boundaries  of  Weathersfield,  then  called  Pyquaug,  as  well  as  Mid- 
dletown. Sequin  was  sagamore  at  Pyquaug,  under  Sowheag, 
when  the  English  began  their  settlements.  On  the  east  side  of 
the  river,  in  the  tract  since  called  Chatham,  was  a  considerable 
clan,  called  the  Wongung  Indians.  At  Machemoodus,  now  called 
East-Haddam,  was  a  numerous  tribe,  famous  for  their  pawaws, 
and  worshipping  of  evil  spirits.^  South  of  these,  in  the  eastern- 
most part  of  Lyme,  were  the  western  Nehanticks.  These  were 
confederate  with  the  Pequots.  South  and  east  of  them,  from 
Connecticut  river  to  the  eastern  boundary  line  of  the  colony,  and 
north-east  or  north,  to  its  northern  boundary  line,  lay  the  Pequot 
and  Moheagan  country.  This  tract  was  nearly  thirty  miles  square, 
including  the  counties  of  New-London,  Windham,  and  the  prin- 
cipal part  of  the  county  of  Tolland.* 

Historians  have  treated  of  the  Pequots  and  Moheagans,  as  two 
distinct  tribes,  and  have  described  the  Pequot  country,  as  lying 
principally  within  the  three  towns  of  New-London,  Groton,  and 
Stonington.  All  the  tract  above  this,  as  far  north  and  east  as  has 
been  described,  they  have  represented  as  the  Moheagan  country. 
Most  of  the  towns  in  this  tract,  if  not  all  of  them,  hold  their  lands 
by  virtue  of  deeds  from  Uncas,  or  his  successors,  the  Moheagan 
sachems.  It  is,  however,  much  to  be  doubted,  whether  the  Mo- 
heagans were  a  distinct  nation  from  the  Pequots.  They  appear 
to  have  been  a  part  of  the  same  nation,  named  from  the  place  of 
their  situation.  Uncas  was  evidently  of  the  royal  line  of  the 
Pequots,  both  by  his  father  and  mother;  and  his  wife  was  daugh- 
ter of  Tatobam,  one  of  the  Pequot  sachems.^  He  appears  to  have 
been  a  captain,  or  petty  sachem,  under  Sassacus,  the  great  p'ince 
of  the  nation.  When  the  English  first  came  to  Connecticut,  he 
was  in  a  state  of  rebellion  against  him,  in  consequence  of  some 
misunderstanding  between  them;  and  of  little  power  or  conse- 
quence among  the  Indians. 

The  Pequots  were,  by  far,  the  most  warlike  nation  in  Connecti- 
cut, or  even  in  New-England.    The  tradition  is,  that  they  were, 


'  Manuscripts  of  the  Rev.  Mr.  Hosmer. 

'  President  Clap's  manuscripts,  and  Chandler's  map  of  the  Moheagan  country. 
'  Preface  to  Capt.  Mason's  history,  and  genealogy  of  Uncas,  upon  the  records 
of  Connecticut. 


1633] 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


a^ 


originally,  an  inland  tribe;  but,  by  their  prowess,  came  down  and 
settled  themselves,  in  that  fine  country  along  the  sea  coast,  from 
Nehantick  to  Narraganset  bay.  When  the  English  began  their 
settlements  at  Connecticut,  Sassacus  had  twenty-six  sachems,  or 
principal  war  captains,  under  him.  The  next  to  himself,  in  dig- 
nity, was  Mononottoh.  The  chief  seat  of  these  Indians,  was  at 
New-London  and  Groton.  New-London  was  their  principal  har- 
bor, and  called  Pequot  harbor.  They  had  another  small  harbor 
at  the  mouth  of  Mystic  river.  Their  principal  fort  was  on  a  com- 
manding and  most  beautiful  eminence,  in  the  town  of  Gro- 
ton, a  few  miles  south-easterly  from  fort  Griswold.  It  com- 
manded one  of  the  finest  prospects  of  the  sound  and  the  adjacent 
country,  which  is  to  be  found  upon  the  coast.  This  was  the  royal 
fortress,  where  the  chief  sachem  had  his  residence.  He  had  an- 
other fort  near  Mystic  river,  a  few  miles  to  the  eastward  of  this, 
called  Mystic  fort.  This  was  also  erected  upon  a  beautiful  hill, 
or  eminence,  gradually  descending  towards  the  south  and  south- 
east. The  Pequots,  Moheagans,  and  Nehanticks,  could,  doubt- 
less, muster  a  thousand  bowmen.  The  Pequots  only  were  esti- 
mated at  seven  hundred  warriors.  Upon  the  lowest  computation 
we  therefore  find  at  least  three  thousand  warriors  on  the  river 
Connecticut,  and  in  the  eastern  part  of  the  colony.  If  we  reckon 
every  third  person  a  bowman,  as  some  have  imagined,  then  the 
whole  number  of  Indians,  in  the  town  and  tract  mentioned,  would 
be  nine  thousand;  but  if  there  were  but  one  to  four  or  five,  as  is 
most  probable,  then  there  were  twelve  or  fifteen  thousand. 

West  of  Connecticut  river  and  the  towns  upon  it,  there  were 
not  only  scattering  families  in  almost  every  part,  but,  in  several 
places,  great  bodies  of  Indians.  At  Simsbury  and  New-Hartford, 
they  were  numerous;  and  upon  those  fine  meadows,  formed  by 
the  meanders  of  the  little  river,  at  Tunxis,  now  Farmington,  and 
the  lands  adjacent,  was  another  very  large  clan.  There  was  a 
small  tribe  at  Guilford,  under  the  sachem  squaw,  or  queen,  of 
Menunkatuck.  At  Branford  and  East-Haven  there  was  another. 
They  had  a  famous  burying  ground  at  East-Haven,  which  they 
visited  and  kept  up,  with  much  ceremony,  for  many  years  after 
the  settlement  of  New-Haven. 

At  Milford,  Derby,  Stratford,  Norwalk,  Stamford,  and  Green- 
wich, their  numbers  were  formidable. 

At  Milford,  the  Indian  name  of  which  was  Wopowage,  there 
were  great  numbers;  not  only  in  the  centre  of  the  town,  but  south 
of  it,  at  Milford  point.  In  the  fields  there,  the  shells  brought  on 
by  the  original  inhabitants  are  said  to  be  so  deep,  that  they  never 
have  been  ploughed,  or  dug  through,  even  to  this  day.  On  the 
west  part  of  the  town  was  another  party.  They  had  a  strong 
fortress,  with  flankers  at  the  four  corners,  about  half  a  mile  north 
of  Stratford  ferry.    This  was  built  as  a  defence  against  the  Mo- 


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24 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


[1633 


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hawks.  At  Turkey  hill,  in  the  north-west  part  of  Milford,  there 
was  another  large  settlement. 

In  Derby,  there  were  two  large  clans.  There  was  one  at  Pau- 
gusset.  This  clan  erected  a  strong  fort  against  the  Mohawks, 
situated  on  the  bank  of  the  river,  nearly  a  mile  above  Derby  ferry. 
At  the  falls  of  Naugatuck  river,  four  or  live  miles  above,  was 
another  tribe. 

At  Stratford,  the  Indians  were  equally,  if  not  more  numerous. 
In  that  part  of  the  town  only,  which  is  comprised  within  the  limits 
of  Huntington,  their  warriors,  after  the  English  had  knowledge 
of  them,  were  estimated  at  three  hundred ;  and,  before  this  time, 
they  had  been  much  wasted  by  the  Mohawks. 

The  Indians  at  Stamford  and  Greenwich,  and  in  that  vicinity, 
probably,  were  not  inferior  in  numbers  to  those  at  Stratford. 
There  were  two  or  three  tribes  of  Indians  in  Stamford,  when  the 
English  began  the  settlement  of  the  town.  In  Norwalk  were  two 
petty  sachemdoms ;  so  that  within  these  towns,  there  was  a  large 
and  dangerous  body  of  savages.  These,  with  the  natives  between 
them  and  Hudson's  river,  gave  extreme  trouble  to  the  Dutch. 
The  Norwalk  and  Stamford  Indians  gave  great  alarm,  and  occa- 
sioned much  expense  to  the  English,  after  they  made  settlements 
in  that  part  of  the  colony. 

In  the  town  of  Woodbury,  there  were  also  great  numbers  of 
Indians.  The  most  numerous  body  of  them  was  in  that  part  of 
the  town,  since  named  South-Britain. 

It  would  doubtless  be  a  moderate  computation,  to  reckon  all 
these  different  clans  at  a  thousand  warriors,  or  four  or  five  thou- 
sand people.  There  must  therefore  have  been  sixteen,  and  it  may 
be,  twenty  thousand  Indians  in  Connecticut,  when  the  settlement 
of  it  commenced. 

East  of  Connecticut  were  the  Narraganset  Indians:  these 
were  a  numerous  and  powerful  body.  When  the  English  settled 
Plymouth,  their  fighting  men  were  reckoned  at  three  or  four 
thousand.^  Fifty  years  after  this  time,  they  were  estimated  at  two 
thousand.  The  Pequots  and  Narragansets  maintained  perpetual 
war,  and  kept  up  an  implacable  animosity  between  them.  The 
Narragansets  were  the  only  Indians  in  the  vicinity  of  the  Pequots, 
which  they  had  not  conquered.  To  these  their  very  name  was 
dreadful.  They  said  Sassacus  was  "  all  one  God;  no  man  could 
kill  him."  ^ 

On  the  northeasterly  and  northern  part  of  the  colony,  were 
the  Nipmuck  Indians.  Their  principal  seat  was  about  the  great 
ponds  in  Oxford,  in  Massachusetts,  but  their  territory  extended 
southward  into  Connecticut,  more  than  twenty  miles.  This  was 
called  the  Wabbequasset  and  Whetstone  country;    and  some- 

'  Prince's  Chron.  p.  116, 

'  Major  Mason's  history  of  the  Pequot  war. 


i633l 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


25 


times,  the  Moheagan  conquered  country,  as  Uncas  had  conquered 
and  added  it  to  his  sachemdom.* 

The  Connecticut,  and  indeed  all  the  New-England  Indians, 
were  large,  straight,  well  proportioned  men.  Their  bodies  were 
firm  and  active,  capable  of  enduring  the  greatest  fatigues  and 
hardships.  Their  passive  courage  was  almost  incredible.  When 
tortured  in  the  most  cruel  manner;  though  flayed  alive,  though 
burnt  with  fire,  cut  or  torn  limb  from  limb,  they  would  not  groan, 
nor  show  any  signs  of  distress.  Nay,  in  some  instances  they 
would  glory  over  their  tormentors,  saying  that  their  hearts  would 
never  be  soft  until  they  were  cold,  and  representing  their  torments 
as  sweet  as  Englishmen's  sugar.*  When  travelling  in  summer, 
or  winter,  they  regarded  neither  heat  nor  cold.  They  were  ex- 
ceedingly light  of  foot,  and  would  travel  or  run  a  very  great 
distance  in  a  day.  Mr.  Williams  says,  "  I  have  known  them  run 
between  eighty  and  a  hundred  miles  in  a  summer's  day  and  back 
again  within  two  days."  As  they  were  accustomed  to  the  woods, 
they  ran  in  them  nearly  as  well  as  on  plain  ground.  They  were 
exceedingly  quick  sighted,  to  discover  their  enemy,  or  their  game, 
and  equally  artful  to  conceal  themselves.  Their  features  were 
tolerably  regular.  Their  faces  are  generally  full  as  broad  as  those 
of  the  English,  but  flatter;  they  have  a  small,  dark  coloured  good 
eye,  coarse  black  hair,  and  a  fine  white  set  of  teeth.  The  Indian 
children,  when  born,  are  nearly  as  white  as  the  EngHsh  children; 
but  as  they  grow  up  their  skin  grows  darker  and  becomes  nearly 
of  a  copper  colour.  The  shapes  both  of  the  men  and  women,  es- 
pecially the  latter,  are  excellent.  A  crooked  Indian  is  rarely  if 
ever  to  be  seen. 

The  Indians  in  general  were  quick  of  apprehension,  ingenious, 
and  when  pleased,  nothing  could  exceed  their  courtesy  and 
friendship.  Gravity  and  eloquence  distinguished  them  in  council, 
address  and  bravery  in  war.  They  were  not  more  easily  provoked 
than  the  EngHsh;  but  when  once  they  had  received  an  injury, 
it  was  never  forgotten.  In  anger  they  were  not,  Hke  the  English, 
talkative  and  boisterous,  but  sullen  and  revengeful.  Indeed, 
when  they  were  exasperated,  nothing  could  exceed  their  revenge 
and  cruelty.  When  they  have  fallen  into  the  power  of  an  enemy, 
they  have  not  been  known  to  beg  for  life,  nor  even  to  accept  it 
when  offered  them.  They  have  seemed  rather  to  court  death.' 
They  were  exceedingly  improvident.  If  they  had  a  supply  for 
the  present,  they  gave  themselves  no  trouble  for  the  future.  The 
men  declined  all  labor,  and  spent  their  time  in  hunting,  fishing, 
shooting,  and  warlike  exercises.  They  were  excellent  marksmen, 
and  rarely  missed  their  game,  whether  running  or  flying. 

'  President  Clap's  manuscripts,  and  Chandler's  map  of  the  Moheagan  country. 
-  Hubbard's  Narrative,  p.  130  and  172. 
Jefferson's  notes,  p.  108,  109,  and  Hubbard's  Narrative,  p.  130,  172. 


^i 


'ts 


'Hi 


M 


''I  I 


^1  I 


il  I 


m^ 


40 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


[1633 


They  imposed  all  the  drudgery  upon  their  women.  They  gath- 
ered and  brought  home  their  wood,  planted,  dressed  and  gathered 
in  their  corn.  They  carried  home  the  venison,  fish  and  fowl, 
which  the  men  took  in  hunting.  When  they  travelled,  the  women 
carried  the  children,  packs  and  provisions.  The  Indian  women 
submitted  patiently  to  such  treatment,  considering  it  as  the  hard 
lot  of  the  woman.  This  ungenerous  usage  of  their  haughty  lords, 
they  repaid  with  smiles  and  good  humour. 

It  has  been  common  among  all  heathen  nations,  to  treat  their 
women  as  slaves,  and  their  children,  in  infancy,  with  little  tender- 
ness. The  Indian  men  cared  little  for  their  children  when  young, 
and  were  supposed  at  certain  times,  to  sacrifice  them  to  the  devil. 
Christianity  only  provides  for  that  tender  and  honorable  treat- 
ment of  the  woman,  which  is  due  to  the  sex  formed  of  man.  This 
alone  provides  for  the  tender  care,  nursing  and  education  of  her 
offspring,  and  is  most  favorable  to  domestic  happiness,  to  the 
life  and  dignity  of  man. 

The  Indian  women  were  strong  and  masculine;  and  as  they 
were  more  inured  to  exercise  and  hardship  than  the  men,  were 
even  more  firm  and  capable  of  fatigue  and  suflfering  than  they. 
They  endured  the  pains  of  child-bearing  without  a  groan.  It  was 
not  uncommon  for  ibem,  soon  after  labor,  to  take  their  children 
upon  their  backs  and  travel  as  they  had  done  before.* 

The  clothing  of  the  Indians  in  New-England,  was  the  skins  of 
wild  beasts.  The  men  threw  a  light  mantle  of  skins  over  them, 
and  wore  a  small  flap  which  was  called  Indian  breeches.  They 
were  not  very  careful,  however,  to  conceal  their  nakedness.  The 
women  were  much  more  modest.  They  wore  a  coat  of  skins,  girt 
about  their  loins,  which  reached  down  to  their  hams. — ^They  never 
put  this  oflf  in  company.  If  the  husband  chose  to  sell  his  wife's 
beaver  petticoat,  she  could  not  be  persuaded  to  part  with  it,  until 
he  had  provided  another  of  some  sort. 

In  the  winter,  their  blanket  of  skins,  which  hung  loose  in  the 
summer,  was  tied  or  wrapped  more  closely  about  them.  The  old 
men  in  the  severe  seasons  also  wore  a  sort  of  trowsers  made  of 
skins  and  fastened  to  their  girdles.  They  wore  shoes  without 
heels,  which  they  called  mockasins.  These  were  made  generally 
of  moose  hide,  but  sometimes  of  buck  skin.  They  were  shaped 
entirely  to  the  foot,  gathered  at  the  toes  and  round  the  ankles, 
and  made  fast  with  strings. 

Their  ornaments  were  pendants  in  their  ears  and  nose,  carved 
of  bone,  shells  and  stone.  These  were  in  the  form  of  birds,  beasts 
and  fishes.  They  also  wore  belts  of  wampompeag  upon  their 
arms,  over  their  shoulders  and  about  their  loins.  They  cut  their 
hair  into  various  antic  forms  and  stuck  them  with  feathers.    They 

'  Wood's  prospect  of  New-England,  Neal  and  Hutchinson,  Neal's  Hist.  N.  E. 
vol.  i.  p.  45.     Hutchinson,  vol.  i.  p.  462  to  467, 


■  l*^! 


i633] 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


37 


.^ 


also,  by  incisions  into  which  they  conveyed  a  black  or  blue,  un- 
changeable ink,  made  on  their  cheeks,  arms,  and  other  parts  of 
their  bodies,  the  figures  of  moose,  deer,  bears,  wolves,  hawks, 
eagles  and  all  such  living  creatures  as  were  most  agreeable  to 
their  fancies.  These  pictures  were  indelible,  and  lasted  during 
life.  The  sachems,  on  great  days,  when  they  designed  to  show 
themselves  in  the  full  splendor  of  majesty,  not  only  covered  them- 
selves with  mantles  of  moose,  or  deer  skins,  with  various  em- 
broideries of  white  beads,  and  with  paintings  of  different  kinds; 
but  they  wore  the  skin  of  a  bear,  wild  cat  or  some  terrible  creature 
upon  their  shoulders  and  arms.  They  had  also  necklaces  of  fish 
bones,  and  painting  themselves  in  a  frightful  manner,  made  a 
most  ferocious  and  horrible  appearance.  The  warriors  who,  on 
public  occasions,  dressed  themselves  in  the  most  wild  and  terrific 
forms,  were  considered  as  the  best  men. 

The  Indian  houses  or  wigwams,  were,  at  best,  but  poor  smoky 
cells.  They  were  constructed  generally  like  arbours,  of  small 
young  trees,  bent  and  twisted  together,  and  so  curiously  covered 
with  mats  or  bark,  that  they  were  tolerably  dry  and  warm.  The 
Indians  made  their  fire  in  the  centre  of  the  house,  and  there  was 
an  opening  at  the  top,  which  emitted  the  smoke.  For  the  con- 
venience of  wood  and  water,  these  huts  were  commonly  erected 
in  groves,  near  some  river,  brook  or  living  spring.  When  the 
wood  failed,  the  family  removed  to  another  place. 

They  lived  in  a  poor  low  manner:  their  food  was  coarse  and 
simple,  without  any  kind  of  seasoning:  they  had  neither  spice, 
salt,  nor  bread:  they  had  neither  butter,  cheese,  nor  milk:  they 
drank  nothing  better  than  the  water  which  ran  in  the  brook,  or 
spouted  from  the  sprinr:  *  >ey  fed  on  the  flesh  and  entrails  of 
moose,  deer,  bears,  and  iii  kinds  of  wild  beasts  and  fowls;  on 
fish,  eels,  and  creeping  things:  they  had  good  stomachs,  and 
nothing  came  amiss.  In  the  hunting  and  fishing  seasons,  they 
had  venison,  moose,  fat  bears,  racoons,  geese,  turkeys,  ducks,  and 
fish  of  all  kinds.  In  the  summer,  they  had  green  corn,  beans, 
squashes,  and  the  various  fruits  which  the  country  naturally  pro- 
duced. In  the  winter  they  subsisted  on  corn,  beans,  fish,  nuts, 
groundnuts,  acorns,  and  the  very  gleanings  of  the  grove. 

They  had  no  set  meals,  but  like  other  wild  creatures,  ate  when 
they  were  hungry,  and  could  find  any  thing  to  satisfy  the  cravings 
of  nature.  Some  times  they  had  little  or  nothing  for  several  days; 
but  when  they  had  provisions,  they  feasted.  If  they  fasted  for 
some  time,  they  were  sure  at  the  next  meal  to  make  up  for  all 
they  had  lost  before.  They  had  but  little  food  from  the  earth, 
except  what  it  spontaneously  produced.  Indian  com,  beans  and 
squashes,  were  the  only  eatables  for  which  the  natives  in  New- 
England  labored.  The  earth  was  both  their  seat  and  their  table. 
With  trenchers,  knives,  and  napkins,  they  had  no  acquaintance. 


P 


( ^  If' 


■■'II 
W 


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:;■; 

; .  (■' 

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38 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


[1633 


Their  household  furniture  was  of  small  value.  Their  best  bed 
was  a  mat  or  skin :  they  had  neither  chair  nor  stool.  They  ever 
sat  upon  the  ground,  commonly  with  their  elbows  upon  their 
knees :  this  is  the  manner  in  which  their  great  warriors  and  coun- 
cillors now  sit,  even  in  the  most  public  treaties  with  the  English. 
A  few  wooden  and  stone  vessels  and  instruments,  serve  all  the 
purposes  of  domestic  life.  They  had  no  steel  nor  iron  instrument. 
Their  knife  was  a  sharp  stone,  shell,  or  kind  of  reed,  which  they 
sharpened  in  such  a  manner,  as  to  cut  their  hair,  make  their  bows 
and  arrows,  and  served  for  all  the  purposes  of  a  knife.  They  made 
them  axes  of  stone:  these  they  shaped  somewhat  similar  to  our 
axes;  but  with  this  difference,  that  they  were  made  with  a  neck, 
instead  of  an  eye,  and  fastened  with  a  withe,  like  a  blacksmith's 
chisel.  They  had  mortars,  and  stone  pestles,  and  chisels:  great 
numbers  of  these  have  been  found  in  the  country,  and  kept  by 
the  people,  as  curiosities.  They  dressed  their  corn  with  a  clam- 
shell, or  with  a  stick,  made  flat  and  sharp  at  one  end.  These  were 
all  the  utensils  which  they  had,  either  for  domestic  use,  or  for 
husbandry. 

Their  arts  and  manufactures  were  confined  to  a  very  narrow 
compass.  Their  only  weapons  were  bows  and  arrows,  the  toma- 
hawk and  the  wooden  sword  or  spear.  Their  bows  were  of  the 
common  construction :  their  bowstrings  were  made  of  the  sinews 
of  deer,  or  of  the  Indian  hemp.  Their  arrows  were  constructed 
of  young  elder  sticks,  or  of  other  straight  sticks  and  reeds :  these 
were  headed  with  a  sharp  flinty  stone,  or  with  bones.  The  arrovvT 
was  cleft  at  one  end,  and  the  stone  or  bone  was  put  in  and  fastened 
with  a  small  cord.  The  tomahawk  was  a  stick  of  two  or  three  feet 
in  lengfth,  with  a  knob  at  one  end.  Some  times  it  was  a  stone 
hatchet,  or  a  stick,  with  a  piece  of  deer's  horn  at  one  end,  in  the 
form  of  a  pick  axe.  Their  spear  was  a  straight  piece  of  wood, 
sharpened  at  one  end,  and  hardened  in  the  lire,  or  headed  with 
bone  or  stone. 

With  respect  to  navigation,  they  had  made  no  improvements 
beyond  the  construction  and  management  of  the  hollow  trough 
or  canoe.  They  made  their  canoes  of  the  chestnut,  whitewood, 
and  pine  trees.  As  these  grew  straight  to  a  great  length,  and  were 
exceedingly  large  as  well  as  tall,  they  constructed  some,  which 
would  carry  sixty  or  eighty  men :  ^  these  were  first  rates ;  but 
commonly  they  were  not  more  than  twenty  feet  in  length,  and 
two  in  breadth.  The  Pequots  had  many  of  these,  in  which  they 
passed  over  to  the  Islands,  and  warred  against,  and  plundered 
the  Islanders.  The  Indians  upon  Long-Island  had  a  great  num- 
ber of  canoes,  of  the  largest  kind. 

The  construction  of  these,  with  such  miserable  tools  as  the 
Indians  possessed,  was  a  great  curiosity.    The  manner  was  this: 

'  Winthrop's  Journal,  p.  54. 


ill 


1633] 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


ag 


when  they  had  found  a  tree  to  their  purpose,  to  fell  it  they  made 
a  fire  at  the  root,  and  kept  burning  it  and  cutting  it  with  their 
stone  axe,  until  it  fell:  then  they  kindled  a  fire  at  such  a  distance 
from  the  butt  as  they  chose,  and  burned  it  off  again.  By  burning 
and  working  with  their  axe,  and  scraping  with  sharp  stones  and 
shells,  they  made  it  hollow  and  smooth.  In  the  same  manner  they 
shaped  the  ends,  and  finished  it  to  their  wishes. 

They  constructed  nets,  twenty  and  thirty  feet  in  length,  for  fish- 
ing; especially  for  the  purpose  of  catching  sturgeon:  these  were 
wrought  with  cords  of  Indian  hemp,  twisted  by  the  hands  of  the 
women.  They  had  also  hooks,  made  of  flexible  bones,  which 
they  used  for  fishing. 

With  respect  to  religion  and  morals,  the  Indians  in  New-Eng- 
land were  in  the  most  deplorable  condition.  They  believed  that 
there  was  a  great  Spirit,  or  God,  whom  they  called  Kitchtan. 
They  imagined  that  he  dwelt  far  away  in  the  southwest,  and  that 
he  was  a  good  God.  But  they  worshipped  a  great  variety  of 
gods.  They  paid  homage  to  the  fire  and  water,  thunder  and 
lightning,  and  to  whatever  they  imagined  to  be  superior  to 
themselves,  or  capable  of  doing  them  an  injury.*  They  paid 
their  principal  homage  to  Hobbamocko.  They  imagined  that 
he  was  an  evil  spirit  and  did  them  mischief;  and  so,  from  fear, 
they  worshipped  him,  to  keep  him  in  good  humour.  They  ap- 
peared to  have  no  idea  of  a  sabbath,  and  not  to  regard  any  par- 
ticular day  more  than  another.  But  in  times  of  uncommon  dis- 
tress, by  reason  of  pestilence,  war,  or  famine,  and  upon  occasion 
of  great  victories  and  triumph,  and  after  the  ingathering  of  the 
fruits,  they  assembled  in  great  numbers,  for  the  celebration  of 
their  superstitious  rites.'  The  whole  country,  men,  women  and 
children,  came  together  upon  these  solemnities.  The  manner  of 
their  devotion  was,  to  kindle  large  fires  in  their  wigwams,  or 
more  commonly  in  the  open  fields,  and  to  sing  and  dance  round 
them  in  a  wild  and  violent  manner.  Sometimes  they  would  all 
shout  aloud,  with  the  most  antic  and  hideous  notes.  They  made 
rattles  of  shells,  which  they  shook,  in  a  wild  and  violent  manner, 
to  fill  up  the  confused  noise.  After  the  English  settled  in  Con- 
necticut, and  they  could  purchase  kettles  of  brass,  they  used  to 
strain  skins  over  them,  and  beat  upon  them,  to  augment  their 
wretched  music.  They  often  continued  these  wild  and  tumultu- 
ous exercises  incessantly,  for  four  or  five  hours,  until  they  were 
worn  down  and  spent  with  fatigue.  Their  priests,  or  powaws,  led 
in  these  exercises.  They  were  dressed  in  the  most  odd  and  sur- 
prising manner,  with  skins  of  odious  and  frightful  creatures  about 
their  heads,  faces,  arms,  and  bodies.  They  painted  themselves  in 
the  most  ugly  forms  which  could  be  devised.  They  sometimes 
sang,  and  then  broke  forth  into  strong  invocations,  with  starts, 
'  Magnolia,  b.  iii.  p.  192.  ''  Ibid. 


''¥'m 


m 


i 

11 


«,- 


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1 1 

I 


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■ 


11- 


M, 


30 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


11633 


iiii 


and  strange  motions  and  passions.  When  these  paused,  the  other 
Indians  groaned,  making  wild  and  doleful  sounds.  At  these 
times,  they  sacrificed  their  skins,  Indian  money,  and  the  best  of 
their  treasures.  These  .vere  taken  by  the  powaws,  and  all  cast 
into  the  fires  and  consum^i  together.  After  the  English  came 
into  the  country,  and  they  had  hatchets  and  kettles,  they  sacri- 
ficed these  in  the  same  manner.  The  English  were  also  per- 
suaded, that  they,  sometimes,  sacrificed  their  children,  as  well  as 
their  most  valuable  commodities.  No  Indians  in  Connecticut 
were  more  noted  for  these  superstitions  than  those  of  Wo- 
powage  and  Machemoodus.  Milford  people  observing  an  Indian 
child,  nearly  at  one  of  these  times  of  their  devotion,  dressed  in 
an  extraordinary  manner,  with  all  kinds  of  Indian  finery,  had  the 
curiosity  to  inquire  what  could  be  the  reason.  The  Indians  an- 
swered, that  it  was  to  be  sacrificed,  and  the  people  supposed  that 
it  was  given  to  the  devil.  The  evil  spirit,  which  the  New-Eng- 
land Indians  called  Hobbamocko,  the  Virginia  Indians  called 
Okee.  So  deluded  were  these  unhappy  people,  that  they  be- 
lieved these  barbarous  sacrifices  to  be  absolutely  necessary.  They 
imagined  that,  unless  they  appeased  and  conciliated  their  gods 
in  this  manner,  they  would  neither  suffer  them  to  have  peace,  nor 
harvests,  fish,  venison,  fat  bears,  nor  turkeys;  but  would  visit 
them  with  a  general  destruction. 

With  respect  to  morals,  they  were  indeed  miserably  depraved. 
Mr.  Williams  and  Mr.  Callender,  who,  at  an  early  period,  were 
acquainted  with  the  Indians  in  Rhode-Island,  Mr.  Hooker.  :md 
others,  have  represented  them  as  sunk  into  the  lowest  stote  of 
moral  turpitude,  and  as  the  very  dregs  of  human  nature.^  Though 
the  character  which  they  gave  them  was,  in  some  respects,  exag- 
gerated and  absurd,  yet  it  cannot  be  denied,  that  they  were  wor- 
shippers of  evil  spirits,  liars,  thieves,  and  murderers.  They  cer- 
tainly were  insidious  and  revengeful,  almost  without  a  parallel; 
and  they  wallowed  in  all  the  filth  of  wantonness.  Great  pains 
were  taken  with  the  Narraganset  and  Connecticut  Indians,  to 
civilize  them,  and  teach  them  Christianity;  but  the  sachems  re- 
jected the  gospel  with  indignation  and  contempt.  They  would 
not  suffer  it  to  be  preached  to  their  subjects.  Indeed,  both  made 
it  a  public  interest  to  oppose  its  propagation  among  them.  Their 
policy,  religion,  and  manners,  were  directly  opposed  to  its  pure 
doctrines  and  morals. 

The  manner  of  their  courtship  and  marriages  manifested  their 
impurity.  When  a  young  Indian  wished  for  marriage,  he  pre- 
sented the  girl  with  whom  he  was  enamoured,  with  bracelets, 
belts,  and  chains  of  wampum.  If  she  received  his  presents,  they 
cohabited  together  for  a  time,  upon  trial.  If  they  pleased  each 
other,  they  w^ere  joined  in  marriage;  but  if,  after  a  few  weeks, 
'  Williams'  manuscripts,  and  Mr,  Callender's  sermon. 


W'-m- 


i633l 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


11 


they  were  not  suited,  the  man,  leaving  his  presents,  quitted  the 
girl,  and  sought  another  mistress,  and  she  another  lover.^  In  this 
manner  they  courted,  until  two  met  who  were  agreeable  to  each 
other.  Before  marriage  the  consent  of  the  sachem  was  obtained, 
and  he  always  joined  the  hands  of  the  young  pair  in  wedlock. 

The  Indians  in  general  kept  many  concubines,  and  never 
thought  they  had  too  many  women.'  This  especially  was  the  case 
with  their  sachems.  They  chose  their  concubines  agreeably  to 
their  fancy,  and  put  them  away  at  pleasure.  When  a  sachem  grew 
weary  of  any  of  his  women,  he  bestowed  them  upon  some  of  his 
favourites,  or  chief  men.  The  Indians,  however,  had  one  wife, 
who  was  the  governess  of  the  family,  and  whom  they  generally 
kept  during  life.  In  cases  of  adultery,  the  husband  either  put 
away  the  guilty  wife,  or  satisfied  himself  by  the  infliction  of  some 
severe  punishment.  .  lusbands  and  wivos,  parents  and  children, 
lived  together  in  the  same  wigwams,  without  any  different  apart- 
ment, and  made  no  great  privacy  of  such  actions  as  the  chaster 
animals  keep  from  open  view. 

The  Indian  government,  generally,  was  absolute  monarchy. 
The  will  of  the  sachem  was  his  law.  The  lives  and  interests  of  his 
subjects  were  at  his  disposal.  But  in  all-important  affairs,  he  con- 
sulted his  counsellors.  When  they  had  given  their  opinions,  they 
deferred  the  decision  of  every  matter  to  him.  Whatever  his  de- 
terminations were,  they  applauded  his  wisdom,  and  without  hesi- 
tation obeyed  his  commands.  In  council,  the  deportment  of  the 
sachems  was  grave  and  majestic  to  admiration.  They  appeared 
to  be  men  of  great  discernment  and  policy.  Their  speeches  were 
cautious  and  politic.  The  conduct  of  their  counsellors  and  ser- 
vants was  profoundly  respectful  and  submissive. 

The  counsellors  of  the  Indian  kings  in  New-England,  were 
termed  the  paniese.  These  were  not  only  the  wisest,  but  largest 
and  bravest  men  to  be  found  among  their  subjects.  They  were 
the  immediate  guard  of  their  respective  sachems,  who  made 
neither  war  nor  peace,  nor  attempted  any  weighty  affair,  without 
their  advice.  In  war,  and  all  great  enterprises,  dangers,  and  suf- 
ferings, these  discovered  a  boldness  and  firmness  of  mind  exceed- 
ing all  the  other  warriors. 

To  preserve  this  order  among  the  Indians,  great  pains  were 
taken.  The  stoutest  and  most  promising  boys  were  chosen,  and 
trained  up  with  peculiar  care,  in  the  observation  of  certain  Indian 
rites  and  customs.  They  were  kept  from  all  delicious  meats, 
trained  to  coarse  fare,  and  made  to  drink  the  juice  of  bitter  herbs, 
until  it  occasioned  violent  vomitings.  They  were  beaten  over 
their  legs  and  shins  with  sticks,  and  made  to  run  through  bram- 
bles and  thickets,  to  make  them  hardy,  and,  as  the  Indians  said, 
to  render  them  more  acceptable  to  Hobbamocko. 

•  Hutchinson,  vol.  i.  p.  461,  462.  *  Ncal's  Hist.  N.  E.  p.  38,  39, 


■h"\ 


iil 


MM 


;  I 


m 


M 


32 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


[1633 


These  paniesc,  or  ministers  of  state,  were  in  league  with  the 
priests,  or  powaws.  To  keep  the  people  in  awe,  they  pretended, 
as  well  as  the  priests,  to  have  converse  with  the  invisible  world, 
and  that  Hobbamocko  often  appeared  to  them. 

Among  the  Connecticut  Indians,  and  among  all  the  Indians  in 
New-England,  the  crown  was  hereditary,  always  descending  to 
the  eldest  son.  When  there  was  no  male  issue,  the  crown  de- 
scended to  the  female.  The  blood  royal  was  held  in  such  venera- 
tion, that  no  one  was  considered  as  heir  to  the  crown,  but  such  as 
were  royally  descended  on  both  sides.  When  a  female  acceded  to 
the  crown,  she  was  called  the  sunk  squaw,  or  queen  squaw. 
There  were  many  petty  sachems,  tributary  to  other  princes,  on 
whom  they  were  dependent  for  protection,  and  without  whose 
consent  they  m^ide  neither  peace,  war,  nor  alliances  with  other 
nations. 

The  revenues  of  the  crown  consisted  in  the  contributions  of 
the  people.  They  carried  corn,  and  the  first  fruits  of  their  harvest 
of  all  kinds,  beans,  squashes,  roots,  berries,  and  nuts,  and  pre- 
sented them  to  their  sachem.  They  made  him  presents  of  flesh, 
fish,  fowl,  moose,  bear,  deer,  beaver  and  other  skins.  One  of  the 
paniese  was  commonly  appointed  to  receive  the  tribute.  When 
the  Indians  brought  it,  he  gave  notice  to  his  sachem,  who  went  out 
to  them,  and  by  good  words  and  some  small  gifts,  expressed  his 
gratitude.  By  these  contributions,  his  table  was  supplied;  so 
that  he  kept  open  house  for  all  strangers  and  travellers.  Besides, 
the  prince  claimed  an  absolute  sovereignty  over  the  seas  within 
his  dominion.  Whatever  was  stranded  on  the  coast,  all  wrecks 
and  whales  floating  on  the  sea,  and  taken,  were  his.^  In  war,  the 
spoils  of  the  enemy,  and  all  the  women  and  royalties  of  the  prince 
conquered,  belonged  to  him  who  made  the  conquest. 

The  sachem  was  not  only  examiner,  judge,  and  executioner, 
in  all  criminal  cases,  but  in  all  matters  of  justice  between  one  man 
and  another.  In  cases  of  dishonesty,  the  Indians  proportioned 
the  punishment  to  the  number  of  times  in  which  the  delinquent 
had  been  found  guilty.  For  the  first  oflfence,  he  was  reproached 
for  his  villainy  in  the  most  disgraceful  manner;  for  the  second, 
he  was  beaten  with  a  cudgel  upon  his  naked  back.  If  he  still  per- 
sisted in  his  dishonest  practices,  and  was  found  guilty  a  third  time, 
he  was  sure,  besides  a  sound  drubbing,  to  have  his  nose  slit,  that 
all  men  might  know  and  avoid  him.  Murder  was,  in  all  cases, 
punished  with  death.  The  sachem  whipped  the  delinquent,  and 
slit  his  nose,  in  cases  which  required  these  punishments;  and  he 
killed  the  murderer,  unless  he  were  at  a  great  distance.  In  this 
case,  in  which  execution  could  not  be  done  with  his  own  hands, 
he  sent  his  knife,  by  which  it  was  effected.  The  Indians  would 
not  receive  any  punishment  which  was  not  capital,  from  the  hands 

'  Magnalia,  B.  VI.  p.  51. 


:1    lip 
I  lit  • 


l633l 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


33 


of  any  except  their  sachems.  They  would  neither  be  beaten, 
whipped,  nor  slit  by  an  officer:  but  their  prince  might  inflict 
these  punishments  to  the  greatest  extremity,  and  they  would 
neither  run,  cry,  nor  flinch.  Indeed,  neither  the  crimes  nor  the 
punishments  are  esteemed  so  infamous,  among  the  Indians,  as  to 
groan  or  shrink  under  suffering.  The  sachems  were  so  absolute 
in  their  government,  that  they  contemned  the  limited  authority 
of  the  English  governors. 

The  Indians  had  no  kind  of  coin;  but  they  had  a  sort  of  money, 
which  they  called  wampum,  or  wampunipeag.  It  consisted  of 
small  beads,  most  curiously  wrought  out  of  shells,  and  perforated 
in  the  centre,  so  that  they  might  be  strung  on  belts,  in  chains  and 
bracelets.  These  were  of  several  sorts.  The  Indians  in  Connecti- 
cut, and  in  New-England  in  general,  made  black,  blue  and  white 
wampum.  Six  of  the  white  beads  passed  for  a  penny,  and  three 
of  the  black  or  blue  ones  for  the  same.  The  five  nations  made 
another  sort,  which  were  of  a  purple  colour.  The  white  beads 
were  wrought  out  of  the  inside  of  the  great  conchs,  and  the  purple 
out  of  the  inside  of  the  muscle  shell.  They  were  made  perfectly 
smooth,  and  the  perforation  was  done  in  the  neatest  manner.  In- 
deed, considering  that  the  Indians  had  neither  knife,  drill,  nor 
any  steel  or  iron  instrument,  the  workmanship  was  admirable. 
After  the  English  settled  in  Connecticut,  the  Indians  strung  these 
beads  on  belts  of  cloth,  in  a  very  curious  manner.  The  squaws 
made  caps  of  cloth,  rising  to  a  peak  over  the  top  of  the  head,  and 
the  fore  part  was  beautified  with  wampum,  curiously  wrought  up- 
on them.  The  six  nations  now  weave  and  string  them  in  broad 
belts,  which  they  give  in  their  treaties,  as  a  confirmation  of  their 
speeches  and  the  seals  of  their  friendship.^ 

The  Indians  of  Connecticut  and  New-England,  although  con- 
sisting of  a  great  number  of  different  nations  and  clans,  appear 
all  to  have  spoken  radically  the  same  language.  From  Piscataqua 
to  Connecticut,  it  was  so  nearly  the  same,  that  the  different  tribes 
could  coi  erse  tolerably  together."  The  Moheagan  or  Pequot  lan- 
guage was  essentially  that  of  all  the  Indians  in  New-England,  and 
of  a  great  part  of  the  Indians  in  the  United  States.'  The  word 
Moheagans,  is  a  corruption  of  Muhhekaneew,  in  the  singular,  or 
of  Muhhekaneok  in  the  plural  number.  Not  only  the  natives  of 
New-England,  but  the  Penobscots,  bordering  on  Nova-Scotia, 
the  Indians  of  St.  Francis,  in  Canada,  the  Delawares,  in  Pennsyl- 
vania, the  Shawanese,  on  the  Ohio,  and  the  Chippewaus,  at  the 
westward  of  lake  Huron,  all  spoke  the  same  radical  language. 
The  same  appears  evident  a  o  with  respect  to  the  Ottowaus, 
Nanticooks,  Munsees,  Menoni  )nees,  Missifaugas,  Saukies,  Otta- 

'  Colden's  history,  vol.  i.  p.  3,  4,  71,  72. 

'  Hutchinson,  vol.  i.  p.  479. 

'  Dr.  Edwards'  observations  on  the  language  of  the  Muhhekaneew  Indians. 


' 


IM 


•I 


)'i 


4 

,,  1 

:   'i  t  ' 
1; 

II 

.. 

] 

34 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


[1633 


«    il;/    I' 


Ji! 


gaumies,  Killistinoes,  Nipegons,  Algonkins,  Winnebagoes  and 
other  Indians.  The  various  tribes,  who  evidently  spoke  the  same 
original  language,  had  different  dialects;  yet,  perhaps,  they  dif- 
fered little  more  from  each  other,  than  the  style  of  a  Londoner 
now  does  from  that  of  his  great  grandfather.  The  want  of  letters 
and  of  a  sufficient  correspondence  between  the  several  nations 
may  well  account  for  all  the  variations  to  be  found  among  the 
natives  in  New-England,  and  between  them  and  the  other  tribes 
which  have  been  mentioned.  All  the  New-England  Indians  ex- 
pressed the  pronouns  both  substantive  and  adjective  by  prefixes 
and  suffixes,  or  by  letters  or  syllables  added  at  the  beginnings  or 
ends  of  their  nouns.*  In  this  respect  there  is  a  remarkable  coin- 
cidence between  this  and  the  Hebrew  language,  in  an  instance  in 
which  the  Hebrew  entirely  differs  from  all  the  ancient  and  modern 
languages  of  Europe. 

From  this  affinity  of  the  Indian  language,  with  the  Hebrew, 
from  their  anointing  their  heads  with  oil,  their  dancing  in  their 
devotions,  their  excessive  bowlings  and  mourning  for  their  dead, 
their  computing  time  by  nights  and  moons,  their  gplving  dowries 
to  their  wives,  and  causing  their  women  at  certain  seasons  to 
dwell  by  themselves,  and  some  other  circumstances,  the  famous 
Mr.  John  Eliot,  the  Indian  apostle,  was  led  to  imagine  that  the 
American  Indians  were  the  posterity  of  the  dispersed  Israelites.^ 
They  used  many  figures  and  parables  in  their  discourses,  and 
some  have  reported  that,  at  certain  seasons,  they  used  no  knives, 
and  never  brake  the  bones  of  the  creatures  which  they  ate.  It 
has  also  been  reported,  that  in  some  of  their  songs  the  word 
Hallelujah  might  be  distinguished.' 

The  Indian  language  abounds  with  gutturals  and  strong  aspira- 
tions, and  their  words  are  generally  of  a  great  length,*  which 
re i.  ler  it  peculiarly  bold  and  sonorous.  The  Indian  speeches,  like 
those  of  the  eastern  nations,  generally  were  adorned  with  the 
most  bold  and  striking  figures,  and  have  not  been  inferior  to  any 
which  either  the  English  or  French  have  been  able  to  make  to 
them.  The  Indians  in  general,  throughout  the  continent,  were 
much  given  to  speech  making.  As  eloquence  and  war  were,  with 
them,  the  foundations  of  all  consequence,  the  whole  force  of  their 
genius  was  directed  to  these  acquisitions.  In  council,  their  opin- 
ions were  always  given  in  set  speeches;  and  to  persons  whom 
they  highly  respected,  it  was  not  unusual,  on  meeting  and  parting, 
or  on  matters  of  more  than  common  importance,  to  address  their 


'  Dr.  Edwards'  observations  on  the  Indian  language. 

*  Magnalia,  b.  iik  p.  192,  193. 
'  Hutchinson,  vol.  i.  p.  478. 

*  Nummatchekodtantamoonganunonasb  was  a  single  word,  which  in  English, 
signifies,  Our  lusts.  Noowomantamtnoonkanunnonnash  was  another,  signifying, 
Our  loves.  Kummogkodonattoottummooctiteaongannunnonash  was  another,  e.\> 
pressing  no  more  than,  Our  question.     Magnalia,  b.  iii.  p.  193. 


Ilili 


i633] 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


31 


compliments  and  opinions  in  formal  harangues.  The  Indians 
commonly  spake  with  an  unusual  animation  and  vehemence. 

The  Indians  in  New-England,  rarely  if  ever  admitted  the  letters 
L  and  R  into  their  dialect;  but  the  Mohawks,  whose  language 
was  entirely  different,  used  them  both.  Some  of  the  western  Ind- 
ians, who  speak  the  same  language  radically,  with  the  Mohea- 
gans,  use  the  L.  The  Moheagan  language  abounds  with  labials, 
but  the  Mohawk  differs  entirely  from  this,  and  perhaps  from 
every  other,  in  this  respect,  that  it  is  wholly  destitute  of  labials. 
The  Mohawks  esteemed  it  a  laughable  matter  indeed,  for  men  to 
shut  their  mouths  that  they  might  speak.^ 

The  Indians  in  Connecticut,  and  in  all  parts  of  New-England, 
made  great  lamentations  at  the  burial  of  their  dead.  Their  man- 
ner of  burial  was  to  dig  holes  in  the  ground  with  stakes,  which 
were  made  broad  and  sharpened  at  one  end.  Sticks  were  laid 
across  the  bottom,  and  the  corpse,  which  was  previously  wrapped 
in  skins  and  mats,  was  let  down  upon  them.  The  arms,  treasures, 
utensils,  paint  and  ornaments  of  the  dead,  were  buried  with  them, 
and  a  mound  of  earth  was  raised  upon  the  whole.  In  some  in- 
stances the  Indians  appear  to  have  used  a  kind  of  embalming,  by 
wrapping  the  corpse  in  large  quantities  of  a  strong  scented  red 
powder.'  In  some  parts  of  New-England,  the  dead  were  buried 
in  a  sitting  posture  with  their  faces  towards  the  east.  The  women 
on  these  occasions  painted  their  faces  with  oil  and  charcoal,  and 
while  the  burial  was  performing,  they,  with  the  relatives  of  the 
dead,  made  the  most  hideous  shrieks,  bowlings  and  lamentations. 
Their  mourning  continued,  by  turns,  at  night  and  in  the  morning, 
for  several  days.  During  this  term  all  the  relatives  united  in  be- 
wailing the  dead. 

When  the  English  began  the  settlement  of  Connecticut,  all  the 
Indians  both  east  and  west  of  Connecticut  river,  were  tributaries, 
except  the  Pequots,  and  some  few  tribes  which  were  in  alliance 
with  them.  The  Pequots  had  spread  their  conquests  over  all  that 
part  of  the  state  east  of  the  river.  They  had  also  subjugated  the 
Indians  on  the  sea  coast,  as  far  westward  as  Guilford.  Uncas 
therefore,  after  the  Pequots  were  conquered,  extended  his  claims 
as  far  as  Hammonasset,  in  the  eastern  part  of  that  township.* 
The  Indians  in  these  parts  were  therefore  tributaries  to  the 
Pequots. 

The  Mohawks  had  not  only  carried  their  conquests  as  far 
southward  as  Virginia,  but  eastward,  as  far  as  Connecticut  river. 
The  Indians  therefore,  in  the  western  parts  of  Connecticut,  were 
their  tributaries.  Two  old  Mohawks,  every  year  or  two,  might  be 
seen  issuing  their  orders  and  collecting  their  tribute,  with  as  much 
authority  and  haughtiness  as  a  Roman  dictator. 

'  Golden's  history,  vol.  i.  p.  i6.  '  Neal's  history  N.  E.  vol.  i.  p.  39. 

'  Manuscripts  of  Mr.  Ruggles. 


■..h'-.f/il 


N!,' 


^m.'- 


M 


36 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


[1633 


HI 


m 


K' 


m 


It  is  indeed  difficult  to  describe  the  fear  of  this  terrible  nation, 
which  had  fallen  on  all  the  Indians  in  the  western  parts  of  Con- 
necticut. If  they  neglected  to  pay  their  tribute,  the  Mohawks 
would  come  down  against  them,  plunder,  destroy,  and  carry  them 
captive  at  pleasure.  When  they  made  their  appearance  in  the 
country,  the  Connecticut  Indians  would  instantly  raise  a  cry  from 
hill  to  hill,  a  Mohawk!  a  Mohawk  1  and  fly  like  sheep  before 
wolves,  without  attempting  the  least  resistance.^  The  Mohawks 
would  cry  out,  in  the  most  terrible  manner,  in  their  language,  im- 
porting "  We  are  come,  we  are  come,  to  suck  your  blood."  ^ 
When  the  Connecticut  Indians  could  not  escape  to  their  forts, 
they  would  immediately  flee  to  the  English  houses  for  shelter, 
and  sometimes  the  Mohawks  would  pursue  them  so  closely  as  to 
enter  with  them,  and  kill  them  in  the  presence  of  the  family.  If 
there  was  time  to  shut  the  doors  they  never  entered  by  force,  nor 
did  they,  upon  any  occasion,  do  the  least  injury  to  the  English. 

When  they  came  into  this  part  of  the  country  for  war,  they 
used  their  utmost  art  to  keep  themselves  undiscovered.  They 
would  conceal  themselves  in  swamps  a"d  thickets,  watching  their 
opportunity,  and  all  on  a  sudden,  rise  n  -v.  their  enemy  and  kill 
or  captivate  them,  before  they  had  tin  ■  ike  any  resistance. 

About  the  time  when  the  settlen  >  ji  New-Haven  com- 
menced, or  not  many  years  after,  they  came  into  Connecticut,  and 
surprised  the  Indian  fort  at  Paugusset.  To  prevent  the  Connec- 
ticut Indians  from  discovering  them,  and  that  not  so  much  as  a 
track  of  them  might  be  seen,  they  marched  in  the  most  secret 
manner,  and  when  they  came  near  the  fort  travelled  wholly  in  the 
river.  Secreting  themselves  near  the  fort,  they  watched  their  op- 
portunity, and  suddenly  attacking  it,  with  their  dreadful  yellings 
and  violence,  they  soon  took  it  by  force,  and  killed  and  captivated 
whom  they  pleased.  Having  plundered  and  destroyed,  at  their 
pleasure,  they  returned  to  their  castles,  west  of  Albany. 

As  the  Indians  in  Connecticut  were  slaughtered  and  oppressed, 
either  by  the  Pequots  or  Mohawks,  they  were  generally  friendly 
to  the  settlement  of  the  English  among  them.  They  expected,  by 
their  means,  to  be  defended  against  their  terrible  and  cruel  op- 
pressors. They  also  found  themselves  benefited  by  trading  with 
them.  They  furnished  themselves  with  knives,  hatchets,  axes, 
hoes,  kettles  and  various  instruments  and  utensils  which  highly 
contributed  to  their  convenience.  They  could,  with  these,  per- 
form more  labor  in  one  hour  or  day,  than  they  could  in  many  days 
without  them.  Besides,  they  found  that  they  could  exchange  an 
old  beaver  coat,  or  blanket,  for  two  or  three  new  ones  of  English 
manufacture.  They  found  a  much  better  market  for  their  furs, 
com,  peltry,  and  all  their  vendible  commodities. 

'  Colden't  history,  vo!.  i.  p.  3. 
•  Wood's  prospect  of  N,  England. 


i634] 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


37 


The  English  were  also  careful  to  treat  them  with  justice  and 
humanity,  and  to  make  such  presents  to  their  sachems  and  great 
captains,  as  should  please  and  keep  them  in  good  humor. 

By  these  means,  the  English  lived  in  tolerable  peace  with  all 
the  Indians  in  Connecticut,  and  New-England,  except  the  Pe- 
quots,  for  about  forty  years. 

The  Indians,  at  their  first  settlement,  performed  many  acts  of 
kindness  towards  them.  They  instructed  them  in  the  manner  of 
planting  and  dressing  the  Indian  corn.  They  carried  them  upon 
their  backs,  through  rivers  and  waters;  and,  as  occasion  required, 
served  them  instead  of  boats  and  bridges.  They  gave  them  much 
useful  information  respecting  the  country,  and  when  the  English 
or  their  children  were  lost  in  the  woods,  and  were  in  danger  of 
perishing  with  hunger  or  cold,  they  conducted  them  to  their  wig- 
wams, fed  them,  and  restored  them  to  their  families  and  parents. 
By  selling  them  corn,  when  pinched  with  famine,  they  relieved 
their  distresses  and  prevented  their  perishing  in  a  strange  land  and 
uncultivated  wilderness. 


CHAPTER  IV. 

SUCH  numbers  were  constantly  emigrating  to  New-England, 
in  consequence  of  the  persecution  of  the  puritans,  that  the  people 
at  Dorchester,  Watertown  and  Newtown,  began  to  be  much 
straitened,  by  the  accession  of  new  planters.  By  those  who  had 
been  at  Connecticut,  they  had  received  intelligence  of  the  excel- 
lent meadows  upon  the  river:  they  therefore  determined  to  re- 
move, and  once  more  brave  the  dangers  and  hardships  of  making 
settlements  in  a  dreary  wilderness. 

Upon  application  to  the  general  court  in  May,  1634,  for  the 
enlargement  of  their  boundaries,  or  for  liberty  to  remove,  they,  at 
first,  obtained  consent  for  the  latter.  However,  when  it  was  after- 
wards discovered,  that  their  determination  was  to  plant  a  new 
colony  at  Connecticut,  there  arose  a  strong  opposition;  so  that 
when  the  court  convened  in  September,  there  was  a  warm  debate 
on  the  subject,  and  a  great  division  between  the  houses.  Indeed, 
the  whole  colony  was  affected  with  the  dispute. 

Mr.  Hooker,  who  was  more  engaged  in  the  enterprise  than  the 
other  ministers,  took  up  the  affair  and  pleaded  for  the  people.  He 
urged,  that  they  were  so  straitened  for  accommodations  for  their 
cattle,  that  they  could  not  support  the  ministry,  neither  receive, 
nor  assist  any  more  of  their  friends,  who  might  come  over  to 
them.  He  insisted  that  the  planting  of  towns  so  near  together  was 
a  fundamental  error  in  their  policy.    He  pleaded  the  fertility  and 


,1"! 


*%r: 


:  h 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


[1634 


happy  accommodations  of  Connecticut:  That  settlements  upon 
the  river  were  necessary  to  prevent  the  Dutch  and  others  from  pos- 
sessing themselves  of  so  fruitful  and  important  a  part  of  the  coun- 
try; and  that  the  minds  of  the  people  were  strongly  inclined  to 
plant  themselves  there,  in  preference  to  every  other  place,  which 
had  come  to  their  knowledge. 

On  the  other  side  it  was  insisted,  That  in  ooint  of  conscience 
they  ought  not  to  depart,  as  they  were  united  to  the  Massachusetts 
as  one  body,  and  bound  by  oath  to  seek  the  good  of  that  common- 
wealth: and  that  on  principles  of  policy  it  could  not,  by  any 
means,  be  granted.  It  was  pleaded,  that  as  the  settlements  in  the 
Massachusetts  were  new  and  weak,  they  were  in  danger  of  an  as- 
sault from  their  enemies:  That  the  departure  of  Mr.  Hooker  and 
the  people  of  those  towns,  would  not  only  draw  off  many  from 
the  Massachusetts^  but  prevent  others  from  settling  in  the  colony. 
Besides,  it  was  said,  that  the  removing  of  a  candlestick  was  a  great 
judgment:  That  by  suffering  it  they  should  expose  their  brethren 
to  great  danger,  both  from  the  Dutch  and  Indians.  Indeed,  it  was 
affirmed  that  they  might  be  accommodated  by  the  enlargements 
offered  them  by  the  other  towns. 

After  a  long  and  warm  debate,  the  governor,  two  assistants, 
and  a  majority  of  the  representatives,  were  for  granting  liberty  for 
Mr.  Hooker  and  the  people  to  transplant  themselves  to  Connect- 
icut. The  deputy-governor  however  and  six  of  the  assistants 
were  in  the  negative,  and  so  no  vote  could  be  obtained.^ 

This  made  a  considerable  ferment,  not  only  in  the  general 
court,  but  in  the  colony,  so  that  Mr.  Cotton  was  desired  to  preach 
on  the  subject  to  quiet  the  court  and  the  people  of  the  colony. 
This  also  retarded  the  commencement  of  the  settlements  upon  the 
river.  Individuals,  however,  were  determined  to  prosecute  the 
business,  and  made  preparations  effectually  to  carry  it  into  execu- 
tion. 

It  appears,  that  some  of  the  Watertown  people  came  this  year 
to  Connecticut,  and  erected  a  few  huts  at  Pyquag,  now  Weathers- 
field,  in  which  a  small  number  of  men  made  a  shift  to  winter.' 

While  the  colonists  were  thus  prosecuting  the  business  of  set- 
tlement, in  New-England,  the  right  honourable  James,  Marquis 
of  Hamilton,  obtained  a  grant  from  the  council  of  Plymouth, 
April  20th,  1635,  of  all  that  tract  of  country  which  lies  between 
Connecticut  river  and  Narraganset  river  and  harbour,  and  from 
the  mouths  of  each  of  said  rivers  northward  sixty  miles  into  the 
country.  However,  by  reason  of  its  interference  with  the  grant 
to  the  lord  Say  and  Seal,  lord  Brook,  &c.  or  for  some  other  reason, 
the  deed  was  never  executed.  The  Marquis  made  no  settlement 
upon  the  land  and  the  claim  became  obsolete. 

•  Winthrop's  Journal,  p.  70. 

°  This  is  the  tradition,  and  the  Rev.  Mr.  Meeks  of  Weathersfield  in  hit  msnif 
scripts  says,  Weathersfield  is  the  oldest  town  on  the  river. 


x635] 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


39 


The  next  May,  the  Newtown  people,  determining  to  settle  at 
Connecticut,  renewed  their  application  to  the  general  court,  and 
obtained  liberty  to  remove  to  any  place  which  they  should  choose, 
with  this  proviso,  that  they  should  continue  under  the  jurisdiction 
of  the  Massachusetts.^ 

A  number  of  Mr.  Warham's  people  came  this  summer  into 
Connecticut,  and  made  preparations  to  bring  their  families,  and 
make  a  permanent  settlement  on  the  river.  The  Watertown 
people  gradually  removed,  and  prosecuted  their  settlement  at 
Weathersfield.  At  the  same  time,  the  planters  at  Newtown 
began  to  make  preparations  for  removing  to  Hartford  the  next 
spring. 

Meanwhile,  twenty  men  arrived  in  Massachusetts,  sent  over  by 
Sir  Richard  Saltonstall,  to  take  possession  of  a  great  quantity  of 
land  in  Connecticut,  and  to  make  settlements  under  the  patent  of 
lord  Say  and  Seal,  with  whom  he  was  a  principal  associate.  The 
vessel  in  which  they  came  over,  on  her  return  to  England,  in  the 
fall,  was  cast  away  on  the  isle  Sable.' 

As  the  Dorchester  men  had  now  set  down  at  Connecticut,  near 
the  Plymouth  trading  house,  governor  Bradford  wrote  to  them, 
complaining  of  their  conduct,  as  injurious  to  the  people  of  Ply- 
mouth, who  had  made  a  fair  purchase  of  the  Indians,  and  taken 
a  prior  possession." 

The  Dutch  also,  alarmed  by  the  settlements  making  in  Con- 
necticut, wrote  to  Holland  for  instructions  and  aid,  to  drive  the 
English  from  their  settlements  upon  the  river.* 

The  people  at  Connecticut  having  made  such  preparations  as 
were  judged  necessary  to  eflfect  a  permanent  settlement,  began  to 
remove  their  families  and  property.  On  the  fifteenth  of  October, 
about  sixty  men,  women,  and  children,  with  their  horses,  cattle, 
and  swine,  commenced  their  journey  from  the  Massachusetts, 
through  the  wilderness,  to  Connecticut  river.  After  a  tedious  and 
difficult  journey,  through  swamps  and  rivers,  over  mountains  and 
rough  ground,  which  were  passed  with  g^eat  difficulty  and  fa- 
tigue, they  arrived  safely  at  the  places  of  their  respective  destina- 
tion. They  were  so  long  on  their  journey,  and  so  much  time  and 
pains  were  spent  in  passing  the  river,  and  in  getting  over  their 
cattle,  that,  after  all  their  exertions,  winter  came  upon  them  before 
they  were  prepared.  This  was  an  occasion  of  great  distress  and 
damage  to  the  plantations. 

Nearly  at  the  same  time,  Mr.  John  Winthrop,  son  of  governor 
Winthrop,  of  Massachusetts,  arrived  at  Boston,  with  a  commis- 
sion from  lord  Say  and  Seal,  lord  Brook,  and  other  noblemen  and 
gentlemen  interested  in  the  Connecticut  patent,  to  er«ct  a  fort  at 
the  mouth  of  Connecticut  river.    Their  lordships  sen!  over  men, 


■4M 


!» 


.' 


'  Winthrop's  Journal,  p.  82. 
'  Winthrop's  Journal,  p.  86. 


'  Winthrop's  Journal,  p.  83  and  89. 
*  The  same,  p.  86. 


40 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


[1635 


ordnance,  ammunition,  and  2000  pounds  sterling,  for  the  accom- 
plishment of  their  design.^ 

Mr.  Winthrop  was  directed,  by  his  commission,  immediately 
on  his  arrival,  to  repair  to  Connecticut,  with  fifty  able  men,  and  to 
erect  the  fortifications,  and  to  build  houses  for  the  garrison,  and 
for  gentlemen  who  might  come  over  into  Connecticut.  They 
were  first  to  build  houses  for  their  then  present  accommodation, 
and  after  that,  such  as  should  be  suitable  for  the  reception  of  men 
of  quality.  The  latter  were  to  be  erected  within  the  fort.  It  was 
required  that  the  planters,  at  the  beginning,  should  settle  them- 
selves near  the  mouth  of  the  river,  and  set  down  in  bodies,  that 
they  might  be  in  a  situation  for  entrenching  and  defending  them- 
selves. The  commission  made  provision  for  the  reservation  of  a 
thousand  or  fifteen  hundred  acres  of  good  land,  for  the  mainte- 
nance of  the  fort,  as  nearly  adjoining  to  it  as  might  be  with  con- 
venience." 

Mr.  Winthrop,  having  intelligence  that  the  Dutch  were  ^-repar- 
ing  to  take  possession  of  the  mouth  of  the  river,  as  soon  as  he 
could  engage  twenty  men,  and  furnish  them  with  provisions,  dis- 
patched them  on  November  9th,  in  a  small  vessel,  of  about  thirty 
tons,  to  prevent  their  getting  the  command  of  the  river,  and  to  ac- 
complish the  service  to  which  he  had  been  appointed. 

But  a  few  days  after  the  party,  sent  by  Mr.  Winthrop,  arrived 
at  the  mouth  of  the  river,  a  Dutch  vessel  appeared  off  the  harbor, 
from  New-Netherlands,  sent  on  purpose  to  take  possession  of  the 
entrance  of  the  river,  and  to  erect  fortifications.  The  English  had, 
by  this  time,  mounted  two  pieces  of  cannon,  and  prevented  their 
landing.*  Thus,  providentially,  was  this  fine  tract  of  country  pre- 
served for  our  venerable  ancestors,  and  their  posterity. 

Mr.  Winthrop  was  appointed  governor  of  the  river  Connecticut, 
and  the  parts  adjacent,  for  the  term  of  one  year.  He  erected  a  fort, 
built  houses,  and  made  a  settlement,  according  to  his  instructions. 
One  David  Gardiner,*  an  expert  engineer,  assisted  in  the  work, 
planned  the  fortifications,  and  was  appointed  lieutenant  of  the  fort. 

Mr.  Davenport  and  others,  who  afterwards  settled  New-Haven, 
were  active  in  this  affair,  and  hired  Gardiner,  in  behalf  of  their 
lordships,  to  come  into  New-England,  and  assist  in  this  business." 

As  the  settlement  of  the  three  towns  on  Connecticut  river  was 
begun  before  the  arrival  of  Mr.  Winthrop,  r.'..ci  the  design  of  their 
lordships  to  make  plantations  upon  it  was  known,  it  was  agreed, 
that  the  settlers  on  the  river  should  either  remove,  upon  full  satis- 

>  Winthrop's  Journal,  p.  88. 

*  Appendix,  No.  II. 

*  Winthrop's  Journal,  p.  90,  9I. 

*  This  was  evidently  Lion  Gardiner,  as  appears  by  his  own  narrative.  His  son 
David  was  bom  at  Saybrook  on  the  29th  of  April,  1636,  and  appears  to  have  been 
the  first  Gardiner  of  that  name  bom  in  this  country.— J.  T. 

*  Manuscripts  of  Gardiner. 


i635l 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


41 


faction  made,  by  their  lordships,  or  else  sufficient  room  should  be 
found  for  them  and  their  companies  at  some  other  place.^ 

The  winter  set  in  this  year  much  sooner  than  usual,  and  the 
weather  was  stormy  and  severe.  By  the  isth  of  November,  Con- 
necticut river  was  frozen  over,  and  the  snow  was  so  deep,  and  the 
season  so  tempestuous,  that  a  considerable  number  of  the  cattle, 
which  had  been  driven  on  from  the  Massachusetts,  could  not  be 
brought  across  the  river.  The  people  had  so  little  time  to  prepare 
their  huts  and  houses,  and  to  erect  sheds  and  shelters  for  their 
cattle,  that  the  suflferings  of  man  and  beast  were  extreme.  In- 
deed, the  hardships  and  distresses  of  the  first  planters  of  Con- 
necticut scarcely  admit  of  a  description.  To  carry  much  provision 
or  furniture  through  a  pathless  wilderness,  was  impracticable. 
Their  principal  provisions  and  household  furniture  were,  there- 
fore, put  on  board  several  small  vessels,  which,  by  reason  of  delays 
and  the  tempestuousness  of  the  season,  were  either  cast  away  or 
did  not  arrive.  Several  vessels  were  wrecked  on  the  coasts  of 
New- England,  by  the  violence  of  the  storms.  Two  shallops  laden 
with  goods,  from  Boston  to  Connecticut,  in  October,  were  cast 
away  on  Brown's  island,  near  the  Gurnet's  nose;  and  the  men, 
with  every  thing  on  board,  were  lost.*  A  vessel,  with  six  of  the 
Connecticut  people  on  board,  which  sailed  from  the  river  for  Bos- 
ton, early  in  November,  was,  about  the  middle  of  the  month,  cast 
away  in  Manamet  bay.  The  men  got  on  shore,  and,  after  wander- 
ing ten  days  in  deep  snow  and  a  severe  season,  without  meeting 
with  any  human  being,  arrived,  nearly  spent  with  cold  and  fatigue, 
at  New-Plymouth. 

By  the  last  of  November,  or  beginning  of  December,  provisions 
{generally  failed  in  the  settlements  on  the  river,  and  famine  and 
death  looked  the  inhabitants  sternly  in  the  face.  Some  of  them, 
driven  by  hunger,  attempted  their  way,  in  this  severe  season, 
through  the  wilderness,  from  Connecticut  to  Massachusetts.  Of 
thirteen,  in  one  company,  who  made  this  attempt,  one,  in  passing 
the  rivers,  fell  through  the  ice,  and  was  drowned.  The  other 
twelve  were  ten  days  on  their  journey,  and  would  all  have  per- 
ished, had  it  not  been  for  the  assistance  of  the  Indians. 

Indeed,  such  was  the  distress  in  general  that,  by  the  3d  and  4th 
of  December,  a  considerable  part  of  the  new  settlers  were  obliged 
to  abandon  their  habitations.  Seventy  persons,  men,  women,  and 
children,  were  necessitated,  in  the  extremity  of  winter,  to  go  down 
to  the  mouth  of  the  river,  to  meet  thei  provisions,  as  the  only  ex- 
pedient to  preserve  their  lives.  Not  meeting  with  the  vessels 
which  they  expected,  they  all  went  on  board  the  Rebecca,  a  vessel 
of  about  60  tons.  This,  two  days  before,  was  frozen  in  twenty 
miles  up  the  river;  but  by  the  falling  of  a  small  rain  and  the  influ- 
ence of  the  tide,  the  ice  became  so  broken  and  was  so  far  removed, 
'  Winthrop's  Journa],  p.  88.  '  The  same,  p.  87. 


1    ■  1>",;JI 


J.:i;  I 


•il 


43 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


[1636 


Hi 


if 


I!  r 


■iii': 


'A':  I 


that  she  made  a  shift  to  get  out.  She  ran,  however,  upon  the  bar, 
and  the  people  were  forced  to  unlade  her,  to  get  her  off.  She  was 
reladen,  and,  in  five  days,  reached  Boston.  Had  it  not  been  for 
these  providential  circumstances,  the  people  must  have  perished 
with  famine. 

The  people  who  kept  their  stations  on  the  river  suffered  in  an 
extreme  degree.  After  all  the  help  they  were  able  to  obtain,  by 
hunting,  and  from  the  Indians,  they  were  obliged  to  subsist  on 
acorns,  malt  and  grains.^ 

Numbers  of  the  cattle,  which  could  not  be  got  over  the  river 
before  winter,  lived  through  without  any  thing  but  what  they 
found  in  the  woods  and  meadows.  They  wintered  as  well,  or  bet- 
ter, than  those  which  were  brought  over,  and  for  which  all 
the  provision  was  made,  and  pains  taken,  of  which  the  owners 
were  capable.  However,  a  great  number  of  cattle  perished.  The 
Dorchester,  or  Windsor  people  lost,  in  this  single  article,  about 
two  hundred  pounds  sterling.  Their  other  losses  were  very  con- 
siderable. 

It  is  difficult  to  describe,  or  even  to  conceive,  the  apprehensions 
and  distresses  of  a  people,  in  the  circumstances  of  our  venerable 
ancestors,  during  this  doleful  winter.  All  the  horrors  of  a  dreary 
wilderness  spread  themselves  around  them.  They  were  encom- 
passed with  numerous,  fierce  and  cruel  tribes  of  wild  and  savage 
men,  who  could  have  swallowed  up  parents  and  children,  at  pleas- 
ure, in  their  feeble  and  distressed  condition.  They  had  neither 
bread  for  themselves,  nor  children;  neither  habitations  nor  cloth- 
ing convenient  for  them.  Whatever  emergency  might  happen, 
they  were  cut  oflf,  both  by  land  and  water,  from  any  succour  or  re- 
treat. What  self-denial,  firmness,  and  magnanimity  are  necessary 
for  such  enterprises!  How  distressful,  in  the  beginning,  was  the 
condition  of  those  now  fair  and  opulent  towns  on  Connecticut 
river! 

For  a  few  years  after  the  settlements  on  the  river  commenced, 
they  bore  the  same  name  with  the  towns  in  the  Massachusetts, 
whence  the  first  settlers  came. 

The  Connecticut  planters,  at  first  settled  under  the  general 
government  of  the  Massachusetts,  but  they  held  courts  of  their 
own,  which  consisted  of  two  principal  men  from  each  rown;  and, 
on  great  and  extraordinary  occasions,  these  were  joined  with 
committees,  as  they  were  called,  consisting  of  three  men  from 
each  town.  These  courts  had  power  to  transact  all  the  common 
affairs  of  the  colony,  and  with  their  committees,  had  the  power  of 
making  war  and  peace,  and  treaties  of  alliance  and  friendship  with 
the  natives  within  the  colony. 

The  first  court  in  Connecticut,  was  holden  at  Newtown,  April 
26th,  1636.    It  consisted  of  Roger  Ludlow,  Esq.,  Mr.  John  Steel, 

'  Winthrop's  Journal,  p.  90,  91,  to  98. 


1636] 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


43 


Mr.  William  Swain,  Mr.  William  Phelps,  Mr.  William  Westwood, 
and  Mr.  Andrew  Ward.  Mr.  Ludlow  had  been  one  of  the  magis- 
trates of  Massachusetts  in  1630,  and  in  163 1  had  been  chosen  lieu- 
tenant-governor of  that  colony.  At  this  court  it  was  ordered,  that 
the  inhabitants  should  not  sell  arms  nor  ammunition  to  the  Ind- 
ians. Various  other  affairs  were  also  transacted  relative  to  the 
good  order,  settlement,  and  defence  of  these  infant  towns.^ 

Several  of  the  principal  gentlemen  interested  in  the  settlement 
of  Connecticut,  Mr.  John  Haynes,  who  at  this  time  was  governor 
of  Massachusetts,  Mr.  Henry  Wolcott,  Mr.  Wells,  the  miiiisters 
of  the  churches,  and  others  had  not  yet  removed  into  the  colony. 
As  soon  as  the  spring  advanced,  and  the  travelling  would  admit, 
the  hardy  men  began  to  return  from  the  Massachusetts,  to  their 
habitations  on  the  river.  No  sooner  were  buds,  leaves  and  grass 
so  grown,  that  cattle  could  live  in  the  woods,  and  obstructions 
removed  from  the  river,  so  that  vessels  could  go  up  with  provis- 
ions and  furniture,  than  the  people  began  to  return  in  large  com- 
panies, ♦o  Connecticut.  Many,  who  had  not  removed  the  last  year, 
prepared,  v,  'h  all  convenient  dispatch,  for  a  journey  to  the  new 
settlements  upoi.  ♦be  river. 

About  the  beginning  of  June,  Mr.  Hooker,  Mr.  Stone,  and 
about  a  hundred  men,  won^en  and  children,  took  their  departure 
from  Cambridge,  and  travelled  more  than  a  hundred  miles, 
through  a  hideous  and  trackless  wilderness,  to  Hartford.  They 
had  no  guide  but  their  compass;  made  their  way  over  mountain^, 
through  swamps,  thickets,  and  rivers,  which  were  not  passable 
but  with  great  difficulty.  They  had  no  cover  but  the  heavens, 
nor  any  lodgings  but  those  which  simple  nature  afforded  them. 
They  drove  with  them  a  hundred  and  sixty  head  of  cattle,  and  by 
the  way,  subsisted  on  the  milk  of  their  cows.  Mrs.  Hooker  v/as 
borne  through  the  wilderness  upon  a  litter.  The  people  geneially 
carried  their  packs,  arms,  and  some  utensils.  They  were  nearly  a 
fortnight  on  their  journey. 

This  adventure  was  the  more  remarkable,  as  many  of  this  com- 
pany were  persons  of  figure,  who  had  lived,  in  England,  in  honor, 
affluence  and  delicacy,  and  were  entire  strangers  to  fatigue  and 
danger. 

The  famous  Mr.  Thomas  Shepard,  who,  with  his  people,  came 
into  New-England  the  last  summer,  succeeded  Mr.  Hooker  at 
Cambridge.  The  people  of  his  congregation  purchased  the  lands 
which  Mr.  Hooker  and  his  company  had  previously  possessed. 

The  removal  of  Dorchester  people  to  Windsor  is  said  to  have 
been  disagreeable  to  their  ministers,  but,  as  their  whole  church 
and  congregation  removed,  it  was  necessary  .hat  they  should  go 
with  them.  However,  Mr.  Maverick  died  in  March,  before  prep- 
arations were  made  for  his  removal.     He  expired  in  the  60th 

'  Records  of  Connecticut. 


ii 


^*m 


ZZj  -i 


44 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


I1C36 


i!' 


year  of  his  age.  He  was  characterized  as  a  man  of  great  meek- 
ness, and  as  laborious  and  faithful  in  promoting  the  welfare  both 
of  the  church  and  commonwealth. 

Mr.  Warham  removed  to  Windsor  in  September,  but  he  did  not 
judge  it  expedient  to  bring  his  family  until  better  accommodations 
could  be  made  for  their  reception.  Soon  after  the  removal  of  Mr. 
Warham  from  Dorchester,  a  new  church  was  gathered  in  that 
town,  and  Mr.  Mather  was  ordained  their  pastor. 

Mr.  Phillips,  pastor  of  the  church  at  Watertown,  did  not  re- 
move to  Weathersfield.  Whether  it  was  against  his  inclination, 
or  whether  the  people  did  not  invite  him,  does  not  appear.  They 
chose  Mr.  Henry  Smith  for  their  minister,  who  came  from  Eng- 
land in  ofRce. 

The  colony  of  New-Plymouth  professed  themselves  to  be 
greatly  aggrieved  at  the  conduct  of  the  Dorchester  people,  in 
settling  on  the  lands,  where  they  had  made  a  purchase,  and  where 
they  had  defended  themselves  and  that  part  of  the  country  against 
the  Dutch.  They  represented  that  it  had  been  a  hard  matter  that 
the  Dutch  and  Indians  had  given  them  so  much  trouble  as  they 
had  done,  but  that  it  was  still  more  grievous  to  be  supplanted  by 
their  professed  friends.  Mr.  Winslow  of  Plymouth,  made  a  jour- 
ney to  Boston,  in  the  spring,  before  governor  Haynes  and  some 
other  principal  characters  removed  to  Connecticut,  with  a  view 
to  obtain  compensation  for  the  injury  done  to  the  Plymouth  men, 
who  had  built  the  trading  house  upon  the  river.  The  Plymouth 
people  demanded  a  sixteenth  part  of  the  lands  and  100  pounds  as 
a  compensation;  but  the  Dorchester  people  would  not  comply 
with  their  demands.^  There  however  appeared  to  be  so  much 
justice,  in  making  them  some  compensation,  for  the  purchase 
they  had  made,  and  the  good  services  which  they  had  done,  that 
some  time  after,  the  freeholders  of  Windsor  gave  them  fifty 
pounds,  forty  acres  of  meadow,  and  a  large  tract  of  upland  for 
their  satisfaction.' 

At  a  court  holden  at  Dorchester,  June  7th,  it  was  ordered,  that 
every  town  should  keep  a  watch,  and  be  well  supplied  with  ammu- 
nition. The  constables  were  directed  to  warn  the  watches  in  their 
turns,  and  to  make  it  their  care  that  they  should  be  kept  according 
to  the  direction  of  the  court.  They  also  were  required  to  take 
care,  that  the  inhabitants  were  well  furnished  with  arms  and  am- 
munition, and  kept  in  a  constant  state  of  defence.  As  these  infant 
settlements  were  filled  and  surrounded  with  numerous  savages, 
the  people  conceived  themselves  in  danger  when  they  lay  down 
and  when  they  rose  up,  when  they  went  out  and  when  they  came 
in.  Their  circumstances  were  such,  that  it  was  judged  necessary 
for  every  man  to  be  a  soldier. 

•  Winthrop'i  Journal,  p.  96. 

'  Governor  Wolcott's  manutcripti  compared  with  governor  Winthrop'i  journal. 


1636] 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


45 


At  a  third  court,  therefore,  holden  at  Watertown,  September 
I  St,  an  order  was  given,  that  the  inhabitants  of  the  several  towns 
should  train  once  a  month,  and  the  officers  wrre  authorized  to 
train  those  who  appeared  very  unskilful  more  frequently,  as  cir- 
cumstances should  require.  The  courts  were  holden  at  each  town 
by  rotation,  according  to  its  turn. 

A  settlement  was  made,  this  year,  at  Springfield,  by  Mr.  Pyn- 
cheon  and  his  company  from  Roxbury.  This  for  about  two  years 
was  united  in  government  with  the  towns  in  Connecticut.  In  No- 
vember, Mr.  Pyncheon  for  the  first  time  appears  among  the  mem- 
bers of  the  court. 

All  the  powers  of  government,  for  nearly  three  years,  seem  to 
have  been  in  the  magistrates,  of  whom  two  were  appointed  in 
each  town.  These  gave  all  orders,  and  directed  all  the  affairs  of 
the  plantation.  The  freemen  appear  to  have  had  no  voice  in  mak- 
ing the  laws,  or  in  any  part  of  the  government,  except  in  some  in- 
stances of  general  and  uncommon  concern.  Tn  these  instances, 
committees  were  sent  from  the  several  towns.  Juries  were  em- 
ployed in  jury  cases,  from  the  first  settlement  of  the  colony. 

This  was  a  summer  and  year  of  great  and  various  labors,  de- 
manding the  utmost  exertion  and  diligence.  Many  of  the  planters 
had  to  remove  themselves  and  eflfects  from  a  distant  colony.  At 
the  same  time,  it  was  absolutely  necessary,  that  they  should  turn 
the  wilderness  into  gardens  and  fields,  that  they  should  plant  and 
cultivate  the  earth,  and  obtain  some  tolerable  harvest,  unless  they 
would  again  experience  the  distresses  and  losses  of  the  preceding 
year.  These  were  too  great,  and  too  fresh  in  their  memories,  not 
to  rouse  all  their  exertion  and  forethought.  It  was  necessary  to 
erect  and  fortify  their  houses,  and  to  make  better  preparations  for 
the  feeding  and  covering  of  their  cattle.  It  was  of  equal  impor- 
tance to  the  planters,  not  only  to  make  roads  for  their  particular 
convenience,  but  from  town  to  town;  that,  on  any  emergency, 
they  might  fly  immediately  to  each  other's  reUef.  It  was  with 
great  difficulty  that  these  purposes  could  be  at  first  accomplished. 
The  planters  had  not  been  accustomed  to  felling  the  groves,  to 
clearing  and  cultivating  new  lands.  They  were  strangers  in  the 
country,  and  knew  not  what  kinds  of  grain  would  be  most  con- 
genial with  the  soil,  and  produce  the  greatest  profits,  nor  had 
they  any  experience  how  the  ground  must  be  cultivated,  that  it 
might  yield  a  plentiful  crop.  They  had  few  oxen,  or  instruments 
for  husbandry.  Every  thing  was  to  be  prepared,  or  brought  from 
a  great  distance,  and  procured  at  a  dear  rate.  Besides  all  these 
labors  and  difficulties,  much  time  was  taken  up  in  constant  watch- 
ings,  trainings,  and  preparations  for  the  defence  of  themselves  and 
children.  The  Pequots  had,  already,  murdered  a  number  of  the 
English;  some  of  the  Indians,  in  Connecticut,  were  their  allies; 
and  they  had  maintained  a  great  influence  over  them  all.    They 


V 


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t 

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I. 

11- 
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HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


[1636 


were  a  treacherous  and  designing  people;  so  that  there  could  be 
no  safety,  but  in  a  constant  preparation  for  any  emergency. 

Some  of  the  principal  characters,  who  undertook  this  great 
work  of  settling  Connecticut,  and  were  the  civil  and  religious 
fathers  of  the  colony,  were  Mr.  Haynes,  Mr.  Ludlow,  Mr.  Hooker, 
Mr.  Warham,  Mr.  Hopkins,  Mr.  Wells,  Mr.  Willis,  Mr.  Whiting, 
Mr.  Wolcott,  Mr.  Phelps,  Mr.  Webster,  and  captain  Mason. 
These,  were  of  the  first  class  of  settlers,  and  all,  except  the  min- 
isters,  were  chosen  magistrates  or  governors  of  the  colony.  Mr. 
Swain,  Mr.  Talcott,  Mr.  Steel,  Mr.  Mitchell,  and  others,  were 
capital  men,  Mr.  John  Haynes,  Mr.  Hooker,  Mr.  Hopkins,  Mr. 
Stone,  Mr.  George  Wyllys,  Mr.  Wells,  Mr.  Whiting,  Mr.  Thomas 
Webster,  and  Mr.  John  Talcott,  were  all  of  Hartford.  Mr.  Lud- 
low, Mr.  Henry  Wolcott,  Mr.  Warham,  Mr.  William  Phelps,  and 
captain  John  Mason,  were  some  of  the  principal  planters  of  Wind- 
sor. Mr.  William  Swain,  Mr.  Thurston  Rayner,  Mr.  Henry 
Smith,  Mr.  Andrew  Ward,  Mr.  Mitchell,  and  Mr.  John  Deming, 
were  some  of  the  chief  men,  who  settled  the  town  of  Weathersfield. 
These  were  the  civil  and  religious  fathers  of  the  colony.  They 
formed  its  free  and  happy  constitution,  were  its  legislators,  and 
some  of  the  chief  pillars  of  the  church  and  commonwealth.  They, 
with  many  others  of  the  same  excellent  character,  employed  their 
abilities  and  their  estates  for  the  prosperity  of  the  colony. 

While  the  three  plantations  on  the  river  were  making  the  ut- 
most exertions  for  a  permanent  settlement,  Mr.  Winthrop  was  no 
less  active,  in  erecting  fortifications  and  convenient  buildings  at 
its  entrance.  Though  he  had,  the  last  year,  sent  on  one  company 
after  another,  yet  the  season  was  so  far  advanced,  and  the  winter 
set  in  so  early,  and  with  such  severity,  that  little  more  could  be 
done  than  just  to  keep  the  station.  When  the  spring  advanced, 
the  works  were,  therefore,  pressed  on  with  engagedness.  Mr. 
Winthrop  and  his  people  were  induced,  not  only  in  faithfulness  to 
their  trust,  but  from  fears  of  a  visit  from  the  Dutch,  and  from  the 
state  of  that  warlike  people,  the  Pequots  in  the  vicinity,  to  hasten 
and  complete  them,  with  the  utmost  dispatch.  A  good  fort  was 
erected,  and  a  number  of  houses  were  built.  Some  cattle  were 
brought  from  the  Massachusetts,  for  the  use  of  the  garrison. 
Small  parcels  of  ground  were  improved,  and  preparations  made 
for  a  comfortable  subsistence,  and  good  defence. 

There  were,  at  the  close  of  this  year,  about  two  hundred  and 
fifty  men  in  the  three  towns  on  the  river,  and  there  were  twenty 
men  in  the  garrison,  at  the  entrance  of  it,  under  the  command  of 
lieutenant  Gardiner.  The  whole  consisted,  probably,  of  about 
eight  hundred  persons,  or  of  a  hundred  and  sixty  or  seventy 
families. 


I634J  HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT.  47 


CHAPTER  V. 

THE  Indians  in  general,  were  ever  jealous  of  the  English,  from 
the  first  settlement  of  New-England,  and  wished  to  drive  them 
from  the  country.  Various  circumstances  however,  combined  to 
frustrate  their  designs.  The  English,  on  their  first  settlement  at 
New-Plymouth,  entered  into  such  friendly  treaties  with  some  of 
the  principal  tribes,  and  conducted  themselves  with  such  justice, 
prudence  and  magnanimity  towards  them  and  the  Indians  in  gen- 
eral, as  had  the  most  happ,  influence  to  preserve  the  peace  of  the 
country.  The  animosities  rf  the  Indians  among  themselves,  and 
their  imp'  cabl .  hatred  of  each  other,  with  their  various  separate 
interests,  (ontrituted  tj  the  same  purpose.  Some  of  them  wished 
for  the  friendsh-o  anf'  neighbourhood  of  the  English,  to  guard 
them  from  one  enemy,  and  others  f  them  to  protect  them  from 
another.  All  wishec  ior  the  t  <  .^efit  of  their  trade;  and  it  is  proba- 
ble, that  they  had  no  apprehe  .  ons,  at  first,  that  a  handful  of  peo- 
ple would  ever  overrun,  hid  fill  the  country.  It  was  therefore 
nearly  sixteen  year  *>e'ore  they  com'  iced  open  hostilities  upon 
their  English  neig'.bou'-s.  But  no  sooner  had  they  begun  to  trade 
and  make  settleme  its  ai  Connecticut,  than  thai  <»rf?t,  spirited,  and 
warlike  nation,  the  Pequots,  began  to  murder  t  au  plunder  them, 
and  to  wound  and  kill  their  cattle. 

In  1634,  a  number  of  Indians,  who  were  not  native  Pequots, 
but  in  confederacy  with  them,  murdered  captain  Stone  and  cap- 
tain Norton,  with  tiieir  whole  crew,  consisting  of  eight  men: 
they  then  plundered  and  sunk  the  vessel.  Captain  Stone  was 
from  St.  Christopher's,  in  the  West-Indies,  and  came  into  Con- 
necticut river,  with  a  view  of  trading  at  the  Dutch  house.  After 
he  had  entered  the  river,  he  engaged  a  number  of  Indians  to  pilot 
two  of  his  men  up  the  river,  to  the  Dutch :  but  night  coming  on, 
they  ?nt  to  sleep,  and  were  both  murdered  by  their  Indian 
guide-  "he  vessel,  at  night,  was  laid  up  to  the  shore.  Twelve  of 
those  Indians,  who  had  several  times  before  been  trading  with  the 
captain,  apparently  in  an  amicable  manner,  were  on  board. 
V'atching  their  opportunity,  when  he  was  asleep,  and  several  of 
he  crew  on  shore,  they  murdered  him  secretly  in  his  cabin,  and 
cast  a  covering  over  him,  to  conceal  it  from  his  men :  they  then 
fell  upon  them,  and  soon  killed  the  whole  company,  except  cap- 
tain Norton.  He  had  taken  the  cook  room,  and  for  a  long  time 
made  a  most  brave  and  resolute  defence.  That  he  might  load  and 
fire  with  the  greatest  expedition,  he  had  placed  powder  in  an  open 
vessel,  just  at  hand,  which,  in  the  hurry  of  the  action,  took  fire, 
and  so  burned  and  blinded  him,  that  he  could  make  no  further 
resistance.    Thus,  after  all  his  gallantry,  he  fell  witi  '  ^  hapless 


'     I .'   'T 


I   t 


^*:^i 


'  i\ ! 


i 


I  :  ' 


ri. i.,.j;".- 


48 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


[1635 


'r.' 


companions.  Part  of  the  plunder  was  received  by  the  Pequots, 
and  another  part  by  the  eastern  Nehanticks.  Sassacus  and  Nini- 
gret,  the  sachems  of  those  Indians,  were  both  privy  to  the  affair, 
and  shared  in  the  goods  and  articles  taken  from  the  vessel.  It  was 
supposed  that  the  Indians  had  pre-concerted  this  massacre.^ 

The  November  following,  the  Pequots  sent  a  messenger  to  Bos- 
ton, to  desire  peace  with  the  English.  He  made  an  oflfer  of  a 
great  quantity  of  beaver  skins  and  wampumpeag,  to  persuade  the 
governor  to  enter  into  a  league  with  them.  The  governor  an- 
swered the  messenger,  that  the  Pequots  must  send  men  of  greater 
quality  than  he  was;  and  that  he  would  then  treat  with  them. 
The  Pequots  then  sent  two  messengers  to  the  governor,  carrying 
a  present,  and  earnestly  soliciting  peace.  The  governor  assured 
them,  that  the  English  were  willing  to  be  at  peace  with  them;  but 
insisted,  that,  as  they  had  murdered  captain  Stone  and  his  men, 
they  must  deHver  up  the  murderers,  and  make  full  compensation. 
The  messengers  pretended,  that  captain  Stone  had  used  the  Ind- 
ians ill,  and  provoked  them  to  kill  him :  that  their  sachem,  who 
was  concerned  in  the  affair,  had  been  killed  by  the  Dutch,  and 
that  the  Indians  who  perpetrated  the  murder,  were  all  dead  but 
two ;  and  that,  if  they  were  guilty,  they  would  desire  their  sachem 
to  deliver  them  up  to  justice.  They  offered  to  concede  all  their 
right  at  Connecticut  river,  if  the  English  should  desire  to  settle 
there;  and  engaged  to  assist  them  as  far  as  was  in  their  power,  in 
making  their  settlements.  They  also  promised  that  they  would 
give  the  English  four  hundred  fathoms  of  wampum,  forty  beaver, 
and  thirty  otter  skins.  After  long  and  mature  deliberation,  the 
governor  and  his  council  entered  into  a  treaty  with  them,  on  the 
conditions  which  they  had  proposed.  The  English  were  to  send  a 
vessel  with  cloths,  to  trade  with  them  fairly,  as  with  friends  and 
allies.' 

The  reasons  of  their  so  earnestly  soliciting  peace,  at  this  time, 
were,  that  the  Narragansets  were  making  war  furiously  upon 
them;  and  the  P  ch,  to  revenge  the  injuries  done  them,  had 
killed  one  of  the  achems,  with  several  of  their  men,  and  capti- 
vated a  number  more.  They  wished  not,  at  this  critical  time,  to 
increase  the  number  of  their  enemies.  They  artfully  suggested  to 
their  new  allies,  the  governor  and  council  of  Massachusetts,  their 
desire,  that  they  would  be  mediators  betv  een  them  and  the  Narra- 
gansets. They  also  intimated  their  willingness,  that  part  of  the 
present  which  they  were  to  send,  might  be  given  to  them,  for  the 
purpose  of  obtaining  a  reconciliation.  Such  was  the  pride  ard 
stoutness  01  their  spirits,  and  so  much  did  they  stand  upon  a 
point  of  honour,  that  though  they  wished  for  peace  with  their 
enemy,  yet  they  would  not  directly  offer  any  thing  for  that  pur- 

'  Mason's  history,  and  Hubbard's  narrative. 

'  Winthiop's  Journal,  p.  75,  compared  with  Hubbard's  narrative,  p.  15,  l6^  tj. 


i636] 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


40 


pose.  This  treaty  was  signed  by  the  parties,  but  hostages  were 
not  taken  to  secure  the  performance  of  the  articles,  and  the  Pe- 
quots  never  performed  one  of  them.  Whatever  their  designs  were 
at  that  time,  they  afterwards  became  more  and  more  mischievous, 
hostile  and  bloody. 

The  next  year,  John  Oldham,  who  had  been  fairly  trading  at 
Connecticut,  was  murdered  near  Block  Island.  He  had  with 
him  only  two  boys  and  two  Narraganset  Indians.  These  were 
taken  and  carried  oflf.  One  John  Gallup,  as  he  was  going  from 
Connecticut  to  Boston,  discovered  Mr.  Oldham's  vessel  full  of 
Indians,  and  he  saw  a  canoe,  having  Indians  on  board,  go  from 
her,  laden  with  goods.  Suspecting  that  they  had  murdered  Mr. 
Oldham,  he  hailed  them,  but  received  no  answer.  Gallup  was  a 
I)old  man,  and  though  he  had  with  him  but  one  man  and  two  boys, 
he  immediately  bore  down  upon  them,  and  fired  duck  shot  so 
thick  among  them,  that  he  soon  cleared  the  deck.  The  Indians 
all  got  under  the  hatches.  He  then  stood  off,  and  running  down 
upon  her  quarter  with  a  brisk  gale,  nearly  overset  her;  and 
so  frightened  the  Indians,  that  six  of  them  leaped  into  the  sea,  and 
were  drowned.  He  then  steered  oflf  again,  and  running  down 
upon  her  a  second  time,  bored  her  with  his  anchor,  and  raked  her 
fore  and  aft  with  his  shot.  But  the  Indians  kept  themselves  so 
close,  that  he  got  loose  from  her;  and  running  down  a  third  time 
upon  the  vessel,  he  gave  her  such  a  shock,  that  five  more  leaped 
overboard,  and  perished,  as  the  former  had  done.  He  then 
boarded  the  vessel,  and  took  two  of  the  Indians,  and  bound  them. 
Two  or  three  others,  armed  with  swords,  in  a  little  room  below, 
could  not  be  driven  from  their  retreat.  Mr.  Oldham's  corpse  was 
found  on  board ;  the  head  split,  and  the  body  mangled  in  a  bar- 
barous manner.  He  was  a  Dorchester  man,  one  of  Mr.  Warham's 
congregation.^  In  these  circumstances,  Gallup,  fearing  that  the 
Indians  whom  he  had  taken  might  get  loose,  especially  if  they 
were  kept  together,  and  having  no  place  where  he  could  keep 
them  apart,  threw  one  of  them  overboard.  Gallup  and  his  com- 
pany then,  as  decently  as  circumstances  would  permit,  put  the 
corpse  into  the  sea.  They  stripped  the  vessel,  and  took  her  rig- 
ging, and  the  goods  which  had  not  been  carried  oflf,  on  board 
their  own.  She  was  then  taken  in  tow,  with  a  view  to  carry  her 
in;  but  the  night  coming  on,  and  the  wind  rising,  Gallup  was 
obliged  to  let  her  go  adrift,  and  she  was  lost.  The  Indians  who 
perpetrated  the  murder  were  principally  the  Block-Islanders,  with 
a  number  of  the  Narragansets,  to  whom  these  Indians,  at  this 
time,  were  subject.  Several  of  the  Narraganset  sachems  were  in 
the  plot,  and  it  was  supposed  that  the  Indians  whom  Oldham  had 
with  him,  were  in  the  conspiracy.  Several  of  the  murderers  fled 
to  the  Pequots,  and  were  protected  by  them.  They  were,  there- 
fore, considered  as  abettors  of  the  murder. 

'  See  note,  p.  i6.— J.  T. 


V 


ti 


it< 


'A 
I 

I 

3 


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it: 


50 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


[X636 


iif">'^  <>• 


ifif 


up 


The  governor  and  council  of  Massachusetts,  therefore,  the  next 
year,  dispatched  captain  Endicott,  with  ninety  volunteers,  td^ 
avenge  these  murders,  unless  the  Indians  should  deliver  up  the 
murderers,  and  make  reparation  for  the  injuries  which  they  had 
done.  The  Narraganset  sachems  sent  home  Mr.  Oldham's  two 
boys,  and  made  such  satisfaction,  and  gave  such  assurances  of 
their  good  conduct,  for  the  future,  as  the  English  accepted;  but 
the  other  Indians  made  no  compensation.  Captain  Endicott  was, 
therefore,  instructed  to  proceed  to  Block-Island,  put  the  men  to 
the  sword,  and  take  possession  of  the  island.  The  women  and 
children  were  to  be  spared.  Thence  he  was  to  sail  to  the  Pequot 
country,  and  demand  of  the  Pequots  the  murderers  of  captains 
Stone  and  Norton,  and  of  the  other  Englishmen  who  were  of 
their  company.  He  was  also  to  demand  a  thousand  fathoms  of 
wampum  for  damages,  and  a  number  of  their  children  for  host- 
ages, until  the  murderers  should  be  delivered,  and  satisfaction 
made.  If  they  refused  to  comply  with  these  terms,  he  was  directed 
to  take  it  by  force  of  arms.  He  had  under  him  captains  John 
Underbill  and  Nathaniel  Turner.  They  sailed  from  Boston  on 
the  25th  of  August.  When  he  arrived  at  Block-Island,  forty  or 
fifty  Indians  appeared  on  the  shore,  and  opposed  his  landing;  but 
his  men  soon  landed,  and,  after  a  little  skirmishing,  the  Indians 
fled  to  the  woods.  The  Indians  secreted  themselves  in  swamps, 
thickets,  and  fastnesses,  where  they  could  not  be  found.  There 
were  two  plantations  on  the  island,  containing  about  sixty  wig- 
wams, some  of  which  were  very  large  and  fair.  The  Indians  had, 
also,  about  two  hundred  acres  of  corn.  After  the  English  had 
spent  two  days  on  the  island,  burning  the  wigwams,  destroying 
their  corn,  and  staving  their  canoes,  they  sailed  for  the  Pequot 
country.  When  they  had  arrived  in  Pequot  harbour,  captain  En- 
dicott acquainted  the  Pequots  with  the  design  of  his  coming,  de- 
manded satisfaction  for  the  murders  which  they  had  committed 
against  the  English,  and  compensation  for  the  damages  which 
they  had  done  them.  In  a  few  hours,  nearly  three  hundred  of  the 
Pequots  collected  upon  the  shore;  but  soon  after  they  were  fully 
informed  of  his  business,  they  began  to  withdraw  into  the  woods, 
and,  instead  of  treating,  answered  him  with  their  arrows,  from  the 
adjacent  rocks  and  fastnesses.  He  landed  his  men  on  both  sides 
of  the  harbour,  burnt  their  wigwams,  and  destroyed  their  canoes, 
but  made  no  spirited  attack  upon  them,  nor  pursuit  after  them. 
As  their  corn  was  standing,  no  pains  were  taken  for  its  destruc- 
tion. They  killed  an  Indian  or  two,  and  then  returned  to  Boston. 
They  all  arrived  on  the  14th  of  September,  unharmed  either  by 
sickness  or  the  sword.^  Enough,  indeed,  had  been  done  to  exas- 
perate, but  nothing  to  si  .    ue  a  haughty  and  warlike  enemy. 

Sassacus  and  his  cap  «>'*'9  were  men  of  great  and  independent 

'  Winthrop's  Journal,  p.  105,  106,  107. 


I636] 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


If 


spirits;  they  had  conquered  and  governed  the  nations  around 
them  without  control.  They  viewer!  the  English  as  strangers  and 
mere  intruders,  who  had  no  right  to  the  country,  nor  to  control 
its  original  proprietors,  independent  princes  and  sovereigfns. 
They  had  made  settlements  in  Connecticut  without  their  consent, 
and  brought  home  the  Indian  kings  whom  they  had  conquered, 
and  restored  to  them  their  authority  and  lands.  They  had  built 
a  fort,  and  were  making  a  settlement,  without  their  approbation, 
in  their  very  neighbourhood.  Indeed,  they  had  now  proceeded  to 
attack  and  ravage  their  country.  They  were  now,  therefore,  all 
kindled  into  resentment  and  rage;  they  determined  upon,  and 
breathed  nothing  but  war  and  revenge.  They  determined  to  ex- 
tirpate, or  drive  all  the  English  from  New-England. 

For  this  purpose,  they  conceived  the  plan  of  uniting  the  Indians 
generally  against  them.  They  spared  no  art  nor  pains  to  make 
peace  with  the  Narragansets,  and  to  engage  them  in  the  war 
against  the  English.  They  represented,  that  the  English,  who 
were  merely  foreigfners,  were  overspreading  the  country,  and 
depriving  the  original  inhabitants  of  their  ancient  rights  and 
possessions:  that,  unless  effectual  measures  were  immedi- 
ately taken  to  prevent  it,  they  would  soon  entirely  dispossess 
the  original  proprietors,  and  become  the  lords  of  the  continent. 
They  insisted,  that,  by  a  general  combination,  they  could 
either  destroy,  or  drive  them  from  the  country.  With  great 
advantage  did  they  represent  the  facility  with  which  it  might 
be  effected.  They  said  there  would  be  no  necessity  of  coming 
to  open  battles:  that,  by  killing  their  cattle,  firing  their  houses, 
laying  ambushes  on  the  roads,  in  the  fields,  and  wherever  they 
could  surprise  and  destroy  them,  they  might  accomplish  their 
wishes.  They  represented,  that,  if  the  English  should  effect  the 
destruction  of  the  Pequots,  they  would  also  soon  destroy  the  Nar- 
ragansets. So  just  and  politic  were  these  representations,  that 
nothing  but  that  thirst  for  revenge  which  inflames  the  savage 
heart,  could  have  resisted  their  influence.  Indeed,  it  is  said,  that, 
for  a  time,  the  Narragansets  hesitated. 

The  governor  of  Mar ,..  husetts,  to  prevent  an  union  between 
these  savage  nations,  a  '1  to  strengthen  the  peace  between  the 
Narraganset  Indians  and  the  colony,  sent  for  Miantonimoh,  their 
chief  sachem,  inviting  him  to  come  to  Boston.  Upon  this,  Mian- 
tonimoh, with  another  of  the  Narraganset  sachems,  two  of  the 
sons  of  Canonicus,  with  a  number  of  their  men,  went  to  Boston, 
and  entered  into  the  following  treaty. 

That  there  should  be  a  firm  peace  between  them  and  the  Eng- 
lish, and  their  posterity:  That  neither  party  should  make  peace 
with  the  Pequots,  without  the  consent  of  the  other:  That  they 
should  not  harbor  the  Pequots,  and  that  they  should  return  all 
fugitive  servants,  and  deliver  over  to  the  English,  or  put  to  death, 


«l'- ! 


m 


I 

i 

3 


1. .MA^.X 


.  1  J- 


Mt;V 
tV 


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A    11 


L 


52 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


[1636 


all  murderers.  The  English  were  to  give  them  notice,  when  they 
went  out  against  the  Pequots,  and  they  were  to  furnish  them  with 
guides.  It  was  also  stipulated,  that  a  free  trade  should  be  main- 
tained between  the  parties. 

Captain  Underbill  and  twenty  men,^  appointed  to  reinforce  the 
garrison  at  Saybrook,  lying  wind  bound  off  Pequot  harbor,  after 
Mr.  Endicott's  departure,  a  party  of  them  went  on  shore  to 
plunder  the  Pequots,  and  bring  off  their  corn.  After  they  had 
plundered  a  short  time,  and  brought  off  some  quantity  of  corn, 
the  Pequots  attacked  them,  and  they  fought  a  considerable  part 
of  the  afternoon.  At  length,  the  enemy  retired,  and  they  returned 
to  their  boats.  They  had  one  man  wounded,  and  imagined  they 
killed  and  wounded  several  of  the  Indians. 

About  the  beginning  of  October,  the  enemy,  concealing  them- 
selves in  the  high  grass,  in  the  meadows,  surprised  five  of  the  gar- 
rison at  Saybrook,  as  they  were  carrying  home  their  hay.  One 
Butterfield  was  taken  and  tortured  to  death.  The  rest  made  their 
escape;  but  one  of  them  had  five  arrows  shot  into  him.  From  this 
disaster,  the  place  received  the  name  of  Butterfield's  meadow. 

Eight  or  ten  days  after,  Joseph  Tilly,  a  master  of  a  small  vessel, 
was  captivated  by  the  enemy,  as  he  was  going  down  Connecticut 
river.  He  came  to  anchor  two  or  three  miles  above  the  fort,  and 
taking  a  canoe,  and  one  man  with  him,  went  a  fowling.  No 
sooner  had  he  discharged  his  piece,  than  a  large  number  of  Pe- 
quots, arising  from  their  concealment,  took  him,  and  killed  his 
companion.  Tilly  was  a  man  of  great  spirit  and  understanding, 
and  determined  to  show  himself  a  man.  The  Indians  used  him  in 
the  most  barbarous  manner,  first  cutting  off  his  hands,  and  then 
his  feet,  and  so  gradually  torturing  him  to  death.  But  as  all  their 
cruelties  could  not  effect  a  groan,  they  pronounced  him  a  stout 
man. 

The  enemy  now  kept  up  a  constant  watch  upon  the  river,  and 
upon  the  people  at  Saybrook.  A  house  had  been  erected,  about 
two  miles  from  the  fort,  and  six  of  the  garrison  were  sent  to  keep 
it.  As  three  of  them  were  fowling,  at  a  small  distance  from  the 
house,  they  were  suddenly  attacked,  by  nearly  a  hundred  Pequots. 
Two  of  them  were  taken.  The  other  cut  his  way  through  them, 
sword  in  hand,  and  made  his  escape;  but  he  was  wounded  with 
two  arrows.* 

Before  winter,  the  garrison  were  so  pressed  by  the  enemy,  that 
they  were  obliged  to  keep  almost  wholly  within  the  reach  of  their 
guns.  The  Pequots  razed  all  the  out-houses,  burnt  the  stacks  of 
hay,  and  destroyed  almost  every  thing,  which  was  not  within  the 

'  Underhill's  narrative  makes  no  mention  of  this  affair.  It  is  a  mistake  to  sup- 
pose that  he  was  engaged  in  it.  The  twenty  men  were  evidently  those  furnished 
by  Lieutenant  Gardiner  at  Saybrook,  as  appears  by  his  narrative. — J.  T. 

'  Hubbard's  Narrative,  Winthrop's  Journal,  and  Mason's  History  of  the  Pequot 
war. 


m  i; 


1637] 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


S3 


\ 


command  of  the  fort.  The  cattle  which  belonged  to  the  garrison, 
were  killed  and  wounded.  Some  of  them  came  home,  with  the 
arrows  of  the  enemy  sticking  in  them.  Indeed,  the  fort  was  but 
little  better  than  in  a  state  of  siege,  a  great  part  of  the  winter.  The 
enemy  so  encompassed  it  about,  and  watched  all  the  motions  of 
the  garrison,  that  it  was  dangerous,  at  any  time,  to  go  out  of  the 
reach  of  the  cannon. 

When  the  spring  came  on,  they  became  still  more  mischievous 
and  troublesome.  They  kept  such  a  constant  watch  upon  the 
river,  that  men  could  not  pass  up  and  down,  with  any  safety,  with- 
out a  strong  guard.  They  waylaid  the  roads  and  fields,  and  kept 
Connecticut  in  a  state  of  constant  fear  and  alarm. 

In  March,  1637,*  lieutenant  Gardiner,  who  commanded  the  fort 
at  Saybrook,  going  out  with  ten  or  twelve  men,  to  burn  the 
marshes,  was  waylaid  by  a  narrow  neck  of  land,  and  as  soon  as 
he  had  passed  the  narrow  part  of  the  neck,  the  enemy  rose  upon 
him,  and  killed  three  of  his  men.  The  rest  made  their  escape  to 
the  fort;  but  one  of  them  was  mortally  wounded,  so  that  he  died 
the  next  day.  The  lieutenant  did  not  escape  without  a  slight 
wound.  The  enemy  pursued  them  in  great  numbers,  to  the  very 
fort,  and  compassed  it  on  all  sides.  They  challenged  the  English 
to  come  out  and  fight,  and  mocked  them,  in  the  groans,  pious  in- 
vocations, and  dying  language  of  their  friends,  whom  they  had 
captivated,  when  they  were  torturing  them  to  death.  They 
boasted.  That  they  could  kill  English  men  "  all  one  flies."  The 
cannon  loaded  with  grape  shot  were  fired  upon  them,  and  they 
retired. 

Some  time  after,  the  enemy,  in  a  number  of  canoes,  beset  a 
shallop,  which  was  going  down  the  river,  with  three  men  on  board. 
The  men  fought  bravely,  but  were  overpowered  with  numbers. 
The  enemy  shot  one  through  the  head  with  an  arroWj  and  he  fell 
overboard;  the  other  two  were  taken.  The  Indians  ripped  them 
up,  from  the  bottom  of  their  bellies  to  their  throats,  and  cleft 
them  down  their  backs :  they  then  hung  them  up  by  their  necks 
upon  trees,  by  Ihe  side  of  the  river,  that  as  the  English  passed  by, 
they  might  see  those  miserable  objects  of  their  vengeance. 

The  Pequots  tortured  the  captives  to  death  in  the  most  cruel 
manner.  In  some,  they  cut  large  gashes  in  their  flesh,  and  then 
poured  embers  and  live  coals  into  the  wounds.  When,  in  their 
distress,  they  groaned,  and  in  a  pious  manner  committed  their  de- 
parting spirits  to  their  Redeemer,  these  barbarians  would  mock 
and  insult  them  in  their  dying  agonies  and  prayers. 

On  the  2ist  of  February,  the  court  met  at  Newtown,  and  letters 
were  written  to  the  governor  of  Massachusetts,  representing  the 
dissatisfaction  of  the  court  with  Mr.  Endicott's  expedition,  the 

'  The  exact  date  of  this  affair  appears  to  have  been  the  «2d  of  February,  as 
shown  by  Winthrop's  Journal,  and  Lion  Gardiner's  narrative — J.  T. 


ill- 


Mi 


,1 


,i; 


rS 


'^ri 


;  '  H  ■■' 


54 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


[1637 


ii 


)il. 
ii!i- 


consequences  of  which  had  been  so  distressful  to  Connecticut. 
The  court  expressed  their  desires  that  the  colony  of  Massachusetts 
would  more  effectually  prosecute  the  war  with  the  Pequots.^  It 
was  also  represented  to  be  the  design  of  Connecticut  to  send  a 
force  against  them. 

At  this  court  it  was  decreed,  that  the  plantation  called  New- 
town, should  be  named  Hartford;  and  that  Watertown  should  be 
called  Weathersfield.  It  was  soon  after  decreed,  that  Dorchester 
should  be  called  Windsor.  Hartford  was  named  in  honor  to  Mr. 
Stone,  who  was  born  at  Hartford,  in  England. 

Captain  Mason  was  soon  after  dispatched  with  twenty  men,  to 
reinforce  the  garrison  at  Saybrook,  and  to  keep  the  enemy  at  a 
greater  distance.  After  his  arrival  at  the  fort,  the  enemy  made  no 
further  attacks  upon  it,  but  appeared  very  much  to  withdraw  from 
that  quarter. 

A  party  of  them  took  a  different  route,  and,  in  April,  waylaid 
the  people  at  Weathersfield,  as  they  were  going  into  their  fields 
to  labour,  and  killed  six  men  and  three  women.  Two  maids  were 
taken  captive:  besides,  they  killed  twenty  cows,  and  did  other 
damages  to  the  inhabitants. 

Soon  after  this,  captain  Underbill,  who  had  been  appointed,  in 
the  fall  preceding,  to  keep  garrison  at  Saybrook,  was  sent  from 
the  Massachusetts,  with  twenty  men,  to  reinforce  the  garrison. 
Upon  their  arrival  at  Saybrook,  captain  Mason  and  his  men  im- 
mediately returned  to  Hartford. 

The  affairs  of  Connecticut,  at  this  time  wore  a  most  gloomy 
aspect.  They  had  sustained  great  losses  in  cattle  and  goods  in 
the  preceding  years,  and  even  this  year  they  were  unfortunate  with 
respect  to  their  cattle.  They  had  no  hay  but  what  they  cut  from 
the  spontaneous  productions  of  an  uncultivated  country.  To 
make  good  English  meadow,  was  a  work  of  time.  The  wild, 
coarse  grass,  which  the  people  cut,  was  often  mowed  too  late,  and 
but  poorly  made.  They  did  not  always  cut  a  sufficient  quantity, 
even  of  this  poor  hay.  They  had  no  corn,  or  provender,  with 
which  they  could  feed  them:  and,  amidst  the  multiplicity  of  af- 
fairs, which,  at  their  first  settlement,  demanded  their  attention, 
they  could  not  provide  such  shelters  for  them,  as  were  necessary 
during  the  long  and  severe  winters  of  this  northern  climate.  From 
an  union  of  these  circumstances,  some  of  their  cattle  were  lost,  ami 
those  which  lived  through  winter,  were  commonly  poor,  and  many 
of  the  cows  lost  their  young.  Notwithstanding  all  the  exertions 
the  people  had  made  the  preceding  summer,  they  had  not  been 
able,  in  the  multiplicity  of  their  affairs,  and  under  their  incon- 
veniences, to  raise  a  sufficiency  of  provisions.  Their  provisions 
were  not  only  very  coarse,  but  very  dear,  and  scanty.  The  people 
were  not  only  inexperienced  in  the  husbandry  of  the  country,  but 
'  Winthrop's  journal,  p.  123. 


i637] 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


55 


ssary 
'rom 
t,  and 
many 
rtions 
been 


they  had  but  few  oxen  or  ploughs.^  They  perfonned  almost  the 
whole  culture  of  the  earth  with  their  hoes.  This  rendered  it  both 
exceedingly  slow  and  laborious. 

Every  article  bore  a  high  price.  Valuable  as  money  was,  at  that 
day,  a  good  cow  could  not  be  purchased  under  thirty  pounds;  a 
pair  of  bulls  or  oxen  not  under  forty  pounds.  A  mare  from  Eng- 
land or  Flanders,  sold  at  thirty  pounds;  and  Indian  corn  at  about 
five  shillings  a  bushel:  labour,  and  other  articles  bore  a  propor- 
tionable price. 

In  addition  to  all  these  difficulties,  a  most  insidious  and  dread- 
ful enemy  were  now  destroying  the  lives  and  property  of  the  col- 
onists, attempting  to  raise  the  numerous  Indian  tribes  of  the 
country  against  them,  and  threatened  the  utter  ruin  of  the  whole 
colony.  The  inhabitants  were  in  a  feeble  state,  and  few  in  number. 
They  wanted  all  their  men  at  home,  to  prosecute  the  necessary 
business  of  the  plantations.  They  had  not  a  sufficiency  of  pro- 
visions for  themselves :  there  would  therefore  be  the  greatest  dif- 
ficulty in  furnishi."  a  small  army  with  provisions  abroad.  They 
could  neither  hunt,  lish,  nor  cultivate  their  fields,  nor  travel  at 
home,  or  abroad,  but  at  the  peril  of  their  lives.  They  were 
obliged  to  keep  a  constant  watch  by  night  and  day;  to  go  armed 
to  their  daily  labours,  and  to  the  public  worship.  They  were 
obliged  to  keep  a  constant  watch  and  guard  at  their  houses  of 
worship,  on  the  Lord's  day,  and  at  other  seasons,  whenever  they 
convened  for  the  public  worship.  They  lay  down  and  rose  up  in 
fear  and  danger.  If  they  should  raise  a  party  of  men  and  send 
them  to  fight  the  enemy  on  their  own  ground,  it  would  render 
the  settlements  proportionably  weak  at  home,  in  case  of  an  assault 
from  the  enemy.  Every  thing  indeed  appeared  dark  and  threaten- 
ing. But  nothing  could  discourage  men,  who  had  an  unshaken 
confidence  in  the  divine  government,  and  were  determined  to 
sacrifice  every  other  consideration,  for  the  enjoyment  of  the  un- 
corrupted  gospel,  and  the  propagation  of  religion  and  liberty  in 
America. 

In  this  important  crisis,  a  court  was  summoned,  at  Hartford,  on 
Monday  the  ist  of  May.  As  they  were  to  deliberate  on  matters 
in  which  the  lives  of  the  subjects  and  the  very  existence  of  the 
colony  were  concerned,  the  towns  for  the  first  time,  sent  com- 
mittees. The  spirited  measures  adopted  by  this  court,  render  the 
names  of  the  members  worthy  of  perpetuation.  The  magistrates 
were  Roger  Ludlow,  Esq.  Mr.  Welles,  Mr.  Swain,  Mr.  Steel,  Mr. 
Phelps  and  Mr.  Ward.  The  committees  were  Mr.  Whiting,  Mr. 
Webster,  Mr.  Williams,  Mr.  Hull,  Mr.  Chaplin,  Mr.  Talcott,  Mr. 
Geffords,  Mr.  Mitchel  and  Mr.  Sherman. 

I  It  seems,  that  at  this  period  there  were  but  thirty  ploughs  in  the  whole  colony 
of  Massachusetts.  Winthrop's  Journal,  p.  1 14.  It  is  not  probable  that  there  were 
ten,  perhaps  not  five,  in  Connecticut, 


i»h! 


f 


m 


'.  .11' 


56 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


[1637 


!:«  f,|l 


i^    11 


J;.:iia, 


The  court,  on  mature  deliberation,  considering  that  the  Pe- 
quots  had  killed  nearly  thirty  of  the  English;  that  they  had  tort- 
ured and  insulted  their  captives,  in  the  most  horrible  manner; 
that  they  were  attempting  to  engage  all  the  Indians  to  unite  for 
the  purpose  of  extirpating  the  English ;  and  the  danger  the  whole 
colony  was  in,  unless  some  capital  blow  could  be  immediately 
given  their  enemies,  determined,  that  an  offensive  war  should  be 
carried  on  against  them,  by  the  three  towns  of  Windsor,  Hartford 
and  Weathersfield.  They  voted,  that  90  men  should  be  raised 
forthwith; 42  from  Hartford,  30  from  Windsor,  and  18  from 
Weathersfield.  Notwithstanding  the  necessities  and  poverty  of 
the  people,  all  necessary  supplies  were  voted  for  this  little  army.^ 
No  sooner  was  this  resolution  adopted,  than  the  people  prosecuted 
the  most  vigorous  measures,  to  carry  it  into  immediate  and  ef- 
fectual execution. 

The  report  of  the  slaughter  and  horrid  cruelties  practised  by 
the  Pequots,  against  the  people  of  Connecticut,  roused  the  other 
colonies  to  harmonious  and  spirited  exertions  against  the 
common  enemy.  Massachusetts  determined  to  send  200,  and 
Plymouth  40  men,  to  assist  Connecticut  in  prosecuting  the  war. 
Captain  Patrick  with  40  men  was  sent  forward,  before  the  other 
troops,  from  Massachusetts  and  Plymouth,  -:ould  be  ready  to 
march,  with  a  view,  that  he  might  seasonably  form  a  junction  with 
the  party  from  Connecticut. 

On  Wednesday,  the  loth  of  May,  the  troops  from  Connecticut 
fell  down  the  river,  for  the  fort  at  Saybrook.  They  consisted  of 
90  Englishmen  and  about  70  Moheagan  and  river  Indians.  They 
embarked  on  board  a  pink,  a  pinnace  and  a  shallop.  The  Indians 
were  commanded  by  Uncas,  sachem  of  the  Moheagans.  The 
whole  was  commanded  by  captain  John  Mason,  who  had  been 
bred  a  soldier  in  the  old  countries.  The  Rev.  Mr.  Stone  of  Hart- 
ford went  their  chaplain.  On  Monday  the  isth,  the  troops  ar- 
rived at  Saybrook  fort.  As  the  water  was  low,  this  little  fleet 
several  times  ran  aground.  The  Indians,  impatient  of  delays,  de- 
sired to  be  set  on  shore,  promising  to  join  the  English  at  Say- 
brook. The  captain  therefore  granted  their  request.  On  their 
march,  they  fell  in  with  about  forty  of  the  enemy,  near  the  fort, 
killed  seven  and  took  one  prisoner. 

The  prisoner  had  been  a  perfidious  villain.  He  had  lived  in  the 
fort,  some  time  before,  and  could  speak  English  well.  But  after 
the  Pequots  commenced  hostilities  against  the  English,  he  be- 
came a  constant  spy  upon  the  garrison,  and  acquainted  Sassacus 
with  every  thing  he  could  discover.  He  had  been  present  at  the 
slaughter  of  all  the  English  who  had  been  killed  at  Saybrook. 
Uncas  and  his  men  insisted  upon  executing  him  according  to  the 
manner  of  their  ancestors;  and  the  English,  in  the  circumstances 

'  Records  of  Connecticut. 


1 637] 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


57 


in  which  they  then  were,  did  not  judge  it  prudent  to  interpose. 
The  Indians,  kindling  a  large  fire,  violently  tore  him  limb  from 
limb.  Barbarously  cutting  his  flesh  in  pieces,  they  handed  it 
round  from  one  to  another,  eating  it,  singing  and  dancing  round 
the  fire,  in  their  violent  and  tumultuous  manner.  The  bones  and 
such  parts  of  their  captive,  as  were  not  consumed  in  this  dreadful 
repast,  were  committed  to  the  flames  and  burnt  to  ashes. 

This  success  was  matter  oi  joy,  not  only  as  it  was  a  check  upon 
the  enemy,  but  as  it  was  an  evidence  of  the  fidelity  of  Uncas  and 
his  Indians,  of  which  the  English  had  been  before  in  doubt.  There 
were  other  circumstances,  however,  which  more  than  counterbal- 
anced this  joy.  The  army  lay  wind  bound  until  Friday,  and  cap- 
tain Mason  and  his  officers  were  entirely  divided  in  opinion,  with 
respect  to  the  manner  of  prosecuting  their  enterprise.  The  court, 
by  the  commission  and  instructions  which  it  had  given,  enjoined 
the  landing  of  the  men  at  Pequot  harbour,  and  that  from  thence 
they  should  advance  upon  the  enemy.  The  captain  was  for  pass- 
ing by  them,  and  sailing  to  the  Narraganset  country.  He  was 
fixed  in  this  opinion,  because  he  found  that,  expecting  the  army 
at  Pequot  harbour,  they  kept  watch  upon  the  river  night  and  day. 
Their  number  of  men  greatly  exceeded  his.  He  was  informed, 
at  Saybrook,  that  they  had  sixteen  fire  arms,  with  powder  and 
shot.  The  harbour  was  compassed  with  rocks  and  thickets,  af- 
fording the  enemy  every  advantage.  They  were  upon  the  land, 
and  exceedingly  light  of  foot.  He  was  therefore  of  the  opinion, 
that  they  would  render  it  very  difficult  and  dangerous  to  land,  and 
that  he  might  sustain  such  loss,  as  would  discourage  his  men  and 
frustrate  the  design  of  the  expedition.  If  they  should  make  good 
their  landing,  he  was  sure  that,  while  they  directed  their  march 
through  the  country,  to  the  enemy's  forts,  they  would  waylay  and 
attack  them,  with  their  whole  force,  at  every  difficult  pass.  Be- 
side, if  they  should  find,  on  trial,  that  they  were  not  able  to  defeat 
the  English,  they  would  run  off  to  swamps  and  fastnesses,  where 
they  could  not  be  found ;  and  they  should  not  be  able  to  efifect  any 
thing  capital  against  them.  He  was  not  without  hopes  that,  by 
going  to  Narraganset,  he  might  surprise  them.  There  was  also 
some  prospect,  that  the  Narragansets  would  join  him  in  the  ex- 
pedition, and  that  he  might  fall  in  with  some  part  of  the  troops 
from  Massachusetts. 

His  officers  and  men  in  general  were  for  attending  their  in- 
structions, and  going  at  all  hazards  directly  to  the  forts.  The 
necessity  of  their  affairs  at  home,  the  danger  of  the  Indians  at- 
tacking their  families  and  settlements,  in  their  absence,  made 
them  wish,  at  once  to  dispatch  the  business,  on  which  they  had 
been  sent.  They  did  not  relish  a  long  march  through  the  wilder- 
ness. They  also  imagined  that  they  might  be  discovered,  even 
should  they  determine  to  march  from  Narraganset  to  the  attack  of 


t      ' 


'        I 


i 


i 


'.Ml 


III 


m  \ 


i 


> 


2  I    I'li.tlll  111 

u  m 


H 


I 


Ir 


5s: 


5« 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


I1637 


the  enemy.  In  this  division  of  opinion,  Mr.  Stone  was  desired  by 
the  officers  most  importunately  to  pray  for  them,  That  their  way 
might  be  directed,  and  that,  notwithstanding  the  present  embar- 
rassment, the  enterprise  might  be  crowned  with  success. 

Mr.  Stone  spent  most  of  Thursday  night  in  prayer,  and  the  next 
morning  visiting  captain  Mason,  assured  him,  that  he  had  done 
as  he  was  desired ;  adding,  that  he  was  entirely  satisfied  with  his 
plan.  The  council  was  again  called,  and,  upon  a  full  view  of  all  the 
reasons,  unanimously  agreed  to  proceed  to  Narraganset.  It  was 
also  determined,  that  twenty  men  should  be  sent  back  to  Con- 
necticut, to  strengthen  the  infant  settlements,  while  the  rest  of  the 
troops  were  employed  in  service  against  the  enemy;  and,  that 
captain  Underbill,  with  nineteen  men  from  the  garrison  at  Say- 
brook  fort,  should  supply  their  places. 

On  Friday,  May  19th,  the  captain  sailed  for  Narraganset  bay, 
and  arrived  on  Saturday  at  the  desired  port.  On  Mond.iy,  captain 
Mason  and  captain  Underbill  marched  with  a  guard  to  tlie  planta- 
tion of  Cancnicus,  and  acquainted  him  with  the  design  of  their 
coming.  A  messenger  was  immediately  dispatched  to  Mianton- 
imoh,  the  chief  sachem  of  the  Narragansets,  to  acquaint  him  also 
with  the  expedition.  The  next  day  Miaiitonimoh  met  them,  with 
his  chief  counsel  ors  and  warriors,  consisting  of  about  200  men. 
Captain  Mason  certified  him,  that  the  occasion  of  his  coming  with 
armed  men,  into  his  country,  was  to  avenge  the  intolerable  inju- 
ries which  the  Pequots,  his  as  well  as  their  enemies,  had  done  the 
English:  and,  that  he  desired  a  free  passage  to  the  Pequot  forts. 
After  a  solemn  consultation  in  the  Indian  manner,  Miantonimoh 
answered.  That  he  highly  approved  of  the  expedition,  and  that  he 
would  send  men.  He  observed,  however,  that  the  English  were 
not  sufficient  in  number  to  fight  with  the  enemy.  He  said  the 
Pequots  were  great  captains,  skilled  in  war,  and  rather  slighted 
the  English.  Captain  Mason  landed  his  men,  and  marched  just 
at  night  to  the  plantation  of  Canonicus,  which  was  appointed  to  be 
the  place  of  general  rendezvous.  That  night  there  arrived  an  Ind- 
ian runner  in  the  camp,  with  a  letter  from  captain  Patrick,  who  had 
arrived  with  his  party  at  Mr.  Williams'  plantation  in  Providence. 
Captain  Patrick  signified  his  desire,  that  captain  Mason  would 
wait  until  he  could  join  him.  Upon  deliberation  it  was  determined 
not  to  wait,  though  a  junction  was  greatly  desired.  The  men  had 
already  been  detained  much  longer  than  was  agreeable  to  their 
wishes.  When  they  had  absolutely  resolved  the  preceding  day  to 
march  the  next  morning,  the  Indians  insisted  that  they  were  but 
in  jest;  that  Englishmen  talked  much,  but  would  not  fight.  It 
was  therefore  feared,  that  any  delay  would  have  a  bad  effect  upon 
them.  It  was  also  suspected  that,  if  they  did  not  proceed  imme- 
diately, they  should  be  discovered,  as  there  were  a  number  of 
squaws  who  maintained  an  intercourse  between  the  Pequot  and 


1037J 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


59 


Narraganset  Indians.  The  army  therefore,  consisting  of  yj  Eng- 
lishmen, 60  Moheagan  and  river  Indians,  and  about  200  Narra- 
gansets,  marched  on  Wednesday  morning,  and  that  day  reached 
the  eastern  Nihaiitick,  about  eighteen  or  twenty  miles  from  the 
place  of  rendezvous  the  night  before.  This  was  a  frontier  to  the 
Pcquots,  and  was  the  seat  of  one  of  the  Narraganset  sachems. 
Here  the  army  halted,  at  the  close  of  the  day.  But  the  sachem 
and  his  Indians  conducted  themselves  in  a  haughty  manner  toward 
the  English,  and  would  not  suffer  them  to  enter  within  their  fort. 
Captain  Mason  therefore  placed  a  strong  guard  round  the  fort;  and 
as  the  Indians  would  not  suffer  him  to  enter  it,  he  determined  that 
none  of  them  should  come  out.  Knowing  the  perfidy  of  the  Ind- 
ians, and  that  it  was  customary  among  them  to  suffer  the  nearest 
relatives  of  their  greatest  enemies  to  reside  with  them,  he  jud;:^cd 
it  necessary,  to  prevent  their  discovering  him  to  the  enemy. 

In  the  morning,  a  considerable  number  of  Miantonimoh's  men 
came  on  and  joined  the  English.  This  encouraged  many  of  the 
Nihanticks  also  to  join  them.  They  soon  formed  a  circle,  and 
made  protestations,  how  gallantly  they  would  light,  and  what 
numbers  they  would  kill.  When  the  army  marched,  the  next 
morning,  the  captain  had  with  him  nearly  500  Indians.  He 
marched  twelve  miles,  to  the  ford  in  Pawcatuck  river.  The  day 
was  very  hot,  and  the  men,  through  the  great  heat,  and  a  scarcity 
of  provision,  began  to  faint.  The  army,  therefore,  made  a  con- 
siderable halt,  and  refreshed  themselves.  Here  the  Narraganset 
Indians  began  to  manifest  their  dread  of  the  Pequots,  and  to  en- 
(juire  of  captain  Mason,  with  great  anxiety,  what  were  his  real 
designs.  He  assured  them,  that  it  was  his  design  to  attack  the 
Pequots  in  their  forts.  At  this,  they  appeared  to  be  panic-struck, 
and  filled  with  amazement.  Many  of  them  drew  off,  and  returned 
to  Narraganset.  The  army  marched  on  about  three  miles,  and 
came  to  Indian  corn  fields;  and  the  captain,  imagining  that  he 
drew  near  the  enemy,  made  a  halt :  he  called  his  guides  and  coun- 
cil, and  demanded  of  the  Indians  how  far  it  was  to  the  forts.  They 
represented,  that  it  was  twelve  miles  to  Sassacus's  fort,  and  that 
both  forts  were  in  a  manner  impregnable.  Wequosh,  a  Pequot 
captain  or  petty  sachem,  who  had  revolted  from  Sassacus  to  the 
Narragansets,  was  the  principal  guide,  and  he  proved  faithful.  He 
gave  such  information,  respecting  the  distance  of  the  forts  from 
each  other,  and  the  distance  which  they  were  then  at,  from  the 
chief  sachem's,  as  determined  him  and  his  officers  to  alter  the  re- 
solution which  they  had  before  adopted,  of  attacking  them  both 
at  once;  and  to  make  a  united  attack  upon  that  at  Mistic.  He 
found  his  men  so  fatigued,  in  marching  through  a  pathless  wilder- 
ness, with  their  provisions,  arms,  and  ammunition,  and  so  affected 
with  the  heat,  that  this  resolution  appeared  to  be  absolutely  neces- 
sary.   One  of  captain  Underbill's  men  became  lame,  at  the  same 


>  1 

it 


i  ',t>, 


-  \  i 


6o 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


[1637 


1637] 


m'' 


iv 


time,  and  began  to  fail.  The  army,  therefore,  proceeded  directly 
to  Mistic,  and  continuing  their  march,  came  to  a  small  swamp 
between  two  hills,  just  at  the  disappearing  of  the  day  light.  The 
officers,  supposing  that  they  were  now  near  the  fort,  pitched  their 
little  camp,  between  or  near  two  large  rocks,  in  Groton,  since 
called  Porter's  rocks.  The  men  were  faint  and  weary,  and  though 
the  rocks  were  their  pillows,  their  rest  was  sweet.  The  guards 
and  sentinels  were  considerably  advanced,  in  the  front  of  the  army, 
and  heard  the  enemy  singing,  at  the  fort,  who  continued  their  re- 
joicings even  until  midnight.  They  had  seen  the  vessels  pass  the 
harbor,  some  days  before,  and  had  concluded,  that  the  English 
were  afraid,  and  had  not  courage  to  attack  them.  They  were, 
therefore,  rejoicing,  singing,  dancing,  insulting  them,  and  weary- 
ing themselves,  on  this  account. 

The  night  was  serene,  and,  towards  morning,  the  moon  shone 
clear.  The  important  crisis  was  now  come,  when  the  very  exist- 
ence of  Connecticut,  under  providence,  was  to  be  determined  by 
the  sword,  in  a  single  action;  and  to  be  decided  by  the  good  con- 
duct of  less  than  eighty  brave  men.  The  Indians  who  remained, 
were  now  sorely  dismayed,  and  though,  at  first,  they  had  led  the 
van,  and  boasted  of  great  feats,  yet  were  now  all  fallen  back  in  the 
rear. 

About  two  hours  before  day,  the  men  were  roused  with  all  ex- 
pedition, and  briefly  commending  themselves  and  their  cause  to 
God,  advanced  immediately  towards  the  fort.  After  a  march  of 
about  two  miles,  they  came  to  the  foot  of  a  large  hill,  where  a  fine 
country  opened  before  them.  The  captain,  supposing  that  the 
fort  could  not  be  far  distant,  sent  for  the  Indians  in  the  rear,  to 
come  up.  Uncas  and  Wequosh,  at  length,  appeared.  He  de- 
manded of  them  where  the  fort  was.  They  answered,  on  the  top 
of  the  hill.  He  demanded  of  them  where  were  the  other  Indians. 
They  answered,  that  they  were  much  afraid.  The  captain  sent  to 
them  not  to  fly,  but  to  surround  the  fort,  at  any  distance  they 
pleased,  and  see  whether  Englishmen  would  fight.  The  day  was 
nearly  dawning,  and  no  time  was  now  to  be  lost.  The  men  pressed 
on,  in  two  divisions,  captain  Mason  to  the  north-eastern,  and  cap- 
tain Underbill  to  the  western  entrance.  As  the  object  which  they 
had  been  so  long  seeking,  came  into  view,  and  while  they  re- 
flected they  were  to  fight  not  only  for  themselves,  but  their  par- 
ents, wives,  children,  and  the  whole  colony,  the  martial  spirit 
kindled  in  their  bosoms,  and  they  were  wonderfully  animated  and 
assisted.  As  captain  Mason  advanced  within  a  rod  or  two  of  the 
fort,  a  dog  barked,  and  an  Indian  roared  out,  Owanux!  Owanux! 
That  is.  Englishmen !  Englishmen!  The  troops  pressed  on,  and  as 
the  Indians  were  rallying,  poured  in  upon  them,  through  the  pal- 
lisadoes,  a  general  discharge  of  their  muskets,  and  then  wheeling 
off  to  the  principal  entrance,  entered  the  fort  sword  in  hand.    Not- 


withstandi 
of  their  ar 
Captain  M 
towards  tli 
forced  the 
them,  that 
themselvej 
of  every 
and  his  m 
many  Indi 
hands  upo 
could  defe 
flict,  in  wh 
lish  killed, 
suspense, 
of  breath,  j 
they  had  n 
to  a  succe 

BURN  THE^ 

put  it  into 
fire  instant 
ian  houses 
increased, 
on  every  s 
gansets  as 
English,  ar 
emy  were 
flames,  froi 
mark  for  tl 
were  instar 
Others,  dei 
shot,  or  cut 
that  they  v 
Great  numi 
The  grea 
the  flashini 
men,  wonv 
Indians  wii 
grand  and 
work  of  de 
and  five  or 
in  the  flam 
the  evenin] 
forth  agair 

'  Captain  '. 
of  Wigwams, 
destroyed. 


[•637 


1637] 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


6i 


withstanding  the  suddenness  of  the  attack,  the  blaze  and  thunder 
of  their  arms,  the  enemy  made  a  manly  and  desperate  resistance. 
Captain  Mason  and  his  party,  drove  the  Indians  in  the  main  street 
towards  the  west  part  of  the  fort,  where  some  bold  men,  who  had 
forced  their  way,  met  them,  and  made  such  slaughter  among 
them,  that  the  street  was  soon  clear  of  the  enemy.  They  secreted 
themselves  in  and  behmd  their  wigwams,  and  taking  atlvantage 
of  every  covert,  maintained  an  obstinate  defence.  The  captain 
and  his  men  entered  the  wigwams,  where  they  were  beset  with 
many  Indians,  who  took  every  advantage  to  shoot  them,  and  lay 
hands  upon  them,  so  that  it  was  with  great  difHculty  that  they 
could  defend  themselves  with  their  swords.  After  a  severe  con- 
flict, in  which  many  of  the  Indians  were  slain,  some  of  the  Eng- 
lish killed,  and  others  sorely  wounded,  the  victory  still  hung  in 
suspense.  The  captain  finding  himself  much  exhausted,  and  out 
of  breath,  as  well  as  his  men,  by  the  extraordinary  exertions  which 
they  had  made;  in  this  critical  state  of  the  action,  had  recourse 
to  a  successful  expedient.  He  cries  out  to  his  men,  We  must 
BURN  THEM.  He,  immediately  entering  a  wigwam,  took  fire,  and 
put  it  into  the  mats,  with  which  the  wigwams  were  covered.  The 
fire  instantly  kindling,  spread  with  such  violence  that  all  the  Ind- 
ian houses  were  soon  wrapped  in  one  general  flame.  As  the  fire 
increased,  the  English  retired  without  the  fort,  and  compassed  it 
on  every  side.  Uncas  and  his  Indians,  with  such  of  the  Narra- 
gansets  as  yet  remained,  took  courage,  from  the  example  of  the 
English,  and  formed  another  circle  in  the  rear  of  them.  The  en- 
emy were  now  seized  with  astonishment,  and  forced,  by  the 
flames,  from  their  lurking  places,  into  open  light,  became  a  fair 
mark  for  die  English  soldiers.  Some  climbed  the  pallisadoes,  and 
were  instantly  brought  down  by  the  fire  of  the  English  muskets. 
Others,  desperately  sallying  forth  from  their  burning  cells,  were 
shot,  or  cut  in  pieces  with  the  sword.  Such  terror  fell  upon  them, 
that  they  would  run  back  from  the  English,  into  the  very  flames. 
Great  numbers  perished  in  the  conflagration. 

The  greatness  and  violence  of  the  fire,  the  reflection  of  the  light, 
the  flashing  and  roar  of  the  arms,  the  shrieks  and  yellings  of  the 
men,  women  and  children,  in  the  fort,  and  the  shoutings  of  the 
Indians  without,  just  at  the  dawning  of  the  morning,  exhibited  a 
grand  and  awful  scene.  In  a  little  more  than  an  hour  this  whole 
work  of  destruction  was  finished.  Seventy  wig^vams  were  burnt, 
and  five  or  six  hundred  Indians  perished,  either  by  the  sword,  or 
in  the  flames.^  A  hundred  and  fifty  warriors  had  been  sent  on, 
the  evening  before,  who,  that  very  morning,  were  to  have  gone 
forth  against  the  English.    Of  these,  and  all  who  belonged  to  the 

'  Captain  Mason,  in  his  history,  says  six  or  seven  hundred.  From  the  number 
of  Wigwams,  and  the  reinforcement,  tlie  probability  is,  that  about  six  hundred  were 
destroyed. 


> 


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HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


I1637 


pS 


fort,  ^even  only  escaped,  and  seven  were  made  prisoners.  It  had 
been  previously  concluded  not  to  bum  the  fort,  but  to  destroy  the 
enemy,  and  take  the  plunder;  but  the  captain  afterwards  found  it 
the  only  expedient  to  obtain  the  victory,  and  save  his  men.  Thus 
parents  and  children,  the  sannup  and  squaw,  the  old  man  and  the 
babe,  perished  in  promiscuous  ruin. 

Though  the  victory  was  complete,  yet  the  army  were  in  great 
danger  and  distress.  The  men  had  been  exceedingly  fatigued, 
by  the  heat,  and  long  marches  through  rough  and  difficult  places ; 
and  by  that  constant  watch  and  guard  which  they  had  been 
obliged  to  keop.  They  had  now  been  greatly  exhausted,  by  the 
sharpness  of  the  action,  and  the  exertions  which  they  had  been 
necessitated  to  make.  Their  loss  was  very  considerable.  Two 
men  were  killed,  and  nearly  twenty  wounded.  This  was  more 
than  one  quarter  of  the  English.  Numbers  fainted  by  reason  of 
fatigue,  the  heat,  and  want  of  necessaries.  The  surgeon,  their 
provisions,  and  the  articles  necessary  for  the  wounded,  were  on 
board  the  vessels,  which  had  been  ordered  to  sail  from  the  Narra- 
ganset  bay,  the  n.^^ht  before,  for  Pequot  harbour;  but  there  was 
no  appearance  of  them  in  the  sound.  They  were  sensible  that,  by 
the  burning  of  the  fort,  and  the  noise  of  war,  they  had  alarmed  the 
country;  and  therefore  were  in  constant  expectation  of  an  attack, 
by  a  fresh  and  numerous  enemy  from  the  other  fortress,  and  from 
every  quarter  whence  the  Pequots  might  be  collected. 

A  number  of  the  friendly  Indians  had  been  wounded,  and  they 
were  so  distracted  with  fear,  that  it  was  difficult  even  to  speak 
with  their  guide  and  interpreter,  or  to  know  any  thing  what  they 
designed.  The  English  were  in  an  enemy's  country,  and  entire 
strangers  to  the  way  in  which  they  must  return.  The  enemy  were 
far  more  numerous  than  themselves,  and  enraged  to  the  highest 
degree.  Another  circumstance  renderv-^d  their  situation  still  more 
dangerous,  their  provisions  and  ammunition  were  nearly  ex- 
pended. Four  or  five  men  were  so  wounded  that  it  was  necessary 
to  carry  them,  and  they  were  also  obliged  to  bear  about  twenty 
fire  arms,  so  that  not  more  than  forty  men  could  be  spared  for 
action. 

After  an  interval  of  about  an  hour,  while  the  officers  were  in 
consultation  what  course  they  should  take,  their  vessels,  as 
though  guided  by  the  hand  of  providence,  to  serve  the  necessi- 
ties of  these  brave  men,  came  full  in  view;  and,  under  a  fair  gale, 
were  steering  directly  into  the  harbour.  This,  in  the  situation  of 
the  army  at  that  time,  was  a  most  joyful  sight. 

Immediately,  upon  the  discovery  of  the  vessels,  aboui'.  three 
hundred  Indians  came  on  from  the  other  fort.  Captain  Mason, 
perceiving  their  approach,  led  out  a  chosen  party  to  engage  them, 
and  try  their  temper.  He  gave  them  such  a  warm  reception,  as 
soon  checked  and  put  them  to  a  stand.    This  gave  him  great  en- 


'•iiA 


Aii 


i637] 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


63 


couragement,  and  he  ordered  the  army  to  march  for  Pequot  har- 
bour. The  enemy,  upon  this,  immediately  advanced  to  the  hill, 
where  the  fort  stood ;  and  viewing  the  destruction  which  had  been 
made,  stamped  and  tore  their  hair  from  their  heads.  After  a 
short  pause,  and  blowing  themselves  up  to  the  highest  transport 
of  passion,  they  leaped  down  the  hill  after  the  army,  in  the  most 
\Iolent  manner,  as  though  they  were  about  to  run  over  the  Eng- 
lish. Captain  Underbill,  who,  with  a  number  of  the  best  men, 
was  ordered  to  defend  the  rear,  soon  checked  the  eagerness  of 
their  pursuit,  and  taught  them  to  keep  at  a  more  respectful  dis- 
tance. The  friendly  Indians  who  had  not  deserted,  now  kept 
close  to  the  English,  and  it  was  believed  that,  after  the  enemy 
came  on,  they  were  afraid  to  leave  them.  The  enemy  pursued  the 
army  nearly  six  miles,  sometimes  shooting  at  a  distance,  from  be- 
hind rocks  and  trees,  and  at  other  times,  pressing  on  more  vio- 
lently, and  desperately  hazarding  themselves  in  the  open  field. 

That  the  English  might  all  be  enabled  to  iight,  captain  Mason 
soon  hired  the  Indians  to  carry  the  wounded  men  and  their  arms. 
The  English  killed  several  of  the  enemy  while  they  pursued  them, 
but  sustained  no  loss  themselves.  When  they  killed  a  Pequot, 
the  other  Indians  would  shout,  run  and  fetch  his  head.  At  length, 
the  enemy  finding  that  they  could  make  no  impression  upon  the 
army,  and  that  wounds  and  death  attended  their  attempts,  gave 
over  the  pursuit. 

The  army  then  marched  to  the  harbor,  with  their  colors  flying, 
and  were  received  on  board  the  vessels,  with  great  mutual  joy  and 
congratulation. 

In  about  three  weeks  from  the  time  the  men  embarked  at  Hart- 
ford, they  returned  again  to  their  respective  habitations.  They 
were  received  with  the  greatest  exultation.  As  the  people  had 
been  deeply  affected  with  their  danger,  and  full  of  anxiety  for 
their  friends,  while  nearly  half  the  eflfective  men  in  the  colony  were 
in  service,  upon  so  hazardous  an  enterprise,  so  sudden  a  change, 
in  the  great  victory  obtained,  and  in  the  safe  return  of  so  many  of 
their  children  and  neighbors,  filled  them  with  exceeding  joy  and 
thankfulness.  Every  family,  and  every  worshipping  assembly, 
spake  the  language  of  praise  and  thanksgiving. 

Several  circumstances  attending  this  enterprise,  were  muci: 
noticed  by  the  soldiers  themselves,  and  especially  by  all  the  pious 
people.  It  was  considered  as  very  providential,  that  the  army 
should  march  nearly  forty  miles,  and  a  considerable  part  of  it  in 
the  enemy's  country,  and  not  be  discovered  until  the  moment  they 
were  ready  to  commence  the  attack.  I«  ^^?as  judged  remarkable, 
that  the  vessels  should  come  into  the  harbour  at  the  very  hour  in 
which  they  were  most  needed.  The  life  of  captain  Mason  was 
very  signally  preserved.  As  he  entered  a  wigwam  for  fire  to  burn 
the  fort,  an  Indian  was  drawing  an  arrow  to  the  very  head,  and 


ffel 


li       <'c 


■J  i 


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f 

il   ■ 
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Uh 


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m 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


[1637 


1637] 


li  W 


would  have  killed  him  instantly;  but  Davis,^  one  of  his  sergeants, 
cut  the  bow  string  with  his  cutlass,  and  prevented  the  fatal  shot." 
Lieutenant  Bull  received  an  arrow  into  a  hard  piece  of  cheese, 
which  he  had  in  his  clothes,  and  by  it  was  saved  harmless.  Two 
soldiers,  John  Dyer  and  Thomas  Stiles,  both  servants  of  one  man, 
were  shot  in  the  knots  of  their  neckcloths,  and  by  them  preserved 
from  instant  death.^ 

Few  enterprises  have  ever  been  achieved  with  more  personal 
ijravery  or  good  conduct.  In  few  hrve  so  great  a  proportion  of 
the  effective  men  of  a  whole  colony,  state,  or  nation  been  put  to 
so  great  and  immediate  danger.  In  few,  have  a  people  been  so 
deeply  and  immediately  interested,  as  the  whole  colony  of  Con- 
necticut was  in  this,  in  that  uncommon  crisis.  In  these  respects, 
even  the  great  armaments  and  battles  of  Europe  are,  compara- 
tively, of  little  importance.  In  this,  under  the  divine  conduct,  by 
seventy-seven  brave  men,  Connecticut  was  saved,  and  the  most 
warlike  and  terrible  Indian  nation  in  New-England,  defeated  and 
ruined. 

The  body  of  the  Pcquots,  returning  from  the  pursuit  of  captain 
Mason,  repaired  to  Sassacus,  at  the  royal  fortress,  and  related  the 
doleful  story  of  their  misfortunes.  They  charged  them  all  to  his 
haughtiness  and  misconduct,  and  threatened  him,  and  his,  with 
immediate  destruction.  His  friends  and  chief  counsellors  inter- 
ceded for  him;  and,  at  their  intreaty,  his  men  spared  his  life. 
Then,  upon  consultation,  they  concluded,  that  they  could  not, 
with  safety,  remain  any  longer  in  the  country.  They  were,  indeed, 
so  panic  struck,  that,  burning  their  wigwams  and  destroying  their 
fort,  they  fled  and  scattered  into  various  parts  of  the  country. 
Sassacus,  Mononotto,  and  seventy  or  eighty  of  their  chief  coun- 
sellors and  warriors,  took  their  route  towards  Hudson's  river. 

Just  before  captain  Mason  went  out  upon  the  expedition  against 
the  Pequots,  the  Dutch  performed  a  very  neighbourly  office  for 
Connecticut.  The  two  maids,  who  had  been  captivated  at  Weath- 
ersfield,  had,  through  the  humanity  and  mediation  of  Mononotto's 
squaw,  been  spared  from  death,  and  kindly  treated.  The  Dutch 
governor,  receiving  intelligence  of  their  circumstances,  deter- 
mined to  redeem  them  at  any  rate,  and  dispatched  a  sloop  to  Pe- 
quot  harbour  for  that  purpose.  Upon  its  arrival,  the  Dutch  made 
large  ofters  for  their  redemption,  but  the  Pequots  would  not  ac- 
cept them.  Finally,  as  the  Dutch  had  a  number  of  Pequots  on 
board,  whom  they  had  taken,  and  finding  that  they  could  do  no 

'  Stiles,  in  his  Ancient  Windsor,  ist  ed.,  p,  40,  insists  that  William  Hayden,  of 
Hartford,  cut  the  bowstring,  and  cites  tradition.  He  also  uses  the  dubious  argu- 
ment that  Davis,  being  in  the  attackint;  party  on  the  opposite  side  of  the  fort,  cuuld 
not  have  been  the  man,  though  it  is  difficult  to  see  why  he  might  not  have  been,  if 
only  the  fact  that  he  had  previously  entered  the  other  side  of  the  fort  is  cited  as 
proving  the  act  of  Davis  impossible, — J.  T. 

'  Hubbard's  Narrative.  '  Mason's  History, 


better,  the; 
maids.^  T 
women  at 
rived.  Of 
enemy. 

An  Indl 
soon  carri< 
Pequots, 
his  council 
sent  forwa 
manded  b) 
was  sent  hi 

This  pai 
By  the  as: 
captain  St 
swamp.  1 
were  worn 
killed,  but 
promised  t 
were  spare 

June  26 
should  be 
against  th( 

The  tro( 
under  the  < 
low,  with  ( 
with  the  2 
adopted  in 
sultation,  i 
to  the  wesi 
covered  th 
several  rer 
it  appears 
children  w; 
obliged  to 
as  they  af! 
as  they  sc 
whom  the; 
they  were 
had  spared 
on  their  n 
from  whic 
done,  bear 
three  day; 
sailed  aloi 

•  Wii 
»Hu 


i637l 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


65 


better,  they  offered  the  Pequots  six  of  their  own  men  for  the  two 
maids.^  These  they  accepted,  and  the  Dutch  delivered  the  young 
women  at  Saybrook,  just  before  captain  Mason  and  his  party  ar- 
rived. Of  them  he  received  particular  information  respecting  the 
enemy. 

An  Indian  runner,  dispatched  by  Mr.  Williams,  at  Providence, 
soon  carried  the  news  of  the  success  of  Connecticut  against  the 
Pequots,  to  the  governor  of  Massachusetts.  The  governor  and 
his  council,  judging  that  the  Pequots  had  received  a  capital  blow, 
sent  forward  but  a  hundred  and  twenty  men.  These  were  com- 
manded by  Mr.  Stoughton,  and  the  Rev.  Mr.  Wilson,  of  Boston, 
was  sent  his  chaplain. 

This  party  arrived  at  Pequot  harbour  the  latter  part  of  June. 
By  the  assistance  of  the  Narraganset  Indians,  the  party  under 
captain  Stoughton  surrounded  a  large  body  of  Pequots  in  a 
swamp.  They  took  eighty  captives.  Thirty  were  men;  the  rest 
were  women  and  children.  The  men,  except  two  sachems,  were 
killed,  but  the  women  and  children  were  saved.^  The  sachems 
promised  to  conduct  the  English  to  Sassacus,  and  for  that  purpose 
were  spared  for  the  present. 

June  26th,  the  court  at  Connecticut  ordered  that  forty  men 
should  be  raised  forthwith  for  the  further  prosecution  of  the  war 
against  the  Pequots,  to  be  commanded  by  captain  Mason. 

The  troops  from  Connecticut  made  a  junction  with  the  party 
under  the  command  of  captain  Stoughton,  at  Pequot.  Mr.  Lud- 
low, with  other  principal  gentlemen  from  Connecticut,  went  also 
with  the  army,  to  advise  with  respect  to  the  measures  to  be 
adopted  in  the  further  prosecution  of  the  war.  Upon  general  con- 
sultation, it  was  concluded  to  pursue  the  Pequots,  who  had  fled 
to  the  westward.  The  army  marched  immediately,  and  soon  dis- 
covered the  places,  where  the  enemy  had  rendezvoused,  at  their 
several  removes.  As  these  were  not  far  distant  from  each  other, 
it  appeared  that  they  moved  slowly,  having  their  women  and 
children  with  them.  They  also  were  without  provisions,  and  were 
obliged  to  dig  for  clams,  and  to  range  the  groves  for  such  articles 
as  they  afforded.  The  English  found  some  scattering  Pequots, 
as  they  scoured  the  country,  whom  r.^ey  captivated,  and  from 
whom  they  obtained  intelligence  relative  to  the  Pequots  whom 
they  were  pursuing.  But  finding,  that  the  sachems,  whom  they 
had  spared,  would  give  tl.em  no  information,  they  beheaded  them, 
on  their  march,  at  a  place  called  Menunkatuck,  since  Guilford; 
from  which  circumstance,  the  spot  on  which  the  £xecution  was 
done,  bears  the  name  of  sachem's  head  to  the  present  time.  In 
three  days  they  arrived  at  New-Haven  harbour.  The  vessels 
sailed  along  the  shore  while  the  troops  marched  by  land.    At 

•  Winthrop's  Journal,  p.  128. 

'  Hubbard's  Narrative,  p.  34,  and  Winthrop's  Journal,  p.  130,  133. 


ft)   I  ! 


r 


n 


> 

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i 

i 


p. 


^1 


!■'■■ 


Mi 


66 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


1 1637 


New-Haven,  then  called  Quinnipiack,  a  great  smoke,  at  a  small 
distance,  was  discovered  in  the  woods.  The  officers  supposing, 
that  they  had  now  discovered  the  enemy,  ordered  the  army  im- 
mediately to  advance  upon  them;  but  were  soon  informed  that 
they  were  not  in  that  vicinity.  The  Connecticut  Indians  nad 
kindled  the  fires  whence  the  smoke  arose.  The  troops  soon  em- 
barked on  board  the  vessels.  After  staying  several  days  at  New- 
Haven,  the  officers  received  intelligence  from  a  Pequot,  whom 
they  had  previously  sent  to  make  discovery,  that  the  enemy  were 
at  a  considerable  distance,  in  a  great  swamp,  to  the  westward. 
Upon  this  information,  the  army  marched  with  all  possible  dis- 
patch to  a  great  swamp,  in  Fairfield,  where  were  eighty  or  a  hun- 
dred Pequot  warriors,  and  nearly  two  hundred  other  Indians. 
The  swamp  was  such  a  thicket,  so  deep  and  boggy,  that  it  was 
difficult  to  enter  it,  or  make  any  movement  without  sinking  in  the 
mire.  Lieutenant  Davenport  and  others,  rushing  eagerly  into  it, 
were  sorely  wounded,  and  several  were  soon  so  deep  in  the  mud, 
that  they  could  not  get  out  without  assistance.  The  enemy 
pressed  them  so  hard,  that  they  were  just  ready  to  seize  them  by 
the  hair  of  their  head.  A  number  of  brave  men  were  obliged  to 
rescue  them  sword  in  hand.  Some  of  the  Indians  were  slain,  and 
the  men  were  drawn  out  of  the  mire.  The  swamp  was  surrounded, 
and  after  a  considerable  skirmish  the  Indians  desired  a  parley. 
As  the  officers  were  not  willing  to  make  a  promiscuous  destruc- 
tion of  men,  women  and  children,  and  as  the  sachem  and  Indians 
of  the  vicinity  had  fled  into  the  swamp,  though  they  had  done  the 
colonies  no  injury,  a  parley  was  granted.  Thomas  Stanton,  a 
man  well  acquainted  with  the  manners  and  language  of  the  Ind- 
ians, was  sent  to  treat  with  them.  He  was  authorized  to  oflfer 
life  to  all  the  Indians  who  had  shed  no  English  blood.  Upon  this 
oflfer,  the  sachem  of  the  place  came  out  to  the  English,  and  one 
company  of  old  men,  women  and  children  after  another,  to  the 
number  of  about  two  hundred.  The  sachem  of  the  place  declared 
for  himself  and  his  Indians,  that  they  had  neither  shed  the  blood 
of  the  English  nor  done  them  any  harm.  But  the  Pequot  war- 
riors had  too  great  a  spirit  to  accept  of  the  offer  of  life,  declaring, 
that  they  would  fight  it  out.  They  shot  their  arrows  at  Stanton, 
and  pressed  so  hard  upon  him,  that  the  soldiers  were  obliged  to 
fly  to  his  rescue.*  The  fight  was  then  renewed,  the  soldiers  firing 
upon  them  whenever  an  opportunity  presented.  But  by  reason 
of  an  unhappy  division  among  the  officers,  a  great  part  of  the 
enemy  escaped.  Some  were  for  forcing  the  swamp  immediately, 
but  this  was  opposed,  as  too  dangerous.  Others  were  for  cutting 
it  down,  as  they  had  taken  many  hatchets,  with  which  they  were 
of  the  opinion  it  might  be  effected.  Some  others  were  for  making 
a  pallisado  and  hedge  round  it,  but  neither  of  these  measures 
'  Hubbard's  Narrative,  p.  38. 


1637] 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


<57 


"'), 


could  be  adopted.^  As  night  came  on,  the  English  cut  through  a 
narrow  part  of  it,  by  which  the  circumference  was  greatly  les- 
sened; so  that  the  soldiers,  at  twelve  feet  distance  from  each  other, 
were  able  completely  to  compass  the  enemy.  In  this  manner  they 
enclosed  and  watched  them  until  it  was  nearly  morning.  A  thick 
fog  arose  just  before  day,  and  it  became  exceedingly  dark.  At 
this  juncture,  the  Indians  took  the  opportunity  to  break  through 
the  English.  They  made  their  first  attempt  upon  captain  Patrick's 
quarters,  yelling  in  their  hideous  manner  and  pressing  on  with 
violence,  but  they  were  several  times  driven  back.  As  the  noise 
and  tumult  of  war  increased,  captain  Mason  sent  a  party  to  assist 
captain  Patrick.  Captain  Trask  also  marched  to  reinforce  him. 
As  the  battle  greatly  increased,  the  siege  broke  up.  Captain  Ma- 
son marched  to  give  assistance  in  the  action.  Advancing  to  the 
turn  of  the  swamp,  he  found  that  the  enemy  were  pressing  out 
upon  him ;  but  he  gave  them  so  warm  a  reception,  that  they  were 
soon  glad  to  retire.  While  he  was  expecting  that  they  would 
make  another  attempt  upon  him,  they  faced  about,  and  falling  vio- 
lently on  captain  Patrick,  broke  through  his  quarters  and  fled. 
These  were  their  bravest  warriors,  six'  or  seventy  of  whom  made 
their  escape.  About  twenty  were  killed,  and  one  hundred  and 
eighty  were  taken  prisoners.  The  English  also  took  hatchets, 
wampum,  kettles,  trays  and  other  Indian  utensils. 

The  Pequot  womenand  children, who  had  been  captivated, were 
divided  among  the  troops.  Some  were  carried  to  Connecticut, 
and  others  to  the  Massachusetts.  The  people  of  Massachusetts 
sent  a  number  of  the  women  and  boys  to  the  West-Indies,  and 
sold  them  for  slaves.  It  was  supposed  that  abou*;  seven  hundred 
Pequots  were  destroyed.  The  women  who  were  captivated,  re- 
ported, that  thirteen  sachems  had  been  slain,  and  that  thirteen  yet 
survived.  Among  the  latter  were  Sassacus  and  Mononotto,  the 
two  chief  sachems.  These  with  about  twenty  of  their  best  men 
fled  to  the  Mohawks.  They  carried  oflf  with  them  wampum  to  the 
amount  of  500  pounds,''  The  Mohawks  surprised  and  slew  them 
all,  except  Mononotto.  They  wounded  him,  but  he  made  his  es- 
cape. The  scalp  of  Sassacus  was  sent  to  Connecticut  in  the  fall, 
and  Mr.  Ludlow  and  several  other  gentlemen,  going  into  Massa- 
chusetts, in  September,  carried  a  lock  of  it  to  Boston,  as  a  rare 
sight,  and  a  sure  demonstration  of  the  death  of  their  mortal 
enemy.' 

Among  the  Pequot  captives  were  the  wife  and  children  of 
Mononotto.  She  was  particularly  noticed,  by  the  English,  for  her 
great  modesty,  humanity  and  good  sense.  She  made  it  as  her  only 
request,  that  she  might  not  be  injured  either  as  to  her  offspring 
or  personal  honor.   As  a  requital  of  her  kindness  to  the  captivated 

'  Masom's  Hittory.  »  Winthrop's  Journal,  p.  136, 

'  Winthrop's  Journal,  p.  134, 135,  136. 


his 

<      1    ■  H 


m 


68 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


[1638 


i*' 


maids,  her  life  and  the  lives  of  her  children  were  not  only  spared, 
but  they  were  particularly  recommended  to  the  care  of  governor 
Winthrop.  He  gave  charge  for  their  protection  and  kind  treat- 
ment. 

After  the  swamp  fight,  the  Pequots  became  so  weak  and  scat- 
tered, that  the  Narragansets  and  Moheagans  constantly  killed 
them,  and  brought  in  their  heads  to  Windsor  and  Hartford. 
Those  who  survived  were  so  hunted  and  harassed,  that  a  num- 
ber of  their  chief  men  repaired  to  the  English,  at  Hartford,  for  re- 
lief. They  offered,  if  their  lives  might  be  spared,  that  they  would 
become  the  servants  of  the  English  and  be  disposed  of  at  their 
pleasure.  This  was  granted,  and  the  court  interposed  for  their 
protection. 

Uncas  and  Miantonimoh,  with  the  Pequots,  by  the  direction 
of  the  magistrates  of  Connecticut,  met  at  Hartford;  and  it  was 
demanded  by  them,  how  many  of  the  Pequots  were  yet  living? 
they  answered,  about  two  hundred,  besides  women  and  children. 
The  magistrates  then  entered  into  a  firm  covenant  with  them,  to 
the  following  effect:  that  there  should  be  perpetual  peace  between 
Miantonimoh  and  Uncas,  and  their  respective  Indians;  and  that 
all  past  injuries  should  be  remitted,  and  for  ever  buried:  that  if 
any  injuries  should  be  done,  in  future,  by  one  party  to  the  other, 
that  they  should  not  immediately  revenge  it,  but  appeal  to  the 
English  to  do  them  justice.  It  was  stipulated,  that  they  should 
submit  to  their  determination,  and  that  if  either  par  '  should  be 
obstinate,  that  then  they  might  enforce  submission  to  their  de- 
cisions. It  was  further  agreed,  that  neither  the  Moheagans,  nor 
Narragansets  should  conceal,  or  entertain  any  of  their  enemies; 
but  deliver  up  or  destroy  all  such  Indians  as  had  murdered  any 
English  man  or  woman.  The  English  then  gave  the  Pequot  Ind- 
ians to  the  Narragansets  and  Moheagans;  eighty  to  Miantoni- 
moh, twenty  to  Ninnigret,  and  the  other  hundred  to  Uncas;  to  be 
received  and  treated  as  their  men.  It  was  also  covenanted,  that 
the  Pequots  should  never  more  inhabit  their  native  country,  nor 
be  called  Pequots,  but  Narragansets  and  Moheagans.  It  was  also 
further  stipulated,  That  neither  the  Narragansets  nor  Moheagans 
should  possess  any  part  of  the  Pequot  country  without  the  con- 
sent of  the  English.  The  Pequots  were  to  pay  a  tribute,  at  Con- 
necticut annually,  of  a  fathom  of  wampumpeag  for  every  Sannop, 
of  half  a  fathom  for  every  young  man,  and  of  a  hand  for  every 
male  papoose.  On  these  conditions  the  magistrates,  in  behalf  ot 
the  colony,  stipulated  a  firm  peace  with  all  the  Indians.* 

The  conquest  of  the  Pequots  struck  all  the  Indians  in  New- 
England  with  terror,  and  they  were  possessed  with  such  fear  of 
the  displeasure  and  arms  of  the  English,  that  they  had  no  open 
war  with  them  for  nearly  forty  years. 

Records  of  G>nnecticut. 


1638] 

This  hs 
public  th; 
New-Eng 
Him,  wh( 
dwell  safe 


THOU 
nated,  yet 
The  cons' 
state  of  tl 
every  arti( 
and  the  p 
from  theii 
employed 
the  provis 
ure  propo 
commonl; 
The  court 
great  wan 
dred  bush 
ians,  and  ; 
tants  weri 
certain  pr 
the  purch 
send  a  ves 
But  notwi 
ity  becam 
twelve  sh 
committe* 
since  Dee 
Indians  a 
one  time, 
this  as  a  i 
the  finest 
icut,  were 
selves  and 

In  this 

'  The  tni 

somi;itimes,  t 

together,  flal 

»  Recordi 

'  Mason'j 

to  eighteen  c 

'  Mason'i 


1638] 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


69 


This  happy  event  gave  great  joy  to  the  colonies.  A  day  of 
public  thanksgiving  was  appointed;  and,  in  all  the  churches  of 
New-England,  devout  and  animated  praises  were  addressed  to 
Him,  who  giveth  his  people  the  victory,  and  causeth  them  to 
dwell  safely. 


CHAPTER  VI. 

THOUGH  the  war  with  the  Pequots  was  now  happily  termi- 
nated, yet  the  effects  of  it  were  severely  felt  by  the  inhabitants. 
The  consequences  were,  scarcity  and  a  debt,  which,  in  the  low 
state  of  the  colony,  it  was  exceedingly  difKcult  to  pay.  Almost 
every  article  of  food  or  clothing  was  purchased  at  the  dearest  rate : 
and  the  planters  had  not  yet  reaped  any  considerable  advantage 
from  their  farms.  Such  a  proportion  of  their  labourers  had  been 
employed  in  the  war,  and  the  country  was  so  uncultivated,  that  all 
the  provision  which  had  been  raised,  or  imported,  was  in  no  meas- 
ure proportionate  to  the  wants  of  the  people.  The  winter  was  un- 
commonly severe,  which  increased  the  distress  of  the  colony.^ 
The  court  at  Connecticut  foreseeing  that  the  people  would  be  in 
great  want  of  bread,  contracted  with  Mr.  Pyncheon  for  five  hun- 
dred bushels  of  Indian  corn,  which  he  was  to  purchase  of  the  Ind- 
ians, and  a  greater  quantity,  if  it  could  be  obtained.  The  inhabi- 
tants were  prohibited  to  bargain  for  it  privately,  and  limited  to 
certain  prices,  lest  it  should  raise  the  price,  while  he  was  making 
the  purchase.  A  committee  was  also  appointed  by  the  court,  to 
send  a  vessel  to  Narraganset,  to  buy  of  the  natives  in  that  quarter.* 
But  notwithstanding  every  precaution  which  was  taken,  the  scarc- 
ity became  such,  that  corn  rose  to  the  extraordinary  price  of 
twelve  shillings  by  the  bushel.'  In  this  distressful  situation  a 
committee  was  sent  to  an  Indian  settlement  called  Pocomtock, 
since  Deerfield,  where  they  purchased  such  quantities,  that  the 
Indians  came  down  to  Windsor  and  Hartford,  with  fifty  canoes  at 
one  time,  laden  with  Indian  corn.*  The  good  people  considered 
this  as  a  great  deliverance.  Those,  who,  in  England,  had  fed  on 
the  finest  of  the  wheat,  in  the  beginning  of  affairs  in  Connect- 
icut, were  thankful  for  such  coarse  fare  as  Indian  bread,  for  them- 
selves and  children. 

In  this  low  state  of  the  colony,  the  court  found  it  necessary  to 

'  The  snow  lay  from  the  4th  of  November  until  the  23d  of  March.  It  was,  at 
somi»timet,  three  and  four  feet  deep.  Once  in  the  winter  it  snowed  for  two  hours 
together,  flakes  as  big  as  English  shillings.     Winthrop's  Journal,  p.  154. 

'  Records  of  Connecticut. 

^  Mason's  history.  Twelve  shillings  sterling  at  that  time,  was  doubtless  equal 
to  eighteen  or  twenty  shillings  lawful  money. 

*  Mason's  History. 


J 


■:  1  I  r 


t¥:\i 


;o 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


[1638 


1638] 


mil; 


order  the  towns  immediately  to  furnish  themselves  with  magazines 
of  powder,  lead  and  shot,  and  every  man  to  be  completely  armed, 
and  furnished  with  ammunition.  The  court  were  also  obliged  to 
impose  a  tax  of  550  pounds,  to  be  collected  immediately,  to  defray 
the  expenses  of  the  war.  This  appears  to  have  been  the  first  pub- 
lic tax  in  Connecticut.  Agawam,  since  named  Springfield,  though 
it  sent  no  men  to  the  war,  yet  bore  its  proportion  of  the  expense.^ 
The  first  secretary  and  treasurer  appears  to  have  been  Mr.  Clem- 
ent Chaplin.  He  was  authorised  to  issue  his  warrants  for  gather- 
ing the  tax  which  had  been  imposed. 

Captain  John  Mason  was  appointed  major-general  of  the  mi- 
''tia  of  Connecticut.  The  reverend  Mr.  Hooker  was  desired  to  de- 
liver him  the  military  staff.  This  he  doubtless  performed  with 
that  propriety  and  dignity  which  was  peculiar  to  himself,  and  best 
adapted  to  the  occasion.  The  general  was  directed  to  call  out  the 
militia  of  each  town,  ten  times  in  a  year,  to  instruct  them  in  mili- 
tary discipline.  He  received  out  of  the  public  treasury  40  pounds 
annually,  for  his  services. 

As  it  was  of  the  highest  importance  to  the  colony  to  cultivate 
peace,  and  a  good  understanding  with  the  Indians,  laws  were 
enacted  to  prevent  all  persons  from  offering  them  the  least  private 
insult  or  abuse. 

While  the  planters  of  Connecticut  were  thus  exerting  them- 
selves in  prosecuting  and  regulating  the  affairs  of  that  colony,  an- 
other was  projected  and  settled  at  Quinnipiack,*  afterwards  called 
New-Haven.  On  the  26th  of  July,'  1637,  Mr.  John  Davenport, 
Mr.  Samuel  Eaton,  Theophilus  Eaton  and  Edward  Hopkins, 
Esquires,  Mr.  Thomas  Gregson,  and  many  others  of  good  char- 
acters and  fortunes,  arrived  at  Boston.  Mr.  Davenport  had  been 
a  famous  minister  in  the  city  of  London,  and  was  a  distinguished 
character  for  piety,  learning,  and  good  conduct.  Many  of  his 
congregation,  on  account  of  the  esteem  which  they  had  for  his 
person  and  ministry,  followed  him  into  New-England.  Mr.  Eaton 
and  Mr.  Hopkins  had  been  merchants  in  London,  possessed  great 
estates,  and  were  men  of  eminence  for  their  abilities  and  integrity. 
The  fame  of  Mr.  Davenport,  the  reputation  and  good  estates  of 
the  principal  gentlemen  of  this  company,  made  the  people  of  the 
Massachusetts  exceedingly  desirous  of  their  settlement  in  that 
commonwealth.  Great  pains  were  taken,  not  only  by  particular 
persons  and  towns,  but  by  the  general  ccurt,  to  fix  them  in  the 
colony.  Charlestown  made  them  large  offtrs;  and  Newbury  pro- 
posed to  give  up  the  whole  town  to  them.    The  general  court  of- 

'  The  tax  was  laid  on  the  towns  in  the  proportior  s  following  :  Agawam,  86 
pounds  :  i6  :  o.  Windsor,  158  pounds  :  2  :  o.  Hartford  251  pounds  :  2  :  o.  And 
Weathersfield,  124  pounds  :  o  :  o. 

*  This  is  sometimes  spelt  Quillipiack,  and  Qinnepioke. 

»  Should  be  June.    Savage's  Winthrop,  x  ;  254.— J.  T. 


fered  then 
determine 
quots  to  t 
fine  tract  s 
several  ha 
uated  for  i 
jected  a  s( 

In  the  f 
pany,  ma< 
harbours 
the  place 
a  few  mer 

On  the 
Samuel  £ 
of  their  c< 
a  fortnigl 
April,  the 
sembled 
preached 
tations  of 
direction! 
state  of  hi 
day. 

One  of 
their  remi 
out  of  th( 
land,  who 
tions.  W 
the  contn 
sent,  does 
the  great 
being  at 
and  religi 
had  been 
reformati 
world,  it 
could  not 
design  ol 
possible  t 
men,  wh( 
In  laying 
bility,  thi 
common^ 

1  Winth 

«  This  ii 

his  historici 

the  15th,  w 


16381 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


71 


fered  them  any  place  which  they  should  choose.^  But  they  were 
determined  to  plant  a  distinct  colony.  By  the  pursuit  of  the  Pe- 
quots  to  the  westward,  the  English  became  acquainted  with  that 
fine  tract  along  the  shore,  from  Saybrook  to  Fairfield,  and  with  its 
several  harbours.  It  was  represented  as  fruitful,  and  happily  sit- 
uated for  navigation  and  commerce.  The  company  therefore  pro- 
jected a  settlement  in  that  part  of  the  country. 

In  the  fall  of  1637,  Mr.  Eaton,  and  others,  who  were  of  the  com- 
pany, made  a  journey  to  Connecticut,  to  explore  the  lands  and 
harbours  on  the  sea  coast.  They  pitched  upon  Quinnipiack  for 
the  place  of  their  settlement.  They  erected  a  poor  hut,  in  which 
a  few  men  subsisted  through  the  winter. 

On  the  30th  of  March,  1638,  Mr.  Davenport,  Mr.  Prudden,  Mr. 
Samuel  Eaton,  and  Theophilus  Eaton,  Esquire,  with  the  people 
of  their  company,  sailed  from  Boston  for  Quinnipiack.  In  about 
a  fortnight  they  arrived  at  their  desired  port.  On  the  i8th  of 
April,  they  kept  their  first  sabbath  in  the  place."  The  people  as- 
sembled under  a  large  spreading  oak,  and  Mr.  Davenport 
preached  to  them  from  Matthew  vi.  i.  He  insisted  on  the  temp- 
tations of  the  wilderness,  made  such  observations,  and  gave  such 
directions  and  exhortations  as  were  pertinent  to  the  then  present 
state  of  his  hearers.  He  left  this  remark.  That  he  enjoyed  a  good 
day. 

One  of  the  principal  reasons  which  these  colonists  assigned  for 
their  removing  from  Massachusetts,  was,  that  they  should  be  more 
out  of  the  way  and  trouble  of  a  general  governor  of  New-Eng- 
land, who,  at  this  time,  was  an  object  of  great  fear  in  all  the  planta- 
tions. What  foundation  there  was  for  the  hope  of  exemption  from 
the  control  of  a  general  governor,  by  this  removal,  had  one  been 
sent,  does  not  appear.  It  is  probable,  that  the  motive  which  had 
the  greatest  influence  with  the  principal  men,  was  the  desire  of 
being  at  the  head  of  a  new  government,  modelled,  both  in  civil 
and  religious  matters,  agreeably  to  their  own  apprehensions.  It 
had  been  an  observation  of  Mr.  Davenport's,  That  whenever  a 
reformation  had  been  effected  in  the  church,  in  any  part  of  the 
world,  it  had  rested  where  it  had  been  left  by  the  reformers.  It 
could  not  be  advanced  another  step.  He  was  now  embarked  in  a 
design  of  forming  a  civil  and  religious  ccz'.'.  tion,  as  near  as 
possible  to  scripture  precept  and  example.  The  principal  gentle- 
men, who  had  followed  him  into  America,  had  the  same  views. 
In  laying  the  foundations  of  a  new  colony,  there  was  a  fair  proba- 
bility, that  they  might  accommodate  all  matters  of  church  and 
commonwealth  to  their  own  feelings  and  sentiments.    But  in  the 

>  Winthrop's  Journal,  p.  151. 

*  This  is  impossible,  as  the  i8th  of  April,  1638,  wa«  Wednesday.  Kingsley,  in 
his  historical  discourse,  p.  78,  suggests  that  the  1 8th  was  mistakenly  substituted  for 
the  isth,  which  was  Sunday. — J.  T. 


< ' '  i 


Sr 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


I1638 


ill 


Massachti setts,  the  principal  men  were  fixed  in  the  chief  seats  of 
government,  which  they  were  likely  to  keep,  and  their  civil  and 
religicuft  ijolity  was  already  formed.  Besides,  the  antinomian  con- 
troversy Hiid  sentiments,  which  hail  taken  such  root  at  Boston, 
were  exceedingly  disagreeable  to  Mr.  Davenport,  and  the  princi- 
pal gentlemen  of  his  company.  He  had  taken  a  decided,  though 
prudent  part,  against  them.  He,  with  his  leading  men,  might 
judge,  that  the  people  who  came  with  them  would  be  mucli  more 
out  of  danger  of  the  corruption,  and  that  they  should  be  more 
entirely  free  from  the  trouLlo  of  those  sentiments,  in  a  new  planta- 
tion, than  in  the  Massacliusetts.  These  !?ught  all  unite  their  in- 
fluence with  Mr.  Davenpori  and  others,  to  determine  them  to  re- 
move and  begin  a  new  colony. 

Soon  after  they  arrived  at  Quinnipiack,  in  the  close  of  a  day  of 
fasting  and  prayer,  they  entered  into  what  they  termed  a  planta- 
tion covenant.  In  this  they  solemnly  bound  themselves,  "  That, 
as  in  matters  that  concern  the  gathering  and  ordering  of  a  church, 
so  also  in  all  public  offices,  which  concern  civil  order,  as  choice  of 
magistrates  and  officers,  making  and  repealing  laws,  dividing  al- 
lotments of  inheritance,  and  all  things  of  like  nature,  they  would, 
all  of  them,  be  ordered  by  the  rules  which  the  sc  nture  held  forth 
to  them."  This  was  adopted  as  a  general  agreement,  until  there 
should  be  time  for  the  people  to  become  more  intimately  ac- 
quainted with  each  other's  religious  views,  sentiments,  and  moral 
conduct;  which  was  supposed  to  be  necessary  to  prepare  the  way 
for  their  covenanting  together,  as  christians,  in  church  state. 

The  aspects  of  Providence  on  the  country,  about  this  time,  were 
very  gloomy,  and  especially  unfavourable  to  new  plantations. 
The  spring,  after  a  long  and  severe  winter,  was  unusually  back- 
ward. Scarcely  any  t  hing  grew,  for  several  weeks.  The  planting 
season  was  so  cold  that  the  coi  ii  rot;:ed  in  the  g^round,  and  the  peo- 
ple were  obHged  to  replant  two  or  three  times.^  This  distressed 
man  and  beast,  and  retarded  all  the  affairs  of  the  plantations.  It 
rendered  the  gloom  and  horrors  of  the  wilderness  still  more  hor- 
rible. The  colonists  had  terrible  apprehensions  of  scarcity  and 
famine.  But  at  length  the  warm  season  came  on,  and  vegetation 
exceeded  all  their  expectations. 

On  the  1st  of  June,  between  the  hours  of  three  and  four  in  the 
afternoon,  there  was  a  great  and  memorable  earthquake  through- 
out New-England.  It  came  with  a  report  like  continued  thunder, 
or  the  rattling  of  numerous  coaches  upon  a  paved  street.  The 
shock  was  so  great  that,  in  many  places,  the  tops  of  the  chimneys 
were  thrown  down,  and  the  pewter  fell  from  the  shelves.  It  shook 
the  waters  and  ships  in  the  harbours,  and  all  the  adjacent  islands. 
The  duration  of  the  sound  and  tremor  was  about  four  minutes. 
The  earth,  at  turns,  was  unquiet  for  nearly  twenty  days.  The 
'  Winthrop's  Journal,  p.  155.    Ibid.    See  also  Morton  and  Autchinson. 


weather  wa 
quake  from 
The  plan 
settlement ; 
friendship  v 
tion  to  th( 
might  most 

On  the 
Davenport, 
with  Moni£ 
counsellors 
to  this  efTec 
That  Mot 
absolute  po 
quence  of  tl 
the  Pequoti 
interest  to  a 
ties  and  ap; 
Eaton,  Joh 
ever.  He  c 
rify,  nor  'ii< 
terests;  but 
them. 

The  Eng 
ians,  when 
and  that  th' 
plant  on,  u 
Saybrook  f 
thankful  re 
council  anc 
chymy  spo< 
twelve  porr 
This  agr 
g^in  and  h: 
Tohn  Dave; 
terpreter,  d 
acquainted 
answers. 

In  Decer 
tract,  whicl 
towese,  sor 
ten  miles  in 

' The  Ind 

bered  the  hea' 

fear  of  them,  1 

Bjr  these  pow< 

*  This  was 

'  Records 


X6381 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


n 


I'M, I 


weather  was  clear,  the  wind  westerly,  and  the  course  of  the  earth- 
quake from  west  to  east. 

The  planters  at  Quinnipiack  determined  to  make  an  extensive 
settlement;  and,  if  possible,  to  maintain  perpetual  peace  and 
friendship  with  the  Indians.  They,  therefore,  paid  an  early  atten- 
tion to  the  making  of  such  purchases  and  amicable  treaties,  as 
might  most  effectually  answer  their  designs. 

On  the  24th  of  November,  1638,  Theophilus  Eaton,  Esq.  Mr. 
Davenport,  and  other  English  planters,  entered  into  an  agreement 
with  Momauguin,  sachem  of  that  part  of  the  country,  and  his 
counsellors,  respecting  the  lands.  The  articles  of  agreement  are 
to  this  eflFect: 

That  Momauguin  is  the  sole  sachem  of  Quinnipiack,  and  had  an 
absolute  power  to  aliene  and  dispose  of  the  same:  That,  in  conse- 
quence of  the  protection  which  he  had  tasted,  by  the  English,  from 
the  Pequots  and  Mohawks,*  he  yielded  up  all  his  right,  title,  and 
interest  to  all  the  lanf'  rivers,  ponds,  and  trees,  with  all  the  liber- 
ties and  appurtenances  belonging  to  the  same,  unto  Theophilus 
Eaton,  John  Davenport,  and  others,  their  heirs  and  assigns,  for 
ever.  He  covenanted,  that  neither  he,  nor  his  Indians,  would  ter- 
rify, nor  listurb  the  English,  nor  injure  them  in  any  of  their  in- 
terests ;  but  that,  in  every  respect,  they  would  keep  true  faith  with 
them. 

The  English  covenanted  to  protect  Momauguin  and  his  Ind- 
ians, when  unreasonably  assaulted  and  lerrified  by  other  Indians; 
and  that  they  should  always  have  a  suflficient  quantity  of  land  to 
plant  on,  upon  the  east  side  of  the  harbour,*  between  that  and 
Saybrook  fort.  They  also  covenanted,  that  by  way  of  free  and 
thankful  retribution,  they  gave  unto  the  said  sachem,  and  his 
council  and  company,  twelve  coats  of  English  cloth,  twelve  al* 
chymy  spoons,  twelve  hatchets,  twelve  hoes,  two  dozen  of  knives, 
twelve  porringers,  and  four  cases  of  French  knives  and  scissors.* 
This  agreement  was  signed  and  legally  executed,  by  Momau- 
guin and  his  council  on  the  one  part,  and  Theophilus  Eaton  and 
Tohn  Davenport  on  the  other.  Thomas  Stanton,  who  was  the  in- 
terpreter, declared  in  the  presence  of  God,  that  he  had  faithfully 
acquainted  the  Indians  with  the  said  articles,  and  returned  their 
answers. 

In  December  following,  they  made  another  purchase  of  a  large 
tract,  which  lay  principally  north  of  the  former.  This  was  of  Mon- 
towese,  son  of  the  great  sachem  at  Mattabeseck.  This  tract  wa? 
ten  miles  in  length,  north  and  south,  and  thirteen  miles  in  breadth. 

■  The  Indians  of  Quinniphick,  in  this  treaty,  declared,  that  they  still  remem 
bered  the  heavy  taxes  of  the  Pequots  and  Mohawks ;  and  that,  by  reason  of  thei*^ 
fear  of  them,  they  could  not  stay  in  their  own  country,  but  had  been  obliged  to  flee. 
By  these  powerful  enemies,  they  had  been  reduced  to  about  forty  men. 

*  This  was  in  the  present  town  of  East- Haven. 

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33  WEST  MAIN  STREET 

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(716)  873-4503 


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74 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


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It  extended  eight  miles  east  of  the  river  Quinnipiack,  and  five 
miles  west  of  it  towards  Hudson's  river.  It  included  all  the  lands 
within  the  ancient  limits  of  the  old  towns  of  New-Haven,  Bran- 
ford,  and  Wallingford,  and  almost  the  whole  contained  in  the 
present  limits  of  those  towns,  and  of  the  towns  of  East-Haven, 
Woodbridge,  Cheshire,  Hamden,  and  North-Haven.^  These  have 
since  been  made  out  of  the  three  old  towns. 

The  New-Haven  adventurers  were  the  most  opulent  company 
which  came  into  New-England,  and  they  designed  to  plant  a  capi- 
tal colony.  They  laid  out  their  town  plat  in  squares,  designing  it 
for  a  great  and  elegant  city.  In  the  centre  was  a  large,  beautiful 
square.  This  was  encompassed  with  others,  making  nine  in  the 
whole. 

The  first  principal  settlers  were  Theophilus  Eaton,  Esq.  Mr. 
Davenport,  Mr.  Samuel  Eaton,  Mr.  Thomas  Gregson,  Mr.  Robert 
Newman,  Mr.  Matthew  Gilbert,  Mr.  Nathaniel  Turner,  Mr. 
Thomas  Fugill,  Mr.  Francis  Newman,  Mr.  Stephen  Goodyear,  and 
Mr.  Joshua  Atwater. 

Mr.  Eaton  had  been  deputy-governor  of  the  East  India  com- 
pany, and  was  three  years  himself  in  the  East  Indies.  He  served 
the  company  so  well,  that  he  received  from  them  presents  of  great 
value.  He  had  been  on  an  embassy  from  the  court  of  England  to 
the  king  of  Denmark.  He  was  a  London  merchant,  who  had,  for 
many  years,  traded  to  the  East  Indies,  had  obtained  a  great  estate, 
and  brought  over  a  large  sum  of  money  into  New-England.' 
Others  were  merchants  of  fair  estates,  and  they  designed  to  have 
been  a  great  trading  city. 

There  appears  no  act  of  civil,  military,  or  ecclesiastical  author- 
ity, during  the  first  year;  nor  is  there  any  appearance,  that  this 
colony  was  ever  straitened  for  bread,  as  the  other  colonies  had 
been. 

Mr.  Prudden,  and  his  company,  who  came  with  Mr.  Davenport, 
continued  the  first  summer  at  Quinnipiack,  and  were  making 
preparations  for  the  settlement  of  another  township. 

When  Mr.  Davenport  removed  to  Quinnipiack,  Mr.  Hopkins 
came  to  Hartford,  and  soon  after  incorporated  with  the  settlers  of 
Connecticut. 

The  inhabitants  of  the  three  towns  upon  Connecticut  river, 
finding  themselves  without  the  limits  of  the  Massachusetts  patent, 
conceived  the  plan  of  forming  themselves,  by  voluntary  compact, 
into  a  distinct  commonwealth. 

■  For  this  last  tract  of  ten  milei  north  and  south,  and  thirteen  east  and  west, 
the  English  gare  thirteen  coats,  and  allowed  the  Indians  ground  to  plant,  and  lib- 
erty to  hunt  within  the  lands.    Records  of  New-Haven. 

*  The  tradition  is,  that  he  brought  to  New-Haven  a  very  great  estate,  in  plate 
and  money.  The  East  India  company  made  his  wife  a  present  of  a  bason  ard 
ewer,  double  gilt,  and  curiously  wrought  with  gold,  weighing  more  than  sixty 
pounds. 


X638I 


1638] 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


75 


On  the  14th  of  January,  1639,*  ^U  the  free  planters  convened  at 
Hartford,  and,  on  mature  deliberation,  adopted  a  constitution  of 
government  They  introduce  their  constitution,  with  a  declara- 
tion to  this  effect.  That  for  the  establishment  of  order  and  govern- 
ment, they  associated,  and  conjoined  themselves  to  be  one  public 
state  or  commonwealth;  and  did,  for  themselves  and  successors, 
and  such  as  should  be,  at  any  time,  joined  to  them,  confederate 
together,  to  maintain  the  liberty  and  purity  of  the  gospel,  which 
they  proifessed,  and  the  discipline  of  the  churches,  according  to  its 
institution;  and  in  all  civil  affairs,  to  be  governed  according  to 
such  laws,  as  should  be  made  agreeably  to  the  constitution,  which 
they  were  then  about  to  adopt. 

The  constitution,  which  then  follows,  ordains.  That  there  shall 
be,  annually,  two  gener?.l  courts,  or  assemblies;  one  on  the  second 
Thursday  in  April,  and  the  other  on  the  second  Thursday  in  Sep- 
tember: That  the  first,  shall  be  the  court  of  election^  in  which 
shall  be  annually  chosen,  at  least,  six  magistrates,  and  all  other 
public  officers.  It  ordains,  that  a  governor  should  be  chosen,  dis- 
tinct from  the  six  magistrates,  for  one  year,  and  until  another 
should  be  chosen  and  sworn:  and  that  the  governor  and  magis- 
trates should  be  sworn  to  a  faithful  execution  of  the  laws  of  the 
colony,  and  in  cases  in  which  there  was  no  express  law  established, 
to  be  governed  by  the  divine  word.  Agreeably  to  the  constitu- 
tion, the  choice  of  these  officers  was  to  be  made  by  the  whole  body 
of  the  freemen,  convened  in  general  election.  It  provided,  that  all 
persons,  who  had  been  received  as  members  of  the  several  towns, 
by  a  majority  of  the  inhabitants,  and  had  taken  the  oath  of  fidel- 
ity to  the  commonwealth,  should  be  admitted  freemen  of  the  col- 
ony. It  required,  that  the  governor  and  magistrates  should  be 
elected  by  ballot;  the  governor  by  the  greatest  number  of  votes, 
and  the  magistrates  by  a  majority.  However,  it  provided,  that  if 
it  should  so  happen,  at  any  time,  that  six  should  not  have  a  major- 
ity, that  in  such  case,  those  who  had  the  greatest  number  of  suf- 
frages, should  stand  as  duly  elected  for  that  year.  No  person 
might  be  governor,  unless  he  were  a  member  of  some  regular 
church,  and  had  previously  been  a  magistrate  in  the  colony.  Nor 
could  any  man  be  elected  to  the  office,  more  than  once  in  two 
years.  No  one  could  be  chosen  into  the  magistracy  who  was  not 
a  freeman  of  the  colony,  and  had  been  nominated,  either  by  the 
freemen,  or  the  general  court.  The  assembly  were  authorised  to 
nominate,  in  cases  in  which  they  judged  it  expedient.  Neither 
the  governor,  nor  magistrates,  might  execute  any  part  of  their 
office  until  they  had  been  publicly  sworn,  in  the  face  of  the  Gen- 
eral Assembly. 

>  This  stands  on  the  records  of  the  colony,  January  14th,  1638,  which  is  oifing 
to  th**  ait..iner  of  dating  at  that  time.  The  first  settlers  of  the  colony,  began  their 
year  or;  '.he  25th  of  March  ;  and  until  this  time,  they  dated  1638  ;  but  it  was  most 
evidently  1639,  as  the  December  preceding,  was  1638,  and  the  April  following,  1639 


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HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


[1639 


The  constitution  also  ordained,  that  the  several  towns  should 
send  their  respective  deputies  to  the  election:  and  that  when  it 
was  finished,  they  should  proceed  to  do  any  public  service,  as  at 
any  other  courts:  and,  that  the  assembly,  in  September,  should  be 
for  the  enacting  of  laws,  and  other  public  services.  It  authorised 
the  governor,  either  by  himself  or  his  secretary,  to  issue  his  war- 
rants  for  calling  the  assemblies,  one  month  at  least,  before  the 
time  of  their  appointed  meetings.  Upon  particular  emergencies, 
he  might  convene  them  in  seventeen  days,  or  even  upon  shorter 
notice,  stating  the  reasons  in  his  warrant.  Upon  the  reception  of 
the  governor's  warrants,  in  April  and  September,  the  constables 
of  the  respective  towns  were  obliged  to  warn  all  the  freemen  to 
elect  and  send  their  deputies. 

The  constitution  ordained,  that  the  three  towns  of  Windsor, 
Hartford  and  Weathersfield,  should  each  of  them  send  four  dep- 
uties to  every  general  court;  and,  that  the  other  towns,  which 
should  be  added  to  the  colony  in  future,  should  send  such  a  num- 
ber as  the  court  should  determine,  proportionate  to  the  body  of 
their  freemen.  The  constitution  declared  the  deputies  to  be  vested 
with  the  whole  power  of  the  respective  towns  which  thpy  repre- 
sented. It  authorised  them  to  meet  separately,  and  determine  their 
own  elections,  to  fine  any  person  who  should  obtrude  himself 
upon  them,  when  he  had  not  been  duly  chosen,  and  to  fine  any  of 
their  members  for  disorderly  conduct,  when  they  were  assembled. 

Further,  the  constitution  provided,  that  in  case  the  governor 
and  the  major  part  of  the  magistrates  should,  upon  any  urgent 
occasion,  neglect  or  refuse  to  call  an  assembly,  the  freemen  should 
petition  them  to  summon  one;  and,  if,  upon  the  petition  of  a  ma- 
jor part  of  the  freemen  in  the  colony,  they  still  refused  or  neg- 
lected, then  the  constables  of  the  several  towns  should,  upon  the 
petition  of  the  major  part  of  the  freemen,  convoke  an  assembly. 
It  also  ordained,  that  when  this  assembly  was  convened,  it  should 
have  power  of  choosing  a  moderator;  and  when  it  was  thus 
formed,  should  exercise  all  the  powers  of  any  other  general  as- 
sembly. Particularly  it  was  authorised  to  call  any  court,  magis- 
trate, or  any  other  person  before  it,  and  to  displace,  or  inflict 
penalties  according  to  the  nature  of  the  offence. 

All  general  assemblies,  called  by  the  governor,  were  to  consist 
of  the  governor,  four  magistrates,  and  the  major  part  of  the  depu- 
ties. When  there  was  an  equal  vote,  the  governor  had  a  casting 
voice.  The  constitution  also  provided,  that  no  general  court 
should  be  adjourned  or  dissolved,  without  the  consent  of  a  major 
part  of  the  members:  and  that,  whenever  a  tax  was  laid  upon  the 
inhabitants,  the  sum  to  be  paid  by  each  town  should  be  deter- 
mined by  a  committee,  consisting  of  an  equal  number  from  each  of 
the  respective  towns. 

The  form  of  oaths  to  be  administered  to  the  governor  and  mag- 


1639I 


x639l 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


n 


istrates  was  also  adopted  in  the  general  convention  of  the  free 
planters.  This,  for  substance,  was  the  original  constitution  of 
Connecticut.^ 

With  such  wisdom  did  our  venerable  ancestors  provide  for  the 
freedom  and  liberties  of  themselves  and  their  posterity.  Thus 
happily  did  they  guard  against  every  encroachment  on  the  rights 
of  the  subject  This,  probably,  is  one  of  the  most  free  and  happy 
constitutions  of  civil  government  which  has  ever  been  formed. 
The  formation  of  it,  at  so  early  a  period,  when  the  light  of  liberty 
was  wholly  darkened  in  most  parts  of  the  earth,  and  the  rights  of 
men  were  so  little  understood  in  others,  does  great  honor  to  their 
ability,  integrity,  and  love  to  mankind.  To  posterity  indeed,  it 
exhibited  a  most  benevolent  regard.  It  has  continued,  with  little 
alteration,  to  the  present  time.  The  happy  consequences  of  it, 
which,  for  more  than  a  century  and  half,  the  people  of  Connecti- 
cut have  experienced,  are  without  description.' 

Agreeably  to  the  constitution,  the  freemen  convened  at  Hart- 
ford, on  the  second  Thursday  in  April,  and  elected  their  officers 
for  the  year  ensuing. 

John  Haynes,  Esq.  was  chosen  governor,  and  Roger  Ludlow, 
George  Wyllys,  Edward  Hopkins,  Thomas  Wells,  John  Webster 
and  William  Phelps,  Esquires,  were  chosen  magistrates.  Mr. 
Ludlow,  the  first  of  the  six  magistrates,  was  deputy  governor. 
Mr.  Hopkins  was  chosen  secretary,  and  Mr.  Wells  treasurer. 

The  deputies  sent  to  this  first  general  assembly,  in  Connect- 
icut, were  Mr.  John  Steele,  Mr.  Spencer,  Mr.  John  Pratt,  Mr. 
Edward  Stebbins,  Mr.  Gaylord,  Mr.  Henry  Wolcott,  Mr.  Stough- 
ton,  Mr.  Ford,  Mr.  Thurston  Rayner,  Mr.  James  Boosy,  Mr. 
George  Hubbard,  and  Mr.  Richard  Crab. 

The  general  assembly  proceded  as  they  had  leisure,  and  as  oc- 
casion required,  to  enact  a  system  of  laws.  The  laws  at  first  were 
few,  and  time  was  taken  to  consider  and  digest  them.  The  first 
statute  in  the  Connecticut  code  is  a  kind  of  declaration,  or  bill  of 
rights.  It  ordains,  that  no  man's  life  shall  be  taken  away;  no 
man's  honor  or  good  name  be  stained,  no  man's  person  shall  be 
arrested,  restrained,  banished,  dismembered,  nor  any  wise  pun- 
ished: That  no  man  shall  be  deprived  of  his  wife  or  children;  no 
man's  goods  or  estate  shall  be  taken  away  from  him,  nor  any  wise 
endamaged,  under  colour  of  law,  or  countenance  of  authority,  un- 
less it  should  be  by  the  virtue  of  some  express  law  of  the  colony 

>  Appendix,  No.  III. 

*  For  the  influence  of  Thomas  Hooker  in  esUblithiog  the  fundamental  prin> 
ciples  of  this  constitution,  see  Walker's  Thomas  Hooker,  pp.  122-128,  also  John- 
ston's Connecticut,  p.  71,  in  both  of  which  it  is  shown  that  Hooker,  not  only  in  his 
letter  to  Winthrop,  but  more  particularly  in  a  sermon  preached  at  an  adjourned  ses- 
sion of  the  General  Court  of  AprU,  1638,  laid  down  the  principles  which  govern 
this  constitution.  The  notes  of  this  sermon  were  discovered  and  deciphered  [7  the 
late  J.  Hammond  Trumbull,  and  first  published  in  the  Collections  of  the  Conn.  His- 
torical Society,  p.  19.— J.  T. 


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warranting  the  same,  established  by  the  general  court,  and  suffi- 
ciently published;  or  in  case  of  the  defect  of  such  law,  in  any  par- 
ticular case,  by  some  clear  and  plain  rule  of  the  word  of  God,  in 
which  the  whole  court  shall  concur.*  It  was  also  ordained  that  all 
persons  in  the  colony,  whether  inhabitants  or  not,  should  enjoy 
the  same  law  and  justice  without  partiality  or  delay.  These  gen- 
eral precepts  bore  the  same  aspect,  and  breathed  the  same  spirit 
of  liberty  and  safety,  with  respect  to  the  subjects  universally, 
which  is  exhibited  in  the  constitution. 

The  planters  of  Quinnipiack  continued  more  than  a  year  with- 
out any  civil  or  religious  constitution,  or  compact,  further  than 
had  been  expressed  in  their  plantation  covenant. 

Meanwhile,  Mr.  Henry  Whitfield,  William  Leet,  Esq.  Samuel 
Desborough,  Robert  Kitchel,  William  Chittenden  and  others, 
who  were  part  of  Dr.  Davenport's  and  Mr.  Eaton's  company,  ar- 
rived to  assist  them  in  their  new  settlement.  These  were  princi- 
pally from  Kent  and  Surrey,  in  the  vicinity  of  London.  Mr. 
Whitfield's  people,  like  Mr.  Davenport's,  followed  him  into  New- 
England.  There  were  now  three  ministers,  with  many  of  the 
membeis  of  their  former  churches  and  congregations,  collected  in 
this  infant  colony,  and  combined  in  the  same  general  agreement. 

On  the  4th  of  June,  all  the  free  planters  at  Quinnipiack  con- 
vened in  a  large  barn  of  Mr.  Newman's,  and,  in  a  very  formal  and 
solemn  manner,  proceeded  to  lay  the  foundations  of  their  civil 
and  religious  polity. 

Mr.  Davenport  introduced  the  business,  by  a  sermon  from  the 
words  of  the  royal  preacher,  "  Wisdom  hath  builded  her  house, 
she  hath  hewn  out  her  seven  pillars."  His  design  was  to  show, 
that  the  church,  the  house  of  God,  should  be  formed  of  seven  pil- 
lars, or  principal  brethren,  to  whom  all  the  other  members  of  the 
church  should  bie  added.  After  a  solemn  invocation  of  the  Divine 
Majesty,  he  proceeded  to  represent  to  the  planters,  that  they  were 
met  to  consult  respecting  the  settlement  of  civil  government  ac- 
cording to  the  will  of  God,  and  for  the  nomination  of  persons, 
who,  by  universal  consent,  were,  in  all  respects  the  best  qualified 
for  the  foundation  work  of  a  church.  He  enlarged  on  the  great 
importance  of  the  transactions  before  them,  and  desired,  that  no 
man  would  give  his  voice,  in  any  matter,  until  he  fully  understood 
it;  and,  that  all  would  act,  without  respect  to  any  man,  but  give 
their  vote  in  the  fear  of  God.  He  then  proposed  a  number  of 
questions  in  consequence  of  which  the  following  resolutions  were 
passed. 

I.  "  That  the  scriptures  hold  forth  a  perfect  rule  for  the  direc- 
tion and  government  of  all  men  in  all  duties  which  they  are  to 
perform  to  God  and  men,  as  well  in  families  and  commonwealth, 
as  in  matters  of  the  church." 

>  Old  code  of  Connecticut. 


»-■ 


i639l 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


79 


II.  "  That  as  in  matters  which  concerned  the  gathering  and  or- 
dering of  a  church,  so  likewise  in  all  public  offices  which  concern 
civil  order,  as  the  choice  of  magistrates  and  officers,  making  and 
repealing  laws,  dividing  allotments  of  inheritance,  and  all  things 
of  like  nature,  they  would  all  be  governed  by  those  rules,  which 
the  scripture  held  forth  to  them." 

III.  "  That  all  those  who  had  desired  to  be  received  as  free 
planters,  had  settled  in  the  plantation,  with  a  purpose,  resolution 
and  desire,  that  they  might  be  admitted  into  church  fellowship  ac- 
cording to  Christ." 

IV.  "  That  all  the  free  planters  held  themselves  bound  to  estab- 
lish such  civil  order  as  might  best  conduce  to  the  securing  of  the 
purity  and  peace  of  the  ordinance  to  themselves  and  their  poster- 
ity according  to  God." 

When  these  resolutions  had  been  passed  and  the  people  had 
bound  themselves  to  settle  civil  government  according  to  the  di- 
vine word,  Mr.  Davenport  proceeded  to  represent  unto  them  what 
men  they  must  choose  for  civil  rulers  according  to  the  divine 
word,  and  that  they  might  most  effectually  secure  to  them  and 
their  posterity  a  just,  free  and  peaceable  government.  Time  was 
then  given  to  discuss  and  deliberate  upon  what  he  had  proposed. 
After  full  discussion  and  deliberation  it  was  determined — 

V.  "  That  church  members  only  should  be  free  burgesses;  and 
that  they  only  should  choose  magistrates  among  themselves,  to 
have  power  of  transacting  all  the  public  civil  affairs  of  the  planta- 
tion: Of  making  and  repealing  laws,  dividing  inheritances,  de- 
ciding of  differences  that  may  arise,  and  doing  all  things  and 
businesses  of  like  nature." 

That  civil  officers  might  be  chosen  and  government  proceed 
according  to  these  resolutions,  it  was  necessary  that  a  church 
should  be  formed.  Without  this  there  could  be  neither  freemen 
nor  magistrates.  Mr.  Davenport  therefore  proceeded  to  make 
proposals  relative  to  the  formation  of  it,  in  such  a  manner,  that 
no  blemish  might  be  left  on  the  "  beginnings  of  church  work." 
It  was  then  resolved  to  this  effect, 

VI.  "  That  twelve  men  should  be  chosen,  that  their  fitness  for 
the  foundation  work  might  be  tried,  and  that  it  should  be  in  the 
power  of  those  twelve  men,  to  choose  seven  to  begin  the  church." 

It  was  agreed  that  if  seven  men  could  not  be  found  among  the 
twelve  qualified  for  the  foundation  work,  that  such  other  persons 
should  be  taken  into  the  number,  upon  trial,^  as  should  be  judged 
most  suitable.*  The  form  of  a  solemn  charge,  or  oath,  was  drawn 
up  and  agreed  upon  at  this  meeting  to  be  given  to  all  the  freemen. 

>  Appendix  No.  IV. 

*  Tne  twelve  persons  chosen  for  trial,  out  of  whom  the  seven  pillars  of  the 
house  were  chosen,  were  Theophilus  Eaton,  John  Davenport,  Robert  Newman, 
Matthew  Gilbert,  Richard  Malbon,  Nathaniel  Turner,  Ezekiel  Gievers,  Thomas 
Fugill,  John  Punderson,  William  iGidrews  and  Jeremiah  Dixon.  '    . 


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80 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


[1630 


Further,  it  was  ordered,  that  all  persons,  who  should  be  re- 
ceived as  free  planters  of  that  corporation,  should  submit  to  the 
fundamental  agreement  above  related,  and  in  testimony  of  their 
submission  should  subscribe  their  names  among  the  freemen/ 
After  a  proper  term  of  trial,  Theophilus  Eaton,  Esq.  Mr.  John 
Davenport,  Robert  Newman,  Matthew  Gilbert,  Thomas  Fugill, 
John  Fuuderson  and  Jeremiah  Dixon,  were  chosen  for  the  seven 
pillars  of  the  church. 

October  asth,  1639,  the  court,  as  it  is  termed,  consisting  of 
these  seven  persons  only,  convened,  and  after  a  solemn  address 
to  the  Supreme  Majesty,  they  proceeded  to  form  the  body  of 
freemen  and  to  elect  their  civil  officers.  The  manner  was  indeed 
singular  and  curious. 

In  the  first  place,  all  former  trust,  for  managing  the  public  af- 
fairs of  the  plantation,  was  declared  to  cease,  and  be  utterly  abro- 
gated. Then  all  those  who  had  been  admitted  to  the  church  after 
the  gathering  of  it,  in  the  choice  of  the  seven  pillars,  and  all  the 
members  of  other  approved  churches,  who  desired  it,  and  offered 
themselves,  were  admitted  members  of  the  court.  A  solemn 
charge  was  then  publicly  given  them,  to  the  same  effect  as  the 
freemen's  charge,  or  oath,  which  they  had  previously  adopted. 
The  purport  of  this  was  nearly  the  same  with  the  oath  of  fidelity, 
and  with  the  freemen's  administered  at  the  present  time.  Mr. 
Davenport  expounded  several  scriptures  to  them,  describing  the 
character  of  civil  magistrates  given  in  the  sacred  oracles.  To  this 
succeeded  the  election  of  officers.  Theophilus  Eaton,  Esq.  was 
chosen  governor,  Mr.  Robert  Newman,  Mr.  Matthew  Gilbert,  Mr. 
Nathaniel  Turner,  and  Mr.  Thomas  Fugill,  were  chosen  magis- 
trates. Mr.  Fugill  was  also  chosen  secretary,  and  Robert  Seely, 
marshal. 

Mr.  Davenport  gave  governor  Eaton  a  charge  in  open  court, 
from  Deut.  i.  16,  17.  "  And  I  charged  your  judges  at  that  time, 
saying.  Hear  the  causes  between  your  brethren,  and  judge  right- 
eously between  every  man  and  his  brother,  and  the  stranger  that 
is  with  him.  Ye  shall  not  respect  persons  in  judgment,  but  ye 
shall  hear  the  small  as  well  as  the  great;  ye  shall  not  be  afraid 
of  the  face  of  man;  for  the  judgment  is  God's:  and  the  cause  that 
is  too  hard  for  you,  bring  it  unto  me,  and  I  will  hear  it." 

It  was  decreed,  by  the  freemen,  that  there  should  be  a  general 
court  annually,  in  the  plantation,  on  the  last  week  in  October. 
This  was  ordained  a  court  of  election  in  which  all  the  officers  of 
the  colony  were  to  be  chosen.  This  court  determined,  that  the 
word  of  God  should  be  the  only  rule  for  ordering  the  affairs  of 
government  in  that  commonwealth. 

This  was  the  original,  fundamental  constitution  of  the  govern- 

*  Sixty-Uiree  labwribed  on  the  4th  day  of  June,  and  there  were  added  toon  after 
about  fif^  other  names. 


1639I 


[i63«) 


1639] 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


81 


ment  of  New-Haven.  All  government  was  originally  in  the 
church,  and  the  members  of  the  church  elected  the  governor, 
magistrates,  and  all  other  officers.  The  magistrates,  at  first,  were 
no  more  than  assistants  of  the  governor,  they  might  not  act  in 
any  sentence  or  determination  of  the  court.^  No  deputy  gov- 
ernor was  chosen,  nor  were  any  laws  enacted  except  the  general 
resolutions  which  have  been  noticed;  but  as  the  plantation  en- 
larged, and  new  towns  were  settled,  new  orders  were  given;  the 
general  court  received  a  new  form,  laws  were  enacted,  and  the 
civil  polity  of  this  jurisdiction  gradually  advanced,  in  its  essential 
parts,  to  a  near  resemblance  of  the  government  of  Connecticut. 

While  these  affairs  were  transacted  at  Quinnipiack,  plantations 
commenced  at  Wopowage  and  Menunkatuck.  Wopowage  was 
purchased  February  12th,  1639,'  and  Menunkatuck  the  Septem- 
ber following.  Both  were  settled  this  year.  The  churches  of  Mr. 
Prudden  and  Mr.  Whitfield  were  both  formed  upon  the  plan  of 
Mr.  Davenport's;  each  consisting  of  seven  principal  men,  or  pil- 
lars. They  appear  to  have  been  gathered  at  the  same  time.  The 
planters  were  in  the  original  agreement  made  in  Mr.  Newman's 
barn,  on  the  4th  of  June.  The  principal  men,  or  pillars  in  the 
town  of  Wopowage,  were  Mr.  Peter  Prudden,  William  Fowler, 
Edmund  Tapp,  Zechariah  Whitman,  Thomas  Buckingham, 
Thomas  Welch,  and  John  Astwood.  The  principal  planters  of 
Menunkatuck,  were  Henry  Whitfield,  Robert  Kitchel,  William 
Leet,  Samuel  Desborough,  William  Chittenden,  John  Bishop, 
and  Jfohn  Caffinge.  The  lands  in  Milford  and  Guilford,  as  well  as 
in  New-Haven,  were  purchased  by  these  principal  men,  in  trust, 
for  all  the  inhabitants  of  the  respective  towns.  Every  planter, 
after  paying  his  proportionable  part  of  the  expenses,  arising  from 
laying  out  and  settling  the  plantation,  drew  a  lot  or  lots  of  land, 
in  proportion  to  the  money  or  estate  which  he  had  expended 
in  the  general  purchase,  and  to  the  number  of  heads  in  his  family . 
These  principal  men  were  judges  in  the  respective  towns,  com- 
posing a  court,  to  judge  between  man  and  man,  divide  inheri- 
tances and  punish  offences  according  to  the  written  word,  until 
a  body  of  laws  should  be  established. 

Most  of  the  principal  settlers  of  Milford  were  from  Weathers- 
field.''  They  first  purchased  of  the  Indians  all  that  tract  which  lies 
between  New-Haven  and  Stratford  river,  and  between  the  sound 
on  the  south,  and  a  stream  called  two  mile  brook  on  the  north, 
which  is  the  boundary  line  between  Milford  and  Derby.  This 
tract  comprised  all  the  lands  within  the  old  town  of  Milford,  and 
a  small  part  of  the  town  of  Woodbridge.    The  planters  made 


*  Records  of  the  colony  of  New-Haven. 

*  On  the  records  it  wu  1638,  but  according  to  the  present  mode  of  dating  1639. 

*  Mr.  Prudden  it  seems  preached  at  Weatnersiield,  the  summer  before  the  peo- 
ple removed  to  Milford. 


f;  ■' 


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83 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


[1639 


1639] 


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Other  purchaies  which  included  a  large  tract  on  the  west  side  of 
Stratford  river,  principally  in  the  town  of  Huntington.  In  the 
first  town  meeting  in  Milford,  the  number  of  free  planters,  or  of 
church  members,  was  forty  four. 

The  Indians  were  so  numerous  in  this  plantation,  that  the  Eng- 
lish judged  it  necessary  for  their  own  safety,  to  compass  the  whole 
town  plat,  including  nearly  a  mile  square,  with  a  fortification.  It 
was  so  closely  inclosed  with  strong  pallisadoes,  as  entirely  to  ex- 
clude the  Indians,  from  that  part  of  the  town. 

The  purchasers  of  Guilford  agreed  with  the  Indians,  that  they 
should  move  off  from  the  lands,  which  they  had  purchased. 
According  to  agreement  they  soon  all  removed  from  the  plan- 
tation. 

The  number  of  the  first  free  planters  appears  to  have  been  about 
forty.  They  were  all  husbandmen.  There  was  not  a  merchant, 
nor  scarcely  a  mechanic  among  them.  It  was  at  great  expense 
and  trouble  that  they  obtained  even  a  blacksmith  to  settle  in  the 
plantation.  As  they  were  from  Surry  and  Kent,  they  took  much 
pains  to  find  a  tract  of  land  resembling  that  from  which  they  had 
removed.  They  therefore  finally  pitched  upon  Guilford,  which, 
toward  the  sea,  where  they  made  the  principal  settlement,  was 
low,  moist,  rich  land,  liberal  indeed  to  the  husbandman.  Espe- 
cially the  great  plain  south  of  the  town.  This  had  been  already 
cleared  and  enriched  by  the  natives.  The  vast  quantities  of  shells 
and  manure,  which,  in  a  course  of  ages,  they  had  brought  upon 
it  from  the  sea,  had  contributed  much  to  the  natural  richness  of 
the  soil.  There  were  also  nearly  adjoining  to  this,  several  necks, 
or  points  of  land,  near  the  sea,  clear,  rich  and  fertile,  prepared 
for  immediate  improvement.  These,  with  the  industry  of  the  in- 
habitants, soon  afforded  them  a  comfortable  subsistence.^ 

At  the  same  time  when  these  settlements  commenced,  two 
new  ones  were  made  under  the  jurisdiction  of  Connecticut. 

Mr.  Ludlow,  who  went  with  the  troops  in  pursuit  of  the  Pe- 
quots,  to  Sasco,'  the  great  swamp  in  Fairfield,  was  so  pleased 
with  that  fine  tract  of  country,  that  he  soon  projected  the  scheme 
of  a  settlement  in  that  part  of  the  colony.  This  year,  he,  with  a 
number  of  others,  began  a  plantation  at  Unquowa,  which  was  the 
Indian  name  of  the  town.  At  first  there  were  but  about  eight 
or  ten  families.  These,  probably,  removed  from  Windsor,  with 
Mr.  Ludlow,  who  was  the  principal  planter.  Very  soon  after, 
another  company  came  from  Watertown  and  united  with  Mr. 
Ludlow  and  the  people  from  Windsor.  A  third  company  removed 
into  the  plantation  from  Concord;  so  that  the  inhabitants  soon 
became  numerous,  and  formed  themselves  into  a  distinct  town- 

'  Manuacripts  of  Mr.  Ru|ti;les. 

*  It  hu  also  been  called  Pequot  (wamp,  on  the  account  of  the  memorable  bat- 
tle fought  in  this  place  with  the  Pequots. 


i639l 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


•S 


ship,  under  the  jurisdiction  of  Connecticut.  The  first  adventurers 
purchased  a  large  tract  of  land  of  the  natives,  and  soon  after  Con- 
necticut obtained  charter  privileges,  the  general  assembly  gave 
them  a  patent.  The  township  comprises  the  four  parishes  of  Fair- 
field, Green's  farms,  Greenfield  and  Reading;  and  part  of  the 
parish  of  Stratfield.  The  lands  in  this  tract  are  excellent,  and  at 
an  early  period  the  town  became  wealthy  and  respectable. 

Settlements  commenced  the  same  year  at  Cupheag  and  Pugh- 
quonnuck,  since  named  Stratford.  That  part  which  contains  the 
town  plat,  and  lies  upon  the  river,  was  called  Cupheag,  and  the 
western  part,  bordering  on  Fairfield,  Pughquonnuck.  It  appears 
that  settlements  were  made  in  both  these  places  at  the  same  time. 
Mr.  Fairchild,  who  was  a  principal  planter,  and  the  first  gentle- 
man in  the  town  vested  with  civil  authority,  came  direcuy  from 
England.  Mr.  John  and  Mr.  William  Curtiss  and  Mr.  Samuel 
Hawley  were  from  Roxbury,  and  Mr.  Joseph  Judson  and  Mr. 
Timothy  Wilcoxson  from  Concord,  in  Massachusetts.  These 
were  the  first  principal  gentlemen  in  the  town  and  church  of 
Stratford.  A  few  years  after  the  settlement  commenced,  Mr.  John 
Birdseye  removed  from  Milford,  and  became  a  man  of  eminence 
both  in  the  town  and  church.  There  were  also  several  of  the  chief 
planters  from  Boston,  and  Mr.  Samuel  Wells,  with  his  three  sons, 
John,  Thomas  and  Samuel,  from  Weathersfield.  Mr.  Adam 
Blackman,  who  had  been  episcopally  ordained  in  England,  and 
a  preacher  of  some  note,  first  at  Leicester,  and  afterwards  in 
Derbyshire,  was  their  minister,  and  one  of  the  first  planters.  It 
is  said,  that  he  was  followed  by  a  number  of  the  faithful  into  this 
country,  to  whom  he  was  so  dear,  that  they  said  to  him,  in  the 
language  of  Ruth,  "  Intreat  us  not  to  leave  thee,  for  whither  thou 
goest  we  will  go;  thy  people  shall  be  our  people,  and  thy  God 
our  God."  These,  doubtless,  collected  about  him  in  this  infant 
settlement. 

The  whole  township  was  purchased  of  the  natives;  but,  at  first, 
Cupheag  and  Pughquonnuck  only,  where  the  settlements  began. 
The  purchase  was  not  completed  until  1672.  There  was  a  reser- 
vation of  good  lands  at  Pughquonnuck,  Golden  hill,  and  another 
place,  called  Coram,  for  the  improvement  of  the  Indians. 

The  town  is  bounded  upon  the  east  by  the  Housatonick,  or 
Stratford  river;  on  the  south  by  the  Sound;  by  Fairfield  on  the 
west;  and  Newtown  on  the  north.  It  comprises  these  four  par- 
ishes, Stratford,  Ripton,  North-Stratford  and  New-Stratford,  and 
a  considerable  part  of  Stratfield.  The  lands  in  this  town,  like 
those  in  Fairfield,  are  good,  and  its  situation  is  exceedingly  beau- 
tiful and  agreeable. 

While  these  plantations  were  forming  in  the  south-western  part 
of  Connecticut,  another  commenced  on  the  west  side  of  the  mouth 
of  Connecticut  river.    A  fort  had  been  built  here  in  1635  and 


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HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


11637 


1636,  and  preparations  had  been  made  for  the  reception  of  gen- 
tlemen of  quality;  but  the  war  with  the  Pequots,  the  uncultivated 
state  of  the  country,  and  the  low  condition  of  the  colony,  pre- 
vented the  coming  of  any  principal  character  from  England,  to 
take  possession  of  a  township,  and  make  settlements  in  this  tract. 
Until  this  time,  there  had  been  only  a  garrison  of  about  twenty 
men  in  the  place.  They  had  made  some  small  improvement  of 
the  lands,  and  erected  a  few  buildings  in  the  vicinity  of  the  fort; 
but  there  had  been  no  settlement  of  a  plantation  with  civil  priv- 
ileges. But  about  midsummer,  Mr.  George  Fenwick,  with  his  lady 
and  family,  arrived  in  a  ship  of  250  tons.  Another  ship  came  in 
company  with  him.  They  were  both  for  Quinnipiack.  Mr.  Fen- 
wick and  others,  came  over  with  a  view  to  take  possession  of  a 
large  tract  upon  the  river,  in  behalf  of  their  lordships,  the  original 
patentees,  and  to  plant  a  town  at  the  mouth  of  the  river.  A  settle- 
ment was  soon  made,  and  named  Saybrook,  in  honour  to  their 
lordships,  Say  and  Seal  and  Brook.  Mr.  Fenwick,  Mr.  Thomas 
Peters,  who  was  the  first  minister  in  the  plantation,  captain  Gardi- 
ner, Thomas  Leffingwell,  Thomas  Tracy,  and  captain  John  Ma- 
son, were  some  of  the  principal  planters.  Indeed,  the  Hunting- 
tons,  Baldwins,  Reynolds's,  Backus's,  Bliss's,  Watermans,  Hydes, 
Posts,  Smiths,  and  almost  all  the  names  afterwards  to  be  found 
at  Norwich,  were  among  the  first  inhabitants  of  Saybrook.  The 
government  of  the  town  was  entirely  independent  of  Connecticut, 
for  nearly  ten  years,  until  after  the  purchase  made  of  Mr.  Fen- 
wick, in  1644.  It  was  first  taxed  by  the  colony  in  the  October 
session,  1645;  and  it  appears  by  the  tax  imposed,  that  the  propor- 
tion of  the  towns  of  Hartford,  Windsor,  and  Weathersfield,  were 
to  this,  as  six  to  one.  The  plantation  did  not  increase  to  any 
considerable  degree  until  about  the  year  1646,  when  Mr.  James 
Fitch,  a  famous  young  gentleman,  was  ordained  to  the  pastoral 
care  of  the  church  and  congregation;  and  a  considerable  number 
of  families  from  Hartford  and  Windsor  removed  and  made  set- 
tlements in  the  town.  Its  original  boundaries  extended  eastward 
five  miles  beyond  the  river,  and  from  its  mouth  northward  six 
miles;  including  a  considerable  part  of  the  town  of  Lyme.  West- 
ward they  extended  to  Hammonasset,  the  Indian  name  of  the 
tract  comprised  in  the  limits  of  Killingworth,  and  north  eight 
miles  from  the  sea.  Mr.  Fenwick  and  captain  ^  Mason  were  mag- 
istrates, and  had  the  principal  government  of  the  town. 

Great  difficulties  had  arisen  the  last  year,  between  the  English 
at  Pyquaug,  now  Weathersfield,  and  Sowhcag  and  his  Indians.  It 
was  discovered,  that  some  of  the  Indians  at  Pyquaug,  under  Sow- 
heag,  had  been  aiding  the  Pequots  in  the  destruction  which  they 

'  Though  captain  Mason  was  appointed  major-general  of  the  militia  of  the  col- 
ony, jret  he  wai  always  called  captain,  or  major,  upon  the  records ;  in  conformity 
to  which  I  have  uniformly  given  him  those  Utles. 


1639J 


l639] 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


S5 


had  made  there  the  preceding  year,  and  were  instrumental  of 
bringing  them  against  the  town.  Sowheag  entertained  the  mur- 
derers, and  treated  the  people  of  Weathersfield  with  haughtiness 
and  insult.  The  court  at  Connecticut,  on  hearing  the  differences, 
determined,  that,  as  the  English  at  Weathersfield,  had  been  the 
aggressors,  and  gave  the  first  provocation,  the  injuries  which 
Sowheag  had  done  should  be  forgiven,  and  that  he  should,  on  his 
good  conduct  for  the  future,  be  restored  to  their  friendship.  Mr. 
Stone  and  Mr.  Goodwin  were  appointed  a  committee  to  compro 
mise  all  diflferences  with  him.  However,  as  Sowheag  could  not, 
by  any  arguments,  or  fair  means,  be  persuaded  to  gi^e  up  the 
murderers,  but  continued  his  outrages  against  the  English,  the 
court,  this  year,  determined,  that  a  hundred  men  should  be  sent 
down  to  Mattabeseck,  to  take  the  delinquents  by  force  gf  arms. 
The  court  ordered,  that  their  friends  at  Quinnipiack  should  be 
certified  of  this  resolution,  that  they  might  adopt  the  measures 
necessary  for  the  defence  of  the  plantations.  It  was,  also,  deter- 
mined to  have  their  advice  and  consent  in  an  affair  of  such  gen- 
eral concernment. 

Governor  Eaton  and  his  council  fully  approved  of  the  design 
of  bringring  the  delinquents  to  condign  punishment;  but  they  dis- 
approved of  the  manner  proposed  by  Connecticut.  They  feared 
that  it  would  be  introductive  to  a  new  Indian  war.  This  they 
represented  would  greatly  endanger  the  new  settlements,  and  be 
many  ways  injurious  and  distressing.  They  wanted  peace,  all 
their  men  and  money,  to  prosecute  the  design  of  planting  the 
country.  They  represented  that  a  new  war  would  not  only  injure 
the  plantations  in  these  respects,  but  would  prevent  the  coming 
over  of  new  planters,  whom  they  expected  from  England.  They 
were,  therefore,  determinately  against  seeking  redress  by  an 
armed  force.  Connecticut,  through  their  influence,  receded  from 
the  resolution  which  they  had  formed  with  respect  to  Sowheag 
and  Mattabeseck. 

Nevertheless,  as  the  Pequots  had  violated  their  covenant,  and 
planted  at  Pawcatuck,  in  the  Pequot  country,  the  court  dispatched 
major  Mason,  with  forty  men,  to  drive  them  oflF,  bum  their  wig- 
wams, and  bring  away  their  com.*  Uncas,  with  a  hundred  men 
and  twenty  canoes,  assisted  in  the  enterprise.  When  they  arrived 
at  Pawcatuck  bay,  major  Mason  met  with  three  of  the  Pequot 
Indians,  and  sent  them  to  inform  the  others  of  the  design  of  his 
coming,  and  what  he  should  do,  unless  they  would  peaceably 
desert  the  place.  They  promised  to  give  him  an  immediate  an- 
swer, but  never  returned. 

The  major  sailed  up  a  small  river,  landed,  and  beset  the  wig- 
wams so  suddenly,  that  the  Indians  were  unable  to  carry  off  either 
their  corn  or  treasures.  Some  of  the  old  men  had  not  time  to  make 

'  Records  of  Connecticut. 


M 


V'-i 


86 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


[1639 


1639I 


\m 


their  escape.  As  it  was  now  Indian  harvest,  he  found  a  great 
plenty  of  com. 

While  Uncas's  Indians  were  plundering  the  wigwams,  about 
sixty  others  came  rushing  down  a  hill  towards  them.  The  Mo- 
heagans  stood  perfectly  still,  and  spake  not  a  word,  until  they 
came  within  about  thirty  yards  of  them;  then,  shouting  and  yell- 
ing, in  their  terrible  manner,  they  ran  to  meet  them,  and  fell  upon 
them,  striking  with  bows,  and  cutting  with  knives  and  hatchets, 
in  their  mode  of  fighting.  Indeed,  it  scarcely  deserved  the  name 
of  fighting.  It,  however,  afforded  something  new  and  amusing 
to  the  English,  as  they  were  now  spectators  of  an  Indian  battle. 
The  major  made  a  movement  to  cut  off  their  retreat,  which  they 
perceived,  and  instantly  fled.  As  it  was  not  desired  to  kill,  or 
irritate  the  Indians  more  than  was  absolutely  necessary,  the  Eng- 
lish made  no  fire  upon  them.  Seven  Indians  were  taken.  They 
behaved  so  outrageously,  that  it  was  designed  to  take  off  their 
heads;  but  one  Otash,  a  Narraganset  sachem,  brother  to  Mian- 
tonimoh,  pleaded  that  they  might  be  spared,  because  they  were 
his  brother's  men,  v/ho  was  a  friend  to  the  English.  He  offered 
to  deliver  the  heads  of  so  many  murderers  in  lieu  of  them.  The 
English,  considering  that  no  blood  had  been  shed,  and  that  the 
proposal  tended  both  to  mercy  and  peace,  granted  the  request. 
The  Indians  were  committed  to  the  care  of  Uncas,  until  the  con- 
ditions should  be  performed. 

The  light  of  the  next  morning  no  sooner  appeared,  than  the 
English  discovered  three  hundred  Indians  in  arms,  on  the  oppo- 
site side  of  the  creek  in  which  they  lay. 

Upon  this,  the  soldiers  immediately  stood  to  their  arms.  The 
Indians  were  alarmed  at  the  appearance  of  the  English;  some 
fled,  and  others  secreted  themselves  behind  rocks  and  trees,  so 
that  a  man  of  them  could  not  be  seen.  The  English  called  to 
them,  representing  their  desire  of  speaking  with  them.  Numbers 
of  them  rose  up,  and  major  Mason  acquainted  them  with  the 
Pequots'  breach  of  covenant  with  the  English,  as  they  were  not 
to  settle  or  plant  in  any  part  of  their  country.  The  Indians  re- 
plied, that  the  Pequots  were  good  men,  and  that  they  would  fight 
for  them,  and  protect  them.  Major  Mason  told  them  it  was  not 
far  to  the  head  of  the  creek;  that  he  would  meet  them  there,  and 
they  might  try  what  they  could  do  at  fighting.  The  Indians  re- 
plied, they  would  not  fight  with  Englishmen,  for  they  were  spirits; 
but  they  would  fight  with  Uncas.  The  major  assured  them,  that 
he  should  spend  the  day  in  burning  wigwams,  and  carrying  off 
the  corn,  and  they  might  fight  when  they  had  an  opportunity. 
The  English  beat  up  their  drum,  and  fired  their  wigwams,  but 
they  dared  not  to  engage  them.  The  English  loaded  their  bark 
with  Indian  corn,  and  the  Indians  the  twenty  canoes  in  which  they 
passed  to  Pawcatuck,  and  thirty  more,  which  they  took  from  the 


I6391 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


a? 


Indians  there,  with  kettles,  trays,  mats,  and  other  Indian  luggage, 
and  returned  in  safety.^ 

During  these  transactions  in  Connecticut,  the  Dutch,  at  New- 
Netherlands,  were  increasing  in  numbers  and  strength.  A  new 
governor,  William  Kieft,  a  man  of  ability  and  enterprise,  had  ar- 
rived at  their  seat  of  government.  Kieft  had  prohibited  the  Eng- 
lish trade  at  the  fort  of  Good  Hope,  in  Hartford,  and  protested 
against  the  settlement  at  Quinnipiack.'  These  circumstances 
gave  some  alarm  to  the  English  in  Connecticut.  The  court  at 
Hartford  appointed  a  committee  to  go  down  to  the  mouth  of  the 
river,  to  consult  with  Mr.  Fenwick,  relative  to  a  general  confed- 
eration of  the  colonies,  for  mutual  offence  and  defence.  The 
deputy-governor,  Mr.  Ludlow,  Mr.  Thomas  Wells,  and  Mr. 
Hooker,  went  upon  this  business.  They  were,  also,  instructed 
to  confer  with  Mr.  Fenwick,  relative  to  the  patent.  The  court 
approved  of  the  conduct  of  the  committee,  and,  with  respect  to 
the  article  of  confederation,  declared  its  willingness  to  enter  into 
a  mutual  agreement  of  offence  and  defence,  and  of  all  offices  of 
love  between  the  colonies.  Mr.  Fenwick  was  in  favour  of  an 
union  of  the  New-England  colonies.  With  respect  to  the  patent 
of  the  river,  it  was  agreed,  that  the  affair  should  rest,  until  the 
minds  of  the  noblemen  and  gentlemen  particularly  interested, 
could  be  more  fully  known. 

Governor  Haynes  and  Mr.  Wells  were  appointed  to  repair  to 
Pughquonnuck,  and  administer  the  oath  of  fidelity  to  the  inhabi- 
tants; to  admit  such  of  them  as  were  qualified  to  the  privileges 
of  freemen;  and  to  appoint  officers  for  the  town,  both  civil  and 
military.  They  were,  also,  authorised  to  invite  the  freemen  to 
send  the^r  deputies  to  the  general  courts  at  Hartford." 

At  an  adjourned  General  Assembly,  October  loth,  the  court  in- 
corporated the  several  towns  in  the  colonies,  vesting  them  with 
full  powers  to  transact  their  own  affairs.  It  was  enacted,  that 
they  should  have  power  to  choose,  from  among  themselves,  three, 
five,  or  seven  of  their  principal  men,  to  be  a  court  for  each  town. 
One  of  the  three,  five,  or  seven,  was  to  be  chosen  moderator. 
The  major  part  of  vhem,  always  including  him,  constituted  a 
quorum.  A  casting  voice  was  allowed  him,  in  cases  in  which 
there  was  an  equal  division.  He,  or  any  two  of  the  court,  were 
authorised  to  summon  the  parties  to  appear  at  the  time  and  place 
appointed,  and  might  grant  execution  against  the  party  offending. 
They  were  authorised  to  determine  all  matters  of  trespass  or  debt, 
not  exceeding  forty  shillings.    An  appeal  might  be  made  from 

'  Mason's  History. 

»  Smith's  Hist.  N.  York,  p.  3. 

*  It  was  riot  unusual  for  the  General  Assembly  to  fine  its  members.  Mr.  Lud- 
low, the  deputy-governor,  was  fined  for  absence,  and  for  his  conduct  at  Pughquon- 
nuck.  It  was,  probably,  on  the  account  of  the  displeasure  of  the  court  towards 
him,  that  this  committee  were  appointed. 


"^  i^.i 


V  t.' 


88 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


ll 


1  i 


I  iniifi 


,11 


iM  ' 


(1639 

This 


1640] 


this  court,  at  any  time  before  execution  was  given  out. 
court  was  appointed  to  sit  once  in  two  months. 

It  was  ordained,  that  every  town  should  keep  a  public  ledger, 
in  which  every  man's  house  and  lands,  with  the  boundaries  and 
quantity,  according  to  the  nearest  estimation,  should  be  recorded. 
All  lands  also  granted  and  measured  to  any  man  afterwards,  and 
all  bargains  and  mortgages  of  lands  were  to  be  put  on  record. 
Until  this  was  done,  they  were  to  be  of  no  validity.  The  towns 
were,  also,  empowered  to  dispose  of  their  own  lands.  This  was 
the  origin  of  the  privileges  of  particular  towns  in  Connecticut. 

Besides  the  court  in  each  town,  there  was  the  court  of  magis- 
trates, termed  the  particular  court.  This  held  a  session  once  in 
three  months.  To  this  lay  all  appeals  from  the  other  courts.  In 
this  were  tried  all  criminal  causes  and  actions  of  debt,  exceeding 
forty  shillings,  and  all  titles  of  land.  Indeed,  this  court  possessed 
all  the  authority,  and  did  all  the  business  now  possessed  and  done 
by  the  county  and  superior  courts.  For  a  considerable  time,  they 
were  vested  with  such  discretionary  powers,  as  none  of  the  courts 
at  this  day  would  venture  to  exercise. 

Nepaupuck,  a  famous  Pequot  captain,  who  had  frequently 
stained  his  hands  in  English  blood,  was  condemned  by  the  Gen- 
eral Court  at  Quinnipiack,  for  murder.  It  appeared,  that  in  the 
year  1637,  he  killed  John  Finch,  of  Weathersfield,  and  captivated 
one  of  Mr.  Swain's  daughters.  He  had  also  assisted  in  killing 
the  three  men,  who  were  going  down  Connecticut  river  in  a  shal- 
lop.  His  head  was  cut  off,  and  set  upon  a  pole  in  the  market  place. 

It  will,  doubtless,  hardly  be  granted,  in  this  enlightened  age, 
that  the  subjects  of  princes,  killing  men  by  their  orders,  in  war, 
ought  to  be  treated  as  murderers.  Though  the  first  planters  of 
New-England  and  Connecticut  were  men  of  eminent  piety  and 
strict  morals,  yet,  like  other  good  men,  they  were  subject  to  mis- 
conception and  the  influence  of  passion.  Their  beheading  sa- 
chems, whom  they  took  in  war,  kilUng  the  male  captives,  and 
enslaving  the  women  and  children  of  the  Pequots,  after  it  was 
finished,  was  treating  them  with  a  severity,  which,  on  the  benevo- 
lent principles  of  Christianity,  it  will  be  difficult  ever  to  justify. 
The  executing  of  all  those  as  murderers,  who  were  active  in  kill- 
ing any  of  the  English  people,  and  obliging  all  the  Indian  nations 
to  bring  in  such  persons,  or  their  heads,  was  an  act  of  severity 
unpractised,  at  this  day,  by  civilized  and  christian  nations.  The 
decapitation  of  their  enemies,  and  the  setting  of  their  heads  upon 
poles,  was  a  kind  of  barbarous  triumph,  too  nearly  symbolizing 
with  the  examples  of  uncivilized  and  pagan  nations.  The  further 
we  are  removed  from  every  resemblance  of  these,  and  the  more 
deeply  we  imbibe  those  divine  precepts,  "  Love  your  enemies : 
Whatsoever  ye  would  that  men  should  do  unto  you,  do  ye  even 
so  to  them," — the  greater  will  be  our  dignity  and  happiness. 


i64o] 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


89 


l»i:!» 


CHAPTER  VII. 

ALTHOUGH  the  conquest  of  the  Pequots  extended  the  claim 
of  Connecticut  to  a  great  proportion  of  the  lands  in  the  settled 
part  of  the  colony,  yet,  to  remove  all  grounds  of  complaint  or 
uneasiness,  the  English  plantevs  made  fair  purchases  of  almost 
the  whole  tract  of  country  within  the  settled  part  of  Connecticut. 

After  the  conquest  of  the  Pequots,  in  consequence  of  the  cov- 
enant made  with  Uncas,  in  1638,  and  the  gift  of  a  hundred  Pe- 
quots to  him,  he  became  important.  A  considerable  number  of 
Indians  collected  to  him,  so  that  he  became  one  of  the  principal 
sachems  in  Connecticut,  and  even  in  New-England.  At  some 
times  he  was  able  to  raise  four  or  five  hundred  warriors.  As  the 
Pequots  were  now  conquered,  and  as  he  assisted  in  the  conquest, 
and  was  a  Pequot  himself,  he  laid  claim  to  all  that  extensive  tract 
called  the  Moheagan  or  Pequot  country.  Indeed,  it  seems  he 
claimed,  and  was  allowed  to  sell  some  part  of  that  tract  which  was 
the  principal  seat  of  the  Pequots.  The  sachems  in  other  parts  of 
Connecticut,  who  had  been  conquered  by  the  Pequots,  and  made 
their  allies,  or  tributaries,  considered  themselves,  by  the  conquest 
of  this  haughty  nation,  as  restored  to  their  former  rights.  They 
claimed  to  be  independent  sovereigns,  and  to  have  a  title  to  all 
the  lands  which  they  had  at  any  time  before  possessed.  The  plan- 
ters therefore,  to  show  their  justice  to  the  heathen,  and  to  main- 
tain the  peace  of  the  country,  from  time  to  time,  purchased  of  the 
respective  sachems  and  their  Indians,  all  the  lands  which  they 
settled,  excepting  the  towns  of  New-London,  Groton  and  Ston- 
ington,  which  were  considered  as  the  peculiar  seat  of  the  Pequot 
nation.  The  inhabitants  of  Windsor,  Hartford,  and  Weathers- 
field,  either  at  the  time  of  their  settlement,  or  soon  after,  bought 
all  those  extensive  tracts,  which  they  settled,  of  the  native,  orig- 
inal proprietors  of  the  country.  Indeed,  Connecticut  planters 
generally  made  repeated  purchases  of  their  lands.  The  colony 
not  only  bought  the  Moheagan  country  of  Uncas,  but  afterwards 
all  the  particular  towns  were  purchased  again,  either  of  him  or 
his  successors,  when  the  settlements  in  them  commenced.  Be- 
sides, the  colony  was  often  obliged  to  renew  its  leagues  with  Uncas 
and  his  successors,  the  Moheagan  sachems;  and  to  make  new 
presents  and  take  new  deeds,  to  keep  friendship  with  the  Indians 
and  preserve  the  peace  of  the  country.  The  colony  was  obliged 
to  defend  Uncas  from  his  enemies,  which  was  an  occasion  of  no 
small  trouble  and  expense.  The  laws  obliged  the  inhabitants  of 
the  several  towns  to  reserve  unto  the  natives  a  sufficient  quantity 
of  planting  ground.  They  were  allowed  to  hunt  and  fish  upon 
all  the  lands  no  less  than  the  English. 


»« '\    •<:• 


i 


I 


M 


I  n 


90 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


[1640 


The  colonies  made  laws  for  their  protection  from  insult,  fraud 
and  violence.^  The  inhabitants  suffered  them  to  erect  wigwams, 
and  to  live  on  the  very  lands  which  they  had  purchased  of  them; 
and  to  cut  their  fire  wood  on  their  uninclosed  lands,  for  more 
than  a  whole  century,  after  the  settlements  began.  The  lands, 
therefore,  though  really  worth  nothing  at  that  time,  cost  the 
planters  very  considerable  sums,  besides  the  purchase  of  their 
patents  and  the  right  of  pre-emption. 

In  purchasing  the  lands  and  making  settlements,  in  a  wilder- 
ness, the  first  planters  of  Connecticut  expended  great  estates.  It 
has  been  the  opinion  of  the  best  judges,  who  have  had  the  most 
perfect  acquaintance  with  the  ancient  affairs  of  the  colony,  that 
many  of  the  adventurers  expended  more,  in  making  settlements 
in  Connecticut,  than  all  the  lands  and  buildings  were  worth,  after 
all  the  improvements  which  they  had  made  upon  them.' 

At  the  general  election  in  Connecticut,  this  year,  Mr.  Hopkins 
was  chosen  governor,  and  Mr.  Haynes  deputy  governor.  Mr. 
Ludlow  was  chosen  magistrate  in  the  place  of  Mr.  Hopkins.  The 
other  magistrates  were  the  same  who  were  elected  the  last  year. 
The  same  governor,  deputy  governor  and  magistrates,  who  were 
in  office,  at  New-Haven,  the  last  year,  were  re-elected  for  this. 

As  the  colonists,  both  in  Connecticut  and  New-Haven,  were  the 
patentees  of  Lord  Say  and  Seal,  Lord  Brook  and  the  other  gentle- 
men interested  in  the  old  Connecticut  patent,*  and  as  that  patent 
covered  a  large  tract  of  country,  both  colonies  were  desirous  of 
securing  the  native  title  to  the  lands,  with  all  convenient  dispatch. 
Several  large  purchases  were  made  this  year  both  by  Connecticut 
and  New-Haven. 

Connecticut  made  presents  to  Uncas,  the  Moheagan  sachem, 
to  his  satisfaction,  and  on  the  ist  of  September  1640,  obtained 
of  him  a  clear  and  ample  deed  of  all  his  lands  in  Connecticut, 
except  the  lands  which  were  then  planted.  These  he  reserved  for 
himself  and  the  Moheagans. 

The  same  year,  governor  Haynes,  in  behalf  of  Hartford,  made 
a  purchase  of  Tunxis,  including  the  towns  of  Farmington  and 
Southington,  and  extending  westward  as  far  as  the  Mohawk 
country. 

The  people  of  Connecticut,  about  the  same  time,  purchased 
Waranoke  and  soon  began  a  plantation  there,  since  called  West- 
field.  Governor  Hopkins  erected  a  trading  house  and  had  a  con- 
siderable interest  in  the  plantation. 

'  These  facts  are  fully  ascertained  by  the  records  of  the  colonies,  and  of  the  re- 
spective towns. 

^  This  was  the  general  opinion  among  men  of  extensive  knowledge,  in  Massa- 
chusetts, as  well  as  in  Connecticut.  Governor  Hutchinson,  in  a  manuscript  which 
he  wrote  against  the  stamp  act,  observed,  that  land  in  New-England,  at  the  time 
of  its  settlement,  was  of  no  value. 

*  See  note,  p.  la 


1640] 


cut," 


l64o] 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


9« 


Mr.  Ludlow  made  a  purchase  of  the  eastcni  art  of  Norwalk, 
between  Saugatuck  and  Norwalk  rivers.  Captain  Patrick  bought 
the  middle  part  of  the  town.  A  few  families  seem  to  have  planted 
themselves  in  the  town  about  the  time  of  these  purchases,  but  it 
was  not  properly  settled  until  about  the  year  1651.  The  planters 
then  made  a  purchase  of  the  western  part  of  the  town.^ 

About  the  same  time  Robert  Peaks  and  Daniel  Patrick  bought 
Greenwich.  The  purchase  was  made  in  behalf  of  New-Haven, 
but  through  the  intrigue  of  the  Dutch  governor,  and  the  treachery 
of  the  purchasers,  the  first  inhabitants  revolted  to  the  Dutch. 
They  were  incorporated  and  vested  with  town  privileges  by  Peter 
Stuyvesant,  governor  of  New-Netherlands.  The  inhabitants  were 
driven  off  by  the  Indians,  in  their  war  with  the  Dutch;  and  made 
no  great  progress  in  the  settlement  until  after  Connecticut  ob- 
tained the  charter,  and  they  were  taken  under  the  jurisdiction  of 
this  colony. 

Captain  Howe  and  other  Englishmen,  in  behalf  of  Connecti- 
cut,' purchased  a  large  tract  of  the  Indians,  the  original  proprie- 
tors, on  Long-Island.  This  tract  extended  from  the  eastern  part 
of  Oyster  bay  to  the  western  part  of  Howe's  or  Holmes's  bay  to 
the  middle  of  the  great  plain.  It  lay  on  the  northern  part  of  the 
island  and  extended  southward  about  half  its  breadth.  Settle- 
ments were  immediately  begun  upon  the  lands;  and  by  the  year 
1642,  had  made  considerable  advancement. 

New-Haven  made  a  purchase  of  all  the  lands  at  Rippowams. 
This  purchase  was  made  of  Ponus  and  Toquamske,  the  two  sa- 
chems of  that  tract,  which  contained  the  whole  town  of  Stamford. 
A  reservation  of  planting  ground  was  made  for  the  Indians.' 

Another  large  purchase,  sufficient  for  a  number  of  plantations, 
was  made  by  captain  Turner,  agent  for  New-Haven,  on  both  sides 
of  Delaware  bay  or  river.  This  purchase  was  made  with  a  view 
to  trade,  and  for  the  settlement  of  churches  in  gospel  order  and 
purity.  The  colony  of  New-Haven  erected  trading  houses  upon 
the  lands,  and  sent  nearly  fifty  families  to  make  settlements  upon 
them.  The  settlements  were  made  under  the  jurisdiction  of  New- 
Haven,  and  in  close  combination  with  that  colony  in  all  their 
fundamental  articles. 

It  also  appears,  that  New-Haven,  or  their  confederates,  pur- 
chased and  settled  Yennycock,  Southhold,  on  Long-Island.  Mr. 
John  Youngs,  who  had  been  a  minister  at  Hingham  in  England, 

'  The  first  purchases  were  of  the  sachem,  Mamechimoh.  Mr.  Ludlow's  deed 
bears  date  Feb.  26th,  1640,  and  Capt.  Patrick's  April  20th,  1640.  The  western 
purchase  was  of  a  sachem  called  Buckingheage.  It  hence  appears  that  there  were 
two  sachems  in  this  town. 

^  Savage  takes  occasion  to  call  this  statement  inaccurate,  inasmuch  as  the  settle- 
ment was  made  by  an  agent  of  Lord  Sterling,  from  Lynn,  Mass.  The  main  facts 
as  stated  by  Trumbull  follow  Winthrop's  Journal  closely. — J.  T. 

*  The  purchase  was  made  by  captain  Nathaniel  Turner,  agent  for  New-Haven. 
It  cost  about  thirty  pounds  sterling. 


^\. 


■M 


^*S^  m 


•»^ 


.;! 


<M'^ 


lit 


92 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


[1640 


came  over,  with  a  considerable  part  of  his  church,  and  here  fixed 
his  residence.  He  gathered  his  church  anew,  on  the  21st  of  Oc- 
tober, and  the  planters  united  themselves  with  New-Haven. 
However,  they  soon  departed  from  the  rule  of  appointing  none 
to  office,  or  of  admitting  none  to  be  freemen,  but  members  of  the 
church.  New-Haven  insisted  on  this  as  a  fundamental  article 
of  their  constitution.  They  were,  therefore,  for  a  number  of  years, 
obliged  to  conform  to  this  law  of  the  jurisdiction.  Some  of  the 
principal  men  were  the  Reverend  Mr.  Youngs,  Mr.  William 
Wells,  Mr.  Barnabas  Horton,  Thomas  Mapes,  John  Tuthill  and 
Matthias  Corwin. 

Laws  were  enacted,  both  by  Connecticut  and  New-Haven,  pro- 
hibiting all  purchases  of  the  Indians,  by  private  persons,  or  com- 
panies, without  the  consent  of  their  respective  general  courts. 
These  were  to  authorize  and  direct  the  manner  of  every  purchase. 
The  general  court,  at  New-Haven,  this  year,  made  a  grant  of 
Totoket  to  Mr.  Samuel  Eaton,  brother  of  governor  Eaton,  upon 
condition  of  his  procuring  a  number  of  his  friends,  from  England, 
to  make  a  settlement  in  that  tract  of  country. 

At  this  court  it  was  decreed,  that  the  plantation  at  Quinnipiack 
should  be  called  New-Haven. 

At  the  general  election,  April  6, 1641,  at  Hartford,  John  Haynes, 
Esq.  was  chosen  governor,  and  George  Wyllys,  Esq.  deputy  gov- 
ernor. Mr.  Hopkins  was  chosen  magistrate,  and  the  other  prin- 
cipal officers  were  re-elected. 

The  brethren  of  the  church  at  Weathersfield  removed  without 
their  pastor,  the  Rev.  Mr.  Phillips;  and,  having  no  settled  min- 
ister at  first,  fell  into  unhappy  contentions  and  animosities.  These 
continued  for  a  number  of  years,  and  divided  the  inhabitants  of 
the  town,  as  well  as  the  brethren  of  the  church.  They  were  the 
means  of  scattering  the  inhabitants,  and  of  the  formation  of  new 
settlements  and  churches  in  other  places.  Great  pains  were 
taken,  by  the  ministers  on  the  river,  to  compose  the  differences 
and  unite  the  church  and  town;  but  they  were  unable  to  effect 
an  union.  Mr.  Davenport  and  some  of  the  brethren  of  the  church 
at  New-Haven  were  sent  for,  to  advise  and  attempt  a  reconcilia- 
tion. Mr.  Davenport  and  his  brethren  gave  advice  somewhat 
different  from  that  which  had  been  given  by  the  ministers  and 
churches  on  the  river;  and,  it  seems,  suggested  the  expediency 
of  one  of  the  parties  removing  and  making  a  new  settlement,  if 
they  could  not  by  any  means  be  united  among  themselves.  Some 
were  pleased  with  the  advice,  others  disliked  it,  and  the  parties 
could  not  agree  which  of  them  should  remove.  The  church,  which 
consisted  of  seven  members  only,  was  divided  three  against  four. 
The  three  claimed  to  be  the  church,  and  therefore  pleaded,  that 
they  ought  not  to  remove.  The  four,  as  they  were  the  majority, 
insisted  that  it  was  their  right  to  stay. 


1641I 


I64I1 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


93 


The  church  at  Watertown,  as  they  ha^  not  dismissed  their 
brethren,  at  Weathersfield,  from  their  watch,  judged  it  their  duty 
to  make  them  a  visit,  and  to  attempt  to  heal  the  divisions  which 
had  sprung  up  among  them.  For  this  benevolent  purpose,  sev- 
eral of  the  brethren  made  a  journey  to  Connecticut;  but  they 
succeeded  no  better  in  their  endeavours,  than  those  who  had  been 
before  them.  It  now  appeared  to  be  the  opinion,  that  it  was  ex- 
pedient for  one  of  the  parties  to  remove,  but  it  could  not  be  agreed 
which  of  them  should  be  obliged  again  to  make  a  new  settlement. 
At  length  a  number  of  principal  men,  who  were  the  most  pleased 
with  the  advice  of  Mr.  Davenport  and  the  New-Haven  brethren, 
and  to  whom  the  government  of  that  colony  was  most  agreeable,' 
determined  to  remove,  and  settle  in  combination  with  New- 
Haven. 

Therefore,  on  the  30th  of  October,  1640,  Mr.  Andrew  Ward 
and  Mr.  Robert  Coe  of  Weathersfield,  in  behalf  of  themselves  and 
about  twenty  other  planters,  purchased  Rippowams  of  New- 
Haven.  The  whole  number  obliged  themselves  to  remove,  with 
their  families,  the  next  year,  before  the  last  of  November.  This 
spring  the  settlement  commenced.  The  principal  planters  were 
the  Rev.  Mr.  Richard  Denton,  Mr.  Matthew  Mitchel,  Mr.  Thurs- 
ton Rayner,  Mr.  Andrew  Ward,  Mr.  Robert  Coe,  and  Mr.  Rich- 
ard Gildersleve.  Mr.  Denton  was  among  the  first  planters  of  the 
town,  and  continued  their  minister  about  three  or  four  years. 
After  that  time  he  removed  with  part  of  his  church  and  congre- 
gation to  Hempsted.  They  settled  that  town  about  the  year  1643 
or  1644. 

At  the  general  election,  October  27,  1641,  in  New-Haven,  The- 
ophilus  Eaton,  Esq.  was  chosen  governor,  and  Mr.  Stephen  Good- 
year, deputy  governor.  The  magistrates  were  Mr.  Gregson,  Mr. 
Robert  Newman,  Mr.  Matthew  Gilbert  and  Mr.  Wakeman. 
Thomas  Fugill  was  appointed  secretary,  and  Mr.  Gregson  treas- 
urer. 

Upon  the  general  election,  this  year,  at  Hartford,  there  was 
a  considerable  change,  with  respect  to  civil  officers.  George  Wyl- 
lys,  Esq.  was  elected  governor,  and  Roger  Ludlow,  Esq.  deputy 
governor.  Eight  magistrates  were  chosen  for  Connecticut.  This 
is  the  first  instance  of  more  than  six.  The  magistrates  were  John 
Haynes,Esq.  Mr.  Phelps,  Mr.  Webster,  captain  Mason,  Mr.  Wells, 
Mr.  Whiting,  Edward  Hopkins,  Esq.  and  Mr.  William  Hopkins. 

The  Indians  were  exceedingly  troublesome  this  year.  It  was 
suspected,  that  they  were  forming  a  combination  for  a  general 
war.  All  trading  with  them,  in  arms  or  any  instruments  of  iron, 
was  expressly  prohibited,  both  by  Connecticut  and  New-Haven. 
Each  colony  concerted  all  measures  of  defence.  A  constant  watch 
was  kept  in  all  the  plantations.  Upon  the  sabbath  a  strong  guard 
was  set  at  the  places  of  public  worship. 


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' .? 


III  ft 


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■  'i 


:  n. 


•  > 


IBA  ■ 


94 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


[1643 


At  this  court,  the  magistrates  were  desired  to  write  to  the 
Dutch,  and,  as  far  as  possible,  to  prevent  their  vending  arms  and 
ammunition  to  the  natives,  and  to  settle  all  disputes  between  them 
and  the  colony  with  respect  to  claims.  But  notwithstanding  all 
their  endeavours,  the  Dutch  behaved  with  great  insolence,  and 
did  much  damage  to  both  the  English  colonies. 

The  Dutch,  at  Hartford,  gave  entertainment  to  fugitives  from 
the  English;  helped  them  when  confined  to  file  off  their  irons; 
and  persuaded  servants  to  run  from  their  masters  and  then  gave 
them  entertainment.  They  purchased  goods  which  had  been 
stolen  from  the  English,  and  would  not  return  them.  They  also 
assisted  criminals  in  breaking  gaol. 

Besides  these  misdemeanors,  at  Hartford,  the  Dutch  governor, 
William  Kieft,  caused  the  English  settlements  on  Long-Island, 
which  had  now  advanced,  on  the  lands  purchased  by  captain 
Howe,  as  far  as  Oyster  bay,  to  be  broken  up.  Some  of  the  Eng- 
lish planters  were  forcibly  seized  and  imprisoned,  and  others 
driven  from  their  settlements.  These  were  injuries  done  to  Con- 
necticut. 

To  the  colony  of  New-Haven  the  Dutch  were  still  more  hostile 
and  injurious.  Notwithstanding  the  fair  purchases  which  that 
colony  had  made,  by  their  agents  at  Delaware,  governor  Kieft, 
without  any  legal  protest  or  warning,  dispatched  an  armed  force, 
and  with  great  hostility,  burned  the  English  trading  houses,  vio- 
lently seized  and  for  a  time  detained  their  goods,  and  would  not 
give  them  time  to  take  an  inventory  of  them.  The  Dutch  also 
took  the  company's  boat,  and  a  number  of  the  English  planters, 
and  kept  them  as  prisoners.  The  damages  done  the  English  at 
Delaware,  were  estimated  at  a  thousand  pounds  sterling.^ 

The  same  year  the  Swedish  governor '  and  Dutch  agent  uniting 
in  a  crafty  design  against  Mr.  Lamberton,  a  principal  gentleman 
of  New-Haven,  made  an  injurious  attempt  upon  his  life.  They 
accused  him  of  having  joined  in  a  plot  with  the  Indians  to  cut 
off  the  Swedes  and  Dutch.  They  attempted,  by  giving  his  men 
strong  drink,  and  by  threatenings  and  allurements,  to  influence 
them  to  bear  testimony  against  him.  They  proceeded  so  far  as 
to  imprison  and  try  him  for  treason.  When,  notwithstanding 
these  unfair  means,  and  that  they  were  both  his  accusers  and 
judges,  they  could  not  find  any  evidence  against  him,  they  arbi- 
trarily imposed  a  fine  upon  him,  for  trading  at  Delaware,  though 
within  the  limits  of  the  purchase  and  jurisdiction  of  New-Haven. 

At  another  time,  when  Mr.  Lamberton  was  occasionally  at 
Manhatoes,  in  the  capacity  of  an  agent  for  New-Haven,  the  Dutch 

>  Records  of  the  united  colonies,  and  Smith's  history  of  New- York,  p.  4. 

*  John  Printz.  The  plot  against  Lamberton  must  have  been  in  1643,  a  year  later 
than  our  author  places  it.  See  deposition  of  John  Thickpenny,  in  New-Haven  Col- 
onial Records,  i :  97.  From  this  it  appears  that  the  Dutch  agent  was  not  an  accom- 
plice in  this  plot. — J.  T. 


1643] 


164a] 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


9S 


governor,  Kieft,  by  force  and  threatenings,  compelled  him  to  give 
an  account  of  all  his  beaver,  within  the  limits  of  New-Haven,  at 
Delaware,  and  to  pay  an  impost  upon  the  whole.  The  Dutch  did 
other  damages,  and  insulted  the  English  in  various  other  in- 
stances. Both  Connecticut  and  New-Haven,  from  year  to  year, 
complained  and  remonstrated  against  them,  but  could  obtain  no 
redress. 

While  the  colonies  were  increasing  in  numbers  and  settlements, 
progress  in  law  and  jurisprudence,  in  the  regular  establishment 
of  courts  and  the  times  of  their  sessions,  was  also  necessary,  for 
the  advancement,  order  and  happiness  of  the  respective  jurisdic- 
tions. 

This,  so  far  as  the  numerous  affairs  of  the  colonies  would  per- 
mit, was  an  object  of  special  attention.  The  capital  laws  of  Con- 
necticut were,  this  year,  nearly  completed,  and  put  upon  record. 
The  several  passages  of  scripture  on  which  they  were  founded 
were  particularly  noticed  in  the  statute.  They  were  twelve  in 
number,  and  to  the  following  effect. 

If  any  man  or  woman  shall  have  or  worship  any  God,  but  the 
tnie  God,  he  shall  be  put  to  death.  Deut.  xiii.  6.  xvii.  21.  Ex- 
odus xxii.  2. 

If  any  person  in  this  colony  shall  blaspheme  the  name  of  God 
the  Father,  Son  or  Holy  Ghost,  with  direct,  express,  presump- 
tuous or  high-handed  blasphemy,  or  shall  curse  in  like  manner, 
he  shall  be  put  to  death.    Levit.  xxiv.  15, 16. 

If  any  man  or  woman  be  a  witch,  that  is,  hath  or  consulteth 
with  a  familiar  spirit,  they  shall  be  put  to  death.  Exodus  xxii.  18. 
Levit.  XX.  22.    Deut.  xviii.  10,  ii. 

If  any  person  shall  commit  wilful  murder,  upon  malice,  hatred 
or  cruelty,  not  in  a  man's  own  defence,  nor  by  casualty  against 
his  will,  he  shall  be  put  to  death.  Exodus  xxi.  12, 13, 14.  Numb. 
XXXV.  30, 31. 

If  any  person  shall  slay  another  through  guile,  either  by  poison- 
ing, or  other  such  devilish  practices,  he  shall  be  put  to  death. 
Exodus  xxi.  14. 

If  any  man  or  woman  shall  lie  with  any  beast  or  brute  creature, 
by  carnal  copulation,  they  shall  surely  be  put  to  death,  and  the 
beast  shall  be  slain  and  buried.    Leviticus  xx.  15,  16. 

If  any  man  lieth  with  mankind,  as  he  lieth  with  a  woman,  both 
of  them  have  committed  abomination ;  they  both  shall  surely  be 
put  to  death,  except  it  appear  that  one  of  the  parties  was  forced, 
or  under  fifteen  years  of  age.    Levit.  xx.  13. 

If  any  man  lie  with  his  mother,  or  father's  wife,  or  wife's  mother, 
his  daughter,  or  daughter  in  law,  having  carnal  copulation  with 
them,  both  of  them  have  committed  abomination ;  they  shall  be 
put  to  death,  except  it  appear,  that  the  woman  was  forced,  or 
under  fourteen  years  of  age.    Levit.  xx.  11,  12, 14,  and  xviii.  7,  8. 


>l::m 


^ 


•  i.i 


.  '  .! 


ill 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


[164a 


If  any  man  shall  forcibly  ravish  any  maid,  or  woman,  by  carnal 
copulation,  against  her  consent,  he  shall  be  put  to  death,  provided 
prosecution  and  complaint  be  made  forthwith  upon  the  rape. 
Deut.  xxii.  25. 

If  any  man  steal  a  man,  or  mankind,  and  selleth  him,  or  he  be 
found  in  his  hand,  he  shall  be  put  to  death.    Exodus  xxi.  16. 

If  any  person  rise  up  by  false  witness,  wittingly,  and  of  pur- 
pose, to  take  away  man's  life,  he  or  she  shall  be  put  to  death. 
Deut.  xix.  16,  18,  19, 

It  was  also  enacted,  that  if  any  person  should  conspire  against 
the  commonwealth,  attempt  an  insurrection,  invasion,  or  rebellion 
against  it,  he  should  be  put  to  death. 

Wilful  arson,  the  cursing  and  smiting  of  father  or  mother,  and 
notorious  stubbornness  in  children,  after  a  certain  age,  were,  soon 
after,  made  capital  offences,  by  the  laws  of  the  colony,  and  added 
to  the  list  of  the  capital  laws.^ 

Before  this  time,  unchastity  between  single  persons,  and  wan- 
ton behaviour,  had  been  punished  with  whipping  at  the  tail  of 
the  cart,  by  fining,  or  obliging  the  delinquents  to  marry,  at  the 
discretion  of  the  particular  courts. 

The  general  court  approved  of  what  the  particular  courts  had 
done,  in  these  cases,  and  authorised  them,  in  future,  to  punish 
such  delinquents  by  fines,  by  committing  them  to  the  house  of 
correction,  or  by  corporal  punishment,  at  the  discretion  of  the 
court. 

As  some  loose  persons  deserted  the  English  settlements,  and 
lived  in  a  profane,  heathenish  manner,  a  law  was  enacted,  that 
all  persons  who  should  be  convicted  of  this  crime,  should  be  pun- 
ished with  three  years  imprisonmen*-,  at  least,  in  the  house  of 
correction,  with  fine,  or  corporal  punishment,  as  the  particular 
court  should  direct.' 

At  a  general  court  in  New-Haven,  April  5,  1643,  considerable 
progress  was  made  in  the  laws  and  government  of  that  colony. 
Deputies  were  admitted  to  the  court,  and  an  addition  was  made 
to  the  number  of  magistrates.  Stamford,  for  the  first  time,  sent 
captain  John  Underbill,  and  Mr.  Richard  Gildersleve,  to  represent 
the  town.  Mr.  Mitchel  and  Mr.  Rayner  were  nominated  for  mag- 
istrates in  Stamford.  Mr.  Rayner  was  appointed  by  the  court. 
Captain  Underbill,  Mr.  Mitchel,  Mr.  Andrew  Ward,  and  Mr.  Rob- 
ert Coe  were  appointed  assistant  judges  to  Mr.  Rayner.  This 
court  was  vested  with  the  same  powers  as  the  court  at  New- 
Haven,  and  was  the  first  instituted  in  Stamford.  Mr.  William 
Leet  and  Mr.  Desborough  were  admitted  magistrates  for  Menun- 
katuck,  and  that  plantation  was  named  Guilford. 

'  Records  of  Connecticut,  and  the  old  Connecticut  code. 
'  Records  of  Connecticut.    When  the  Connecticut  laws  were  printed,  in  1672, 
this  law  was  altered,  and  the  term  reduced  from  three,  to  one  years  imprisonment. 


J643] 


i643] 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


97 


This  year  John  Haynes,  Esq.  was  elected  governor,  and  Mr. 
Hopkins  deputy  governor.  Mr.  Wolcott  and  Mr.  Swain  were 
chosen  magistrates;  and  Mr.  Phelps  and  Mr.  William  Hopkins' 
were  not  elected.^  Mr.  Whiting  was  chosen  treasurer  and  Mr. 
Wells  secretary.  It  appears  to  have  been  customary,  for  a  num- 
ber of  years,  to  choose  the  secretary  and  treasurer  among  the 
magistrates. 

Juries  appear  to  have  attended  the  particular  courts,  in  Con- 
necticut, from  their  first  institution.  They  seem  to  have  been 
regularly  enrolled  about  the  year  1641,  or  1643.  But  the  partic- 
ular courts  found  great  difficulties  with  respect  to  their  proceed- 
ings. There  were  no  printed  laws  for  the  inhabitants  to  study, 
and  many  of  the  common  people  had  attended  very  little  to  law 
and  evidence.  The  jury  therefore,  very  often,  would  be  so  di- 
vided, that  they  could  not  agree  upon  any  verdict;  and  when 
they  were  agreed,  it  did  not  always  appear  to  the  court  that  they 
brought  in  a  just  one.  A  pretty  extraordinary  law  therefore 
passed  this  court,  regulating  the  juries.  The  court  decreed,  that 
the  jury  should  attend  diligently  to  the  case,  and  to  the  evidence, 
and  if  they  could  not  all  agree  in  a  verdict,  they  should  offer  their 
reasons  upon  the  case  to  the  court,  and  the  court  should  answer 
them,  and  send  out  the  jury  again.  If,  after  deliberating  upon 
the  case,  they  could  not  bring  in  a  joint  verdict,  it  was  decreed; 
that  it  should  be  determined  by  a  major  vote;  and  that  this  should, 
to  all  intents  and  purposes,  be  deemed  a  full  and  sufficient  ver- 
dict; upon  which  judgment  should  be  entered,  and  execution, 
and  all  other  proceedings  should  be  as  though  there  had  been 
a  joint  verdict  of  the  jury.  It  was  also  provided,  that  if  the  jury 
should  be  equally  divided,  six  and  six,  they  should  represent  the 
case  to  the  court,  with  their  reasons,  and  a  special  verdict  should 
be  drawn,  and  a  major  vote  of  the  court,  or  magistrates,  should 
determine  the  cause,  and  all  matters  respecting  it  should  be  as 
though  there  had  been  a  joint  verdict  of  the  jury." 

At  this  court,  it  was  ordained,  that  a  grand  jury  of  twelve  men 
should  attend  the  particular  courts,  annually,  in  May  and  Sep- 
tember, and  as  often  as  the  governor  and  court  should  judge  ex- 
pedient. It  was  also  enacted,  that  the  grand  jury  should  be 
warned  to  give  their  attendance.  This  is  the  first  notice  of  a 
grand  jury,  at  any  court. 

A  general  confederation  of  the  New-England  colonies,  had 
been  proposed,  and  in  agitation  for  several  years.  In  1638,  ar- 
ticles of  union,  for  amity,  offence  and  defence,  mutual  advice  and 
assistance,  upon  all  necessary  occasions,  were  drawn,  and  for 

1  Mr.  Phelps,  I  suppoM,  was  now  dead,  as  he  appears  no  more  upon  the  rec- 
ords. He  was  one  of  the  principal  planters  of  Windsor,  and  chosen  into  the  mag- 
istracy from  the  first  settlement  of  Connecticut.  He  appears  to  have  been  the  an- 
cestor of  the  Fhelpses  in  this  state. 

'  Records  of  Connecticut. 


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HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


[1643 


further  consideration,  referred  to  1639.  Connecticut  and  Mr. 
Fenwick  agreed  to  confederate  for  these  purposes.  From  this 
time,  Connecticut  had  annually  appointed  some  of  her  principal 
men,  to  go  into  the  Massachusetts,  to  complete  the  designed  con- 
federacy. Governor  Haynes  and  Mr.  Hooker,  in  1639,  were 
nearly  a  month  in  Massachusetts,  laboring  to  carry  it  into  effect. 
New-Haven  paid  equal  attention  to  an  affair  so  important  to  the 
colonies.  The  circumstances  of  the  English  nation,  and  the  state 
of  the  colonies  in  New-England,  at  this  time,  made  it  a  matter 
of  urgent  necessity.  For  the  accommodation  of  particular  com- 
panies, the  colonies  had  extended  their  settlements  upon  the  rivers 
and  sea  coasts  much  farther,  and  had  made  them  in  a  more 
scattering  manner,  than  was  at  first  designed.  No  aid  could  be 
expected  from  the  parent  country,  let  emergencies  be  ever  so 
pressing.  The  Dutch  had  so  extended  their  claims,  and  were  so 
powerful  and  hostile,  as  to  afford  a  just  ground  of  general  alarm. 
All  the  plantations  were  compassed  with  numerous  tribes  of  sav- 
age men.  The  Narragansets  appeared  hostile,  and  there  were 
the  appearances  of  a  general  combination,  among  the  Indians, 
in  New-England,  to  extirpate  the  English  colonies.  There  were, 
notwithstanding,  impediments  in  the  way  of  effecting  even  so  nec- 
essary and  important  an  union.  The  Massachusetts  was  much 
more  numerous  and  powerful,  than  the  other  colonies.  It  was 
in  various  respects  more  respectable  and  important.  It  was, 
therefore,  a  matter  of  difficulty,  to  form  an  union  upon  equal 
terms.  The  other  colonies  were  not  willing  to  unite  upon  such 
as  were  unequal.  There  were  also  disputes  between  Connecticut 
and  Massachusetts.  The  colony  of  Massachusetts  claimed  part 
of  the  Pequot  country,  on  the  account  of  the  assistance  which 
they  afforded  in  the  Pequot  war.  There  was  also  a  difference 
with  respect  to  the  boundary  Hne  between  Massachusetts  and 
Connecticut.  Both  colonies  claimed  the  towns  of  Springfield  and 
Westfield.    These  difficulties  retarded  the  union. 

However,  Connecticut,  New-Haven,  and  Plymouth,  all  dis- 
patched commissioners  to  Boston,  in  May,  at  the  time  of  the 
session  of  the  General  Court.  The  commissioners  from  Connecti- 
cut were.  Governor  Haynes  and  Mr.  Hopkins;  Mr.  Fenwick, 
from  Saybrook;  Governor  Eaton  and  Mr.  Gregson,  from  New- 
Haven;  Mr.  Winslow  and  Mr.  Collier,  from  Plymouth.  The 
general  court  of  Massachusetts  appointed  Governor  Winthrop, 
Mr.  Dudley,  and  Mr.  Bradstreet,  of  the  magistrates,  and  of  the 
deputies,  Mr.  Hawthorne,  Mr.  Gibbons,  and  Mr.  Tyng.  There 
appeared,  at  this  time,  a  spirit  of  harmony  and  mutual  conde- 
scension among  the  commissioners,  and  on  the  19th  of  May,  1643, 
the  articles  were  completed  and  signed.  The  commissioners  were 
unanimous  in  adopting  them ;  but  those  from  Plymouth  did  not 
sign  them,  as  they  had  not  been  authorised  by  the  court.    At  the 


16431 


1643] 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


99 


meeting  of  the  commissioners  m  September,  tliey  came  vested 
with  plenary  powers,  and  signed  the*"- 

The  commissioners,  in  the  introductory  part,  deckre,  with  re- 
spect to  the  four  colonies  of  Mas  ^rhusetts,  Clymouth,  Connecti- 
cut, and  New-Haven,  and  the  plamations  under  their  respective 
jurisdictions,  that,  as  they  all  came  intt/  these  parts  of  America 
with  one  and  the  same  end  and  aim,  to  advance  the  kingdom  of 
our  Lord  Jesus  Christ,  and  enjoy  the  liberties  of  the  gospel  in 
purity  and  peace,  they  conceived  it  their  bounden  duty  to  enter 
into  a  present  confederation  among  themselves,  for  mutual  help 
and  strength  in  all  future  concernments;  that,  as  in  nation  and 
religion,  so  in  other  respects  they  be  and  continue  one,  and  hence- 
forth be  called  by  the  name  of  The  United  Colonies  of  New- 
England. 

They  declare,  that  the  said  united  colonies,  for  themselves  and 
their  posterity,  did,  jointly  and  severally,  enter  into  a  firm  and  per- 
petual league  of  friendship  and  amity,  of  offence  and  defence,  mu- 
tual aid  and  succour,  upon  all  just  occasions,  both  for  preserving 
and  propagating  the  truth  and  liberty  of  the  gospel,  and  for  their 
own  mutual  safety  and  welfare. 

The  articles  reserved  to  each  colony  an  entire  and  distinct  juris- 
diction. By  them,  no  two  colonies  might  be  united  in  one,  nor 
any  other  colony  be  received  into  the  confederacy,  without  the 
consent  of  the  whole. 

Each  colony  was  authorised  to  send  two  commissioners  an- 
nually, always  to  be  church  members,  to  meet  on  the  first  Monday 
in  September,  first  at  Boston,  then  at  Hartford,  New-Haven,  and 
Plymouth.  This  was  to  be  the  annual  order,  except  that  two 
meetings  successively  were  always  to  be  at  Boston. 

The  commissioners,  when  met,  were  authorised  to  choose  a 
president  from  among  themselves,  for  the  preservation  of  order. 
They  were  vested  with  plenary  powers  for  making  war  and  peace, 
laws  and  rules  of  a  civil  nature  and  of  general  concern.  Espe- 
cially, to  regulate  the  conduct  of  the  inhabitants  towards  the  Ind- 
ians, towards  fugitives,  for  the  general  defence  of  the  country, 
and  for  the  encouragement  and  support  of  religion. 

The  expense  of  all  wars,  offensive  or  defensive,  was  to  be  borne 
in  proportion  to  the  number  of  the  male  inhabitants  in  each  col- 
ony, between  sixteen  and  sixty  years  of  age. 

Upon  notice  from  three  magistrates  of  any  of  the  colonies  of 
an  invasion,  the  colonies  were  immediately  to  send  assistance,  the 
Massachusetts  a  hundred,  and  each  of  the  other  colonies  forty-five 
men.  If  a  greater  number  was  necessary,  the  commissioners  were 
to  meet  and  determine  the  number. 

All  determinations  of  the  commissioners,  in  which  six  were 
agreed,  were  binding  upon  the  whole.  If  there  were  a  majority, 
yet  under  six,  the  affair  was  to  be  referred  to  the  general  court 


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HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


[1643 


1643] 


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ef each  colony,  and  could  not  be  obligatory,  unless  the  courts 
unanimously  concurred. 

No  colony  might  engage  in  a  war,  without  the  consent  of  the 
whole  union,  unless  upon  some  urgent  and  sudden  occasion. 
Even  in  such  case,  it  was  to  be  avoided  as  far  as  possible,  con- 
sistent with  the  general  safety. 

If  a  meeting  were  summoned,  upon  any  extraordinary  occasion, 
and  the  whole  number  of  commissioners  did  not  attend,  any  four 
who  were  met,  might,  in  cases  which  admitted  of  no  delay,  deter- 
mine upon  a  war,  and  send  to  each  colony  for  its  proportion  of 
men.  A  number,  however,  less  than  six  could  not  determine  the 
justice  of  a  war,  nor  have  power  to  settle  a  bill  of  charges,  nor 
make  levies. 

If  either  of  the  confederates  should  break  any  article  of  the 
confederation,  or  injure  one  of  the  other  colonies,  the  affair  was 
to  be  determined  by  the  commissioners  of  the  three  other  con- 
federates. 

The  articles  also  made  provision,  that  all  servants  running  from 
their  masters,  and  criminals  flying  from  justice,  from  one  colony 
to  another,  should,  upon  demand,  and  proper  evidence  of  their 
character,  as  fugitives,  be  returned  to  their  masters,  and  to  the 
colonies  whence  they  had  made  their  escape;  that,  in  all  cases, 
law  and  justice  might  have  their  course. 

This  was  an  union  of  the  highest  consequence  to  the  New-Eng- 
land colonies.  It  made  them  formidable  to  the  Dutch  and  Ind- 
ians, and  respectable  among  their  French  neighbours.  It  was 
happily  adapted  to  maintain  a  general  harmony  among  them- 
selves, and  to  secure  the  peace  and  rights  of  the  country.  It  was 
one  of  the  principal  means  of  the  preservation  of  the  colonies, 
during  the  civil  wars  and  unsettled  state  of  affairs  in  England. 
It  was  the  grand  source  of  mutual  defence  in  Philip's  war,  and  of 
the  most  eminent  service  in  civilizing  the  Indians,  and  propagat- 
ing the  gospel  among  them.  The  union  subsisted  more  than  forty 
years,  until  the  abrogation  of  the  charters  of  the  New-England 
colonies,  by  king  James  the  second. 

This  union  was  very  seasonable.  The  Indians  were  so  tu- 
multuous and  hostile,  that  its  whole  influence  was  necessary  to 
prevent  a  general  war.  The  troubles  originated  in  the  ambitious 
and  perfidious  conduct  of  Miantonimoh,  chief  sachem  of  the  Nar- 
ragansets.  After  the  Pequot  war,  he  attempted  to  set  himself  up 
as  universal  sachem  over  all  the  Indians  in  New-England.  The 
old  grudge  and  hatred  which  had  subsisted  between  him  and  the 
Pcquots,  lie  now  suffered  to  embitter  and  inflame  his  rancorous 
heart  against  Uncas  and  the  Moheagans.  Without  any  regard 
to  the  league  made  between  him,  the  English,  and  the  Moheagans, 
at  Hartford,  in  1638,  when  the  Pequots  were  divided  between  him 
and  Uncas,  he  practised  murder  and  war  against  him.    At  the 


i643l 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


lOI 


same  time,  he  used  all  the  arts  of  which  he  was  master,  by  pres- 
ents and  intrigue,  to  inflame  the  Indians,  and  excite  a  general  in- 
surrection against  the  English  plantations.  The  Indians,  through 
his  influence,  had  been  collecting  arms  and  ammunition.  There 
appeared  among  them  a  general  preparation  for  war.  The  colo- 
nists were  obHged  to  keep  guards  and  watch  every  night,  from 
the  setting  to  the  rising  of  the  sun,  and  to  guard  their  inhabitants 
from  town  to  town,  and  from  one  place  to  another. 

Connecticut  was  for  making  war  immediately,  and  sent  press- 
ing letters  to  the  court  at  Boston,  urging  that  a  hundred  men 
might  be  sent  to  Saybrook  fort,  to  assist  against  the  enemy,  as 
circumstances  might  require.  But  the  court  of  Massachusetts 
pretended  to  doubt  of  the  facts  alleged,  and  would  not  consent. 

In  the  mean  time  Miantonimoh,  in  prosecution  of  his  bloody 
designs,  hired  a  Pequot,  one  of  Uncas's  men,  to  kill  him.  He 
made  an  attempt,  in  the  spring,  and  shot  Uncas  through  his  arm. 
He  then  ran  off  to  the  Narragansets,  reporting,  through  the  Ind- 
ian towns,  that  he  had  killed  Uncas.  But  when  it  was  known 
that  Uncas  was  not  dead,  though  wounded,  Miantonimoh  and  the 
Pequot  contrived  together,  and  reported  that  Uncas  had  cut 
through  his  arm  with  a  flint,  and  then  charged  the  Pequot  with 
shooting  him.  However,  Miantonimoh  soon  after  going  to  Bos- 
ton, in  company  with  the  Pequot  who  had  wounded  Uncas,  the 
governor  and  magistrates,  upon  examination,  found  clear  evi- 
dence, that  the  Pequot  was  guilty  of  the  crime,  with  which  he 
had  been  charged.  They  had  designs  of  apprehending  him  and 
sending  him  to  Uncas,  that  he  might  be  punished;  but  Miantoni- 
moh pleaded,  that  he  might  be  suffered  to  return  with  him,  and 
promised  that  he  would  send  him  to  Uncas.  Indeed,  he  so  ex- 
culpated himself,  and  made  such  fair  promises,  that  they  gave 
up  their  designs,  and  permitted  them  to  depart  in  peace.  About 
two  days  after,  Miantonimoh  murdered  the  Pequot,  on  his  re- 
turn, that  he  might  make  no  further  discovery  of  his  treacherous 
conduct. 

About  the  same  time  much  trouble  arose  from  Sequassen,  a 
sachem  upon  Connecticut  river.  Several  of  his  men  killed  a  prin- 
cipal Indian  belonging  to  Uncas.  He,  or  some  of  his  warriors, 
liad  also  waylaid  Uncas  himself,  as  he  was  going  down  the  said 
river,  and  shot  several  arrows  at  him.  Uncas  made  complaint  to 
the  governor  and  court  at  Connecticut,  of  these  outrages.  Gov- 
ernor Haynes  and  the  court  took  great  pains  to  make  peace  be- 
tween Uncas  and  Sequassen.  Upon  hearing  their  several  stories 
it  appeared,  that  Uncas  required,  that  six  of  Sequassen's  men 
should  be  delivered  to  him,  for  the  murder  of  his  man,  because 
he  was  a  great  man.  Governor  Haynes  and  the  court  laboured 
to  dissuade  Uncas  from  his  demand  of  six  men  for  one;  and 
urged  him  to  be  satisfied  upon  Sequassen's  delivering  up  the  mur- 


' '     I 


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102 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


[1643 


derer.  At  length,  with  much  persuasion  and  difficulty,  Uncas 
consented  to  accept  of  the  murderer  only.  But  Sequassen  would 
not  agree  to  deliver  him.  He  was  nearly  allied  to  Miantonimoh, 
and  one  of  his  peculiar  favorites.  Sequassen  chose  rather  to  fight, 
than  to  make  Uncas  any  compensation,  expressing,  at  the  same 
time,  his  dependence  on  Miantonimoh  for  assistance.  It  is  not 
improbable,  that  it  was  through  the  influence  of  Miantonimoh, 
that  he  came  to  this  resolution.  Uncas  and  Sequassen  fought. 
Sequassen  was  overcome.  Uncas  killed  a  number  of  his  men  and 
burned  his  wigwams. 

Miantonimoh,  without  consulting  the  English,  according  to 
agreement,  without  proclaiming  war,  or  giving  Uncas  the  least 
information,  raised  an  army  of  nine  hundred,  or  a  thousand  men, 
and  marched  against  him.  Uncas's  spies  discovered  the  army 
at  some  distance  and  gave  him  intelligence.  He  was  unprepared, 
but  rallying  between  four  and  five  hundred  of  his  bravest  men,* 
he  told  them  they  must  by  no  means  suffer  Miantonimoh  to  come 
into  their  town;  but  must  go  and  fight  him  on  his  way.  Having 
marched  three  or  four  miles,  the  armies  met  upon  a  large  plain. 
When  they  had  advanced  within  fair  bow  shot  of  each  other,  Un- 
cas had  recourse  to  a  stratagem,  with  which  he  had  previously 
acquainted  his  warriors.  He  desired  a  parley,  and  both  armies 
halted  in  the  face  of  each  other.  Uncas,  gallantly  advancing  in 
the  front  of  his  men,  addressed  Miantonimoh  to  this  eflfect,  "  You 
have  a  number  of  stout  men  with  you,  and  so  have  I  with  me. 
It  is  a  great  pity  that  such  brave  warriors  should  be  killed  in  a 
private  quarrel  between  us  only.  Come  like  a  man,  as  you  profess 
to  be,  and  let  us  fight  it  out.  If  you  kill  me,  my  men  shall  be 
yours;  but  if  I  kill  you,  your  men  shall  be  mine."  Miantonimoh 
replied,  "  My  men  came  to  fight,  and  they  shall  fight."  Uncas 
falling  instantly  upon  the  ground,  his  men  discharged  a  shower  of 
arrows  upon  the  Narragansets ;  and,  without  a  moment's  interval, 
rushing  upon  them,  in  the  most  furious  manner,  with  their  hid- 
eous Indian  yell,  put  them  immediately  to  flight.  The  Moheagans 
pursued  the  enemy  with  the  same  fury  and  eagerness  with  which 
they  commenced  the  action.  The  Narragansets  were  driven  down 
rocks  and  precipices,  and  chaser*  like  a  doe  by  the  huntsman. 
Among  others,  Miantonimoh  was  exceedingly  pressed.  Some  of 
Uncas's  bravest  men,  who  were  most  light  of  foot,  coming  up 
with  him,  twitched  him  back,  impeding  his  flight,  and  passed  him, 
that  Uncas  might  take  him.  Uncas  was  a  stout  man,  and  rushing 
forward,  like  a  lion  greedy  of  his  prey,  seized  him  by  his  shoulder. 
He  knew  Uncas,  and  saw  that  he  was  now  in  the  power  of  the 

'  Miss  Caulkins,  in  her  history  of  Norwich,  insists  that  this  is  a  large  overesti- 
mate of  the  forces  on  both  sides,  and  that  an  inquiry  into  the  effective  force  of  each 
tribe  will  show  that  one-half  the  number  named  above  would  be  more  nearly  cor- 
rect. Winthrop  is  the  authority  followed  by  Trumbull  and  others;  and  no  other 
authority  seems  available. — J.  T. 


1643I 


i643l 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


lOj 


man  whom  he  had  hated,  and  by  all  means  attempted  to  destroy; 
but  he  sat  down  sullen  and  spake  not  a  word.  Uncas  gave  the 
Indian  whoop  and  called  up  his  men,  who  were  behind,  to  his 
assistance.  The  victory  was  complete.  About  thirty  of  the  Nar- 
ragansets  were  slain,  and  a  much  greater  number  wounded. 
Among  the  latter  was  a  brother  of  Miantonimoh  and  two  sons 
of  Canonicus,  a  chief  sachem  of  the  Narraganset  Indians.  The 
brother  of  Miantonimoh  was  not  only  wounded,  but  armed  with 
a  coat  of  mail,  both  which  retarded  his  flight.  Two  of  Miantoni- 
moh's  captains,  who  formerly  were  Uncas's  men,  but  had  treach- 
erously deserted  him,  discovering  his  situation,  took  him  and 
carried  him  to  Uncas,  expecting  in  this  way  to  reconcile  them-< 
selves  to  their  sachem.  But  Uncas  and  his  men  slew  them.  Mi- 
antonimoh made  no  request,  either  for  himself  or  his  men;  but 
continued  in  the  same  sullen,  speechless  mood.  Uncas,  therefore, 
demanded  of  him  why  he  would  not  speak.  Said  he,  "  Had  you 
taken  me,  I  should  have  besought  you  for  my  life."  Uncas,  for 
the  present,  spared  his  life,  though  he  would  not  ask  it,  and  re- 
turned with  great  triumph  to  Moheagan,  carrying  the  Narragan- 
set Sachem,  as  an  illustrious  trophy  of  his  victory.* 

The  famous  Samuel  Gorton  and  his  company  had  purchased 
lands  of  Miantonimoh,  under  the  jurisdiction  of  Massachusetts 
and  Plymouth;  and  expected  to  be  vindicated  in  their  claims, 
by  him,  against  those  colonies,  and  against  the  Massachusetts  and 
Plymouth  sachems,  who  were  the  original  proprietors.  There- 
fore, when  the  news  of  Uncas'  victory,  and  of  the  capture  of  Mian- 
tonimoh, arrived  at  Providence,  they  sent  to  Uncas  to  deliver 
Miantonimoh,  threatening  him  that  the  power  of  the  English 
should  be  employed  against  him,  if  he  refused  a  compliance.  Un- 
cas, therefore,  carried  his  prisoner  to  Hartford,  to  advise  with 
the  governor  and  magistrates,  with  respect  to' his  conduct  in  such 
a  situation.  / 

The  governor  and  magistrates  were  of  the  opinion  that,  as 
there  was  no  open  war  between  them  and  the  Narragansets,  it 
was  not  prudent  for  them  to  intermeddle  with  the  quarrel;  but 
advised,  that  the  whole  affair  should  be  referred  to  the  commis- 
sioners of  the  united  colonies  at  their  meeting  in  September. 

How  long  Miantonimoh  continued  speechless,  does  not  appear; 
but  it  is  certain,  that  when  he  came  to  Hartford,  his  mouth  was 
opened.  He  most  earnestly  pleaded  to  be  left  in  the  custody  of 
the  English.  He  probably  expected  more  safety  and  better  treat- 
ment with  them,  than  with  Uncas.   Uncas  consented  to  leave  him 

'  This  account  is  taken  from  a  manuscript  of  Mr.  Hyde,  of  Norwich,  from  gov- 
ernor Winthrop's  Journal,  and  from  the  records  of  the  united  colonies,  in  one  or 
other  of  which,  all  the  facts  are  ascertained.  The  manuscript  represents  Mianto- 
nimoh as  having  900,  and  Uncas  6o3  men.  The  records  of  the  united  colonies  rep- 
resent, that  Miantonimoh  had  900,  or  1000  men,  and  that  Uncas  h&d  not  half  so 
many.     Governor  Winthrop's  account  is  essentially  the  same. 


■'I 


hi- 

J 


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p'l 


104 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


[1643 


at  Hartford,  but  insisted  that  he  should  be  kept  as  his  prisoner. 
He  was,  therefore,  kept  under  guard  at  Hartford,  until  the  meet- 
ing of  the  commissioners. 

On  the  7th  of  September,  the  commissioners  met  at  Boston. 
Governor  Winthrop  and  Thomas  Dudley,  Esquires,  were  com- 
missioners for  Massachusetts;  George  Fenwick  and  Edward 
Hopkins,  Esquires,  for  Connecticut;  and  Theophilus  Eaton  and 
Thomas  Gregson,  Esquires,  for  New-Haven.*  Governor  Win- 
throp was  chosen  President.  The  whole  affair  of  Uncas  and 
Miantonimoh  was  laid  before  the  commissioners,  and  the  facts 
already  related  were,  in  their  opinion,  fully  proved;  not  only  his 
attempts  upon  the  life  of  Uncas,  but  that  he  had  been  the  principal 
author  of  inflaming  and  stirring  up  the  Indians  to  a  general  con- 
federacy against  all  the  English  plantations.  It  also  appeared 
that,  instead  of  delivering  the  Pequot,  who  had  shot  Uncas,  as 
he  promised  in  open  court,  he  had  murdered  him  on  the  road  from 
Boston  to  Narraganset.  It  was  also  affirmed  to  the  commission- 
ers, that  the  Narragansets  had  sent  for  the  Mohawks,  and  that 
they  were  come  within  a  day's  journey  of  the  English  settlements, 
and  were  kept  back  only  by  the  capture  of  Miantonimoh:  That 
they  were  waiting  for  his  release,  and  then  would  prosecute  their 
designs  against  the  English,  or  Uncas,  or  against  both,  as  the 
Indians  should  determine.  The  commissioners,  having  fully  con- 
sidered the  premises,  laid  the  affair  before  five  or  six  of  the'  prin- 
cipal ministers  in  Massachusetts,  and  took  their  advice  relative 
to  the  lawfulness  and  justice  of  putting  him  to  death.  They  gave 
it  as  their  opinion,  that  he  ought  to  be  put  to  death.  The  com- 
missioners finally  resolved,  "  That  as  it  was  evident  that  Uncas 
could  not  be  safe,  while  Miantonimoh  lived;  but  that,  either  by 
secret  treachery  or  open  force,  his  life  would  be  continually  in 
danger,  he  might  justly  put  such  a  false  and  blood-thirsty  en- 
emy to  death."  They  determined  Uncas  should  not  do  it  in 
any  of  the  English  plantations,  but  in  his  own  jurisdiction.  At 
the  same  time,  they  advised,  that  no  torture  or  cruelty,  but  all 
mercy  and  moderation  be  exercised  in  the  manner  of  his  exe- 
cution. 

The  commissioners  also  determined,  that  if  the  Narragansets, 
or  any  other  Indians,  should  unjustly  assault  Uncas,  on  the  '\c- 
count  of  the  execution  of  Miantonimoh,  the  English  should,  upon 
his  desire,  assist  him  against  such  violence.' 

Governor  Winthrop  writes,  "  It  was  clearly  discovered  to  us, 
that  there  was  a  general  conspiracy  among  the  Indians,  to  cut 
off  all  the  English;  and  that  Miantonimoh  was  the  head  and 
contriver  of  it:  That  he  was  of  a  turbulent  and  proud  spirit,  and 

'  The  commissioners  for  Plymouth  are  not  upon  record  this  year.    It  is  probable 
that  they  did  not  arrive  until  after  the  commissioners  had  formed. 
*  Records  of  the  united  colonies. 


1643I 


l643l 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


105 


would  never  be  at  rest:  and  that  he  had  killed  the  Pequot  con- 
trary to  his  promise.^ 

The  commissioners  had  received  intimations,  that  the  Narra- 
gansets  had  it  in  contemplation  to  capture  one  or  more  of  them, 
with  a  view  to  the  redemption  of  Miantonimoh.  Their  determina- 
tion respecting  his  execution,  was  therefore  kept  as  a  profound 
secret,  until  after  the  return  of  the  commissioners  of  Connecticut 
and  New-Haven,  lest  it  should  inflame  and  engage  them,  in  ear- 
nest, to  make  the  attempt. 

Previously  to  the  meeting  of  the  commissioners,  the  Dutch 
governor  had  written  a  letter  to  governor  Winthrop,  containing 
high  congratulations  on  the  union  of  the  colonies,  and  at  the  same 
time  making  grievous  complaints  of  Connecticut  and  New-Haven, 
as  having  committed  unsuf¥erable  injuries  against  the  Dutch,  and 
as  having  given  misinformation  respecting  them  to  tlieir  agent  in 
Europe.  He  desired  a  categorical  answer  from  governor  Win- 
throp, whether  he  would  aid  or  desert  them,  that  he  might  know 
who  were  his  friends,  and  who  were  his  enemies.  The  governor, 
after  consulting  with  some  few  of  his  council,  who  were  at  hand, 
wrote  an  answer,  in  part,  to  the  Dutch  governor,  reserving  to 
himself  one  more  full,  at  the  session  of  the  general  court.  He 
represented  his  sorrow  for  the  differences  which  had  arisen  be- 
tween the  Dutch  and  his  brethren  at  Hartford,  suggesting  that 
they  might  be  settled  by  arbitrators,  either  in  England,  Holland, 
or  America.  He  observed,  that  by  the  articles  of  confederation, 
each  colony  was  obliged  to  seek  the  safety  and  welfare  of  the  other 
colonies,  no  less  than  its  own.  He  hoped  however,  that  this  would 
not  interrupt  the  friendship  which  had  subsisted  between  them 
and  the  Dutch.  The  governor  observed,  that  the  controversy  at 
Hartford  was  for  a  small  piece  of  land  only,  which,  in  so  vast 
a  continent  as  this,  was  of  too  little  value  to  make  a  breach  between 
protestants  so  related  in  profession  and  religion,  as  the  Dutch  and 
English  were.  He  therefore  earnestly  desired,  that  each  party 
would  carefully  avoid  all  injuries,  until  the  differences  between 
them  should  be  amicably  accommodated,  by  an  impartial  hearing 
and  adjudication,  either  in  Europe  or  America.* 

The  affair  was  now  brought  before  the  commissioners.  Gov- 
ernor Eaton  and  Mr.  Gregson  complained  of  the  outrages  which 
the  Dutch  had  committed  against  the  persons  and  property  of  the 
English,  within  the  limits  of  New-Haven,  at  Delaware,  and  in 
other  places,  and  made  proof  of  the  injuries  of  which  they  com- 
plained. The  conduct  of  the  Dutch  towards  Connecticut  was 
also  laid  before  the  commissioners,  by  governor  Hopkins  and 
Mr.  Fenwick. 

Upon  which  the  president  was  directed  to  write  a  letter,  in 
the  name  of  the  commissioners,  to  the  Dutch  governor,  stating 

•  Winthrop's  Journal,  p.  305,  306.  '  Ibid.,  p  303,  304,  303. 


tin 


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HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


t>643 


the  particular  injuries  which  the  Dutch  had  done  the  English 
colonies,  and  to  demand  satisfaction.  It  was  also  directed,  that, 
as  governor  Winthrop  had,  in  part  answered  the  Dutch  govern- 
or's letter  respecting  Connecticut,  he  would  now,  in  further 
answer  to  it,  particularize  the  injuries  done,  both  to  Connecticut 
and  New-Haven,  and  demand  an  answer.  He  was  also  author- 
ised to  assure  the  Dutch,  that  as  they  would  not  wrong  others, 
so  neither  would  they  desert  their  confederates  in  a  just  cause.* 

The  Indians,  at  this  period  were  beginning  to  acquire  the  use 
of  fire  arms.  The  French,  Dutch  and  others,  for  the  sake  of  gain, 
were  vending  them  arms  and  ammunition.  The  Indians  were 
in  such  a  tumultuous  and  hostile  state,  as  had  the  appearance 
of  a  general  war.  The  commissioners  therefore  gave  orders,  that 
the  militia,  in  the  several  colonies,  should  be  frequently  trained, 
and  completely  furnished  with  arms  and  ammunition.  All  the 
companies  were  to  be  mustered  and  reviewed  four  times  in  a  year. 
It  was  ordered,  that  all  the  towns  should  prepare  magazines,  in 
proportion  to  the  number  of  their  militia. 

The  commissioners,  having  given  the  necessary  directions  for 
the  execution  of  Miantonimoh,  and  for  the  general  safety  of  the 
country,  dispersed  and  returned  to  their  respective  colonies. 

Immediately,  upon  the  return  of  the  commissioners  of  Con- 
necticut and  New-Haven,  Uncas,  with  a  competent  number  of  his 
most  trusty  men,  was  ordered  to  repair  forthwith  to  Hartford. 
He  was  made  acquainted  with  the  determination  of  the  commis- 
sioners, and,  receiving  his  prisoner,  marched  with  him  to  the  spot 
where  he  had  been  taken.  At  the  instant  they  arrived  on  the 
ground,  one  of  Uncas's  men,  who  marched  behind  Miantonimoh, 
split  his  head  with  a  hatchet,  killing  him  at  a  single  stroke.  He 
was  probably  unacquainted  with  his  fate,  and  knew  not  by  what 
means  he  fell.  Uncas  cut  out  a  large  piece  of  his  shoulder,  and 
ate  it  in  savage  triumph.  He  said,  "  it  was  the  sweetest  meat  he 
ever  ate,  it  made  his  heart  strong." 

The  Moheagans,  by  the  order  of  Uncas,  buried  him  at  the  place 
of  his  execution,  and  erected  a  great  heap,  or  pillar,  upon  his 
grave.  This  memorable  event  gave  the  place  the  name  of  Sa- 
chem's Plain.*  Two  Englishmen  were  sent  with  Uncas,  to  wit- 
ness that  the  execution  was  done,  and  to  prevent  all  torture  and 
cruelty  in  the  manner  of  its  performance.  Connecticut  and  New- 
Haven,  agreeably  to  the  direction  of  the  commissioners,  sent  a 
party  of  soldiers  to  Moheagan,  to  defend  Uncas  against  any  cs- 

'  Records  of  the  united  colonies. 

'  Manuscript  of  Mr.  Hyde.  This  plain  is  in  the  eastern  part  of  the  town  of 
Norwich. 

NoTR. — ^The  manuscript  of  Richard  Hyde  here  and  previously  referred  to  is  dated  October  9, 1769, 
and  therefore  is  presumably  a  record  of  traditions  which  had  existed  126  years  rrgardine  incidents 
which  would  naturally  gather  dramatic  features  durint;  such  a  period.  It  appears  incredible  to  Miss 
Caulkins  that  the  execution  should  have  taken  place  here,  Winthrop's  Journal  places  it  between 
Hartford  and  Windsor.— J.  T. 


1643I 


t'i^- 


i64Sl 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


lor 


sault  which  might  be  made  upon  him  by  the  Narragansets,  in 
consequence  of  the  execution  of  their  sachem. 

Governor  Winthrop,  at  the  same  time,  according  to  the  orders 
which  he  had  received  from  the  commissioners,  dispatched  mes- 
sengers to  Canonicus,  the  Narraganset  sachem,  and  the  Narra- 
ganset  Indians,  to  certify  them,  that  the  English  had  noticed  their 
perfidy,  in  violating  the  league  between  them  and  the  English, 
from  time  to  time,  notwithstanding  the  English  had  treated  them 
with  love  and  integrity.  They  assured  them,  that  they  had  dis- 
covered their  mischievous  plots,  in  joining  with  Miantonimoh,  in 
purchasing  aid  of  the  Indians,  and,  by  gifts,  threats,  and  allure- 
ments, exciting  them  to  a  confederacy  to  root  out  the  whole  body 
of  the  English.  They  represented  to  them  their  treachery  in  wag- 
ing war  with  Uncas,  contrary  to  their  express  covenant  with  him, 
and  with  the  English.  They  justified  the  execution  of  Miantoni- 
moh, by  Uncas,  as  he  was  his  lawful  captive,  and  as  he  had  prac- 
tised treachery  and  murder  against  him  and  his  subjects.  They 
insisted,  that  it  was  both  just  and  agreeable  to  the  practice  of  the 
Indians  in  similar  cases.  It  was  declared  to  be  necessary  for  the 
safety  of  Uncas,  the  peace  of  the  country,  and  even  of  the  Narra- 
gansets themselves.  While  they  firmly  and  fully  represented 
these  facts  to  them,  they,  in  the  name  of  the  united  colonies,  ten- 
dered them  peace  and  safety.  They  assured  them,  that  they  would 
defend  Uncas  and  all  their  allies,  whether  English  or  Indians,  in 
their  just  rights:  that  if  they  desired  peace,  they  would  exercise 
equal  care  and  friendship  towards  them.* 

The  commissioners  gave  orders,  that  Connecticut  should  pro- 
vide for  the  defence  of  Uncas  against  any  assault  or  fury  of  the 
Narragansets,  or  any  other  Indians. 

Upon  the  general  election  at  New-Haven  in  October,  governor 
Eaton  and  Mr.  Stephen  Goodyear,  were  re-elected  governor  and 
deputy-governor.  Mr.  William  Fowler  and  Mr.  Edward  Tapp 
were  elected  magistrates  for  Milford,  and  Thurston  Rayner  for 
Stamford,  This  year,  for  the  first  time,  the  general  court  at  New- 
Haven,  are  distinctly  recorded  and  distinguished  by  the  names 
of  governor,  deputy-governor,  magistrates,  and  deputies. 

It  appears  that  the  plantation  at  Yennycock  had  not  fully  at- 
tended to  the  fundamental  article  of  admitting  none  to  be  free 
burgesses,  but  members  of  the  church.  It  was,  therefore,  at  this 
general  court,  decreed,  "  That  none  should  be  admitted  free  bur- 
gesses in  any  of  the  plantations,  but  such  as  were  members  of 
some  approved  church  in  New-En*gland :  that  such  only  should 
have  any  vote  in  elections;  and  that  no  power  for  ordering  any 
civil  affairs,  should  be  put  into  the  hands  of  any  but  such." 

It  was  enacted,  that  each  town  in  the  jurisdiction  should  choose 
their  own  judges,  in  ordinary  cases.    They  were  authorised  to 

'  Records  of  the  United  Colonies. 


■;'^P 


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«« 


io8 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


[1643 


judge  in  civil  cases,  not  exceeding  twenty  shillings,  and  in  crim- 
inal cases,  in  which  the  punishment  did  not  exceed  setting  the 
delinquent  in  the  stocks,  whipping  him,  or  fining  not  exceeding 
five  pounds.  If  there  were  a  magistrate,  or  magistrates,  in  the 
towns  in  which  these  town  courts  were  holden,  uien  the  magis- 
trate, or  magistrates,  were  to  sit  in  the  court,  and  judgment  was 
to  be  given  with  a  due  respect  to  their  advice.  From  these  courts, 
there  was  liberty  of  appeal  to  the  court  of  magistrates. 

It  was  granted,  that  all  the  free  burgesses  in  the  plantations, 
should  vote  in  the  choice  of  governors,  magistrates,  secretary,  and 
treasurer.  It  was  also  granted,  that  each  town  should  have  a 
magistrate,  if  they  desired  it,  chosen  from  among  their  own  free 
burgesses. 

At  this  general  court,  a  court  of  magistrates  was  appointed, 
consisting  of  all  the  magistrates  in  the  jurisdiction.  They  were 
to  meet  twice,  annually,  at  New-Haven,  on  the  Mondays  preced- 
ing the  general  courts  in  April  and  October.  This  court  was 
authorised  to  receive  appeals  from  the  plantation  courts,  and  to 
try  all  important  causes,  civil  and  criminal.  Every  magistrate  was 
obliged,  on  penalty  of  a  fine,  to  give  his  attendance.  Four  magis- 
trates constituted  a  quorum.  AH  judgments  of  the  court  were 
to  be  determined  by  a  major  vote.  All  trials  were  decided  by 
the  bench.  It  does  not  appear  that  juries  were  ever  used  in  the 
colony  of  New-Haven. 

The  court  enacted,  that  there  should  be  two  general  courts  for 
this  colony,  to  meet  at  New-Haven,  on  the  first  Wednesday  in 
April,  and  the  last  in  October,  annually.  It  was  decreed,  that  the 
general  court  should  consist  of  a  deputy-governor,  magistrates, 
and  two  deputies  from  each  town.  In  the  last  of  these  general 
courts,  a  governor,  deputy-governor,  magistrates,  secretary, 
treasurer,  and  marshal,  or  high  sheriff,  were  to  be  annually 
chosen.  The  governor,  or,  in  his  absence,  the  deputy-governor, 
had  power  to  call  a  general  court,  upon  pressing  emergencies,  and 
whenever  it  might  be  necessary.  AH  the  members  were  obliged 
to  attend,  upon  penalty  of  twenty  shillings  fine,  in  case  of  default. 
It  was  ordained,  that  in  this  court  should  subsist  the  supreme 
power  of  the  commonwealth. 

It  was  particularly  ordained  that  the  general  court  should,  with 
all  care  and  diligence,  endeavour  to  maintain  the  purity  of  relig- 
ion, and  to  suppress  all  irreligion,  according  to  the  best  light  they 
could  obtain  from  the  divine  oracles,  and  by  the  advice  of  the 
elders  and  churches  in  the  jurisdiction,  so  far  as  it  might  concern 
the  civil  power.^ 

The  Dutch  were  this  year  exceedingly  harassed  and  distressed 
by  the  Indians,  and  made  application  to  governor  Eaton  and  the 
general  court,  soliciting  that  a  hundred  men  might  be  raised  in 
Records  of  New-Haven,  fol.  vol.  i.  p.  73,  74,  75. 


1643! 


i643l 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


109 


the  plantations,  for  their  assistance  against  such  barbarous  en- 
emies. 

The  war  between  the  Dutch  and  Indians  began  in  this  manner. 
A  drunken  Indian,  in  his  intoxication,  killed  a  Dutchman.  The 
Dutch  demanded  the  murderer,  but  he  was  not  to  be  found. 
They  then  made  application  to  their  governor  to  avenge  the  mur- 
der. He,  judging  it  would  be  unjust  or  unsafe,  considering  the 
numbers  of  the  Indians,  and  the  weak  and  scattered  state  of  the 
Dutch  settlements,  neglected  to  comply  with  their  repeated  solici- 
tations. In  the  mean  time  the  Mohawks,  as  the  report  was,  ex- 
cited by  the  Dutch,  fell  suddenly  on  the  Indians,  in  the  vicinity 
of  the  Dutch  settlements,  and  killed  nearly  thirty  of  them.  Others 
fled  to  the  Dutch  for  protection.  One  Marine,  a  Dutch  captain, 
getting  intelligence  of  their  state,  made  application  to  the  Dutch 
governor,  and  obtained  a  commission  to  kill  as  many  of  them 
as  it  should  be  in  his  power.  Collecting  a  company  of  armed  men, 
he  fell  suddenly  upon  the  Indians,  while  they  were  unapprehen- 
sive of  danger,  and  made  a  promiscuous  slaughter  of  men,  women 
and  children,  to  the  number  of  seventy  or  eighty.  This  instantly 
roused  the  Indians,  in  that  part  of  the  country,  to  a  furious,  ob- 
stinate and  bloody  war.  In  the  spring,  and  beginning  of  the  sum- 
mer, they  burnt  the  Dutch  out-houses;  and  driving  their  cattle 
into  their  barns,  they  burned  the  barns  and  cattle  together.  They 
killed  twenty  or  more  of  the  Dutch  people,  and  pressed  so  hard 
upon  them  that  they  were  obliged  to  take  refuge  in  their  fort,  and 
to  seek  help  of  the  English.  The  Indians  upon  Long-Island 
united  in  the  war  with  those  on  the  main,  and  burned  the  Dutch 
houses  and  bams.  The  Dutch  governor  in  this  situation,  invited 
captain  Underbill  from  Stamford  to  assist  him  in  the  war.  Ma- 
rine, the  Dutch  captain,  was  so  exasperated  with  this  proceeding 
that  he  presented  his  pistol  at  the  governor,  and  would  have  shot 
him,  but  was  prevented  by  one  who  stood  by  him.  Upon  this 
one  of  Marine's  tenants  discharged  his  musket  at  the  governor, 
and  the  ball  but  just  missed  him.  The  governor's  sentinel  shot 
the  tenant  and  killed  him  on  the  spot.  The  Dutch,  who  at  first 
were  so  forward  for  a  war  with  the  Indians,  were  now,  when  they 
experienced  the  loss  and  dangers  of  it,  so  irritated  at  the  gov- 
ernor, for  the  orders  which  he  had  given,  that  he  could  not  trust 
himself  among  them.  He  was  obliged  to  keep  a  constant  guard 
of  fifty  Englishmen  about  his  person.*  In  the  summer  and  fall  the 
Indians  killed  fifteen  more  of  the  Dutch  people,  and  drove  in  all 
the  inhabitants  of  the  English  and  Dutch  settlements,  west  of 
Stamford. 

In  prosecution  of  their  works  of  destruction,  they  made  a  visit 

'  Brodhead,  in  his  History  of  N.  Y.,  citing  documentary  authorities,  insists 
that  this  is  an  error  of  V^inthrop's,  which  Trumbull  follows,  and  that  these  fifty 
Englishmen  under  Underhill  were  among  the  regularly  enrolled  forces  for  the  de- 
fence of  the  Dutch — J.  T. 


n 


n 


U 


.*  t. 


f .  t: 


.? 


mi 


m 


ii\ 


no 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


t»643 


1644] 


1 


Bi 


to  the  neighbourhood  where  Mra.  Hutchinson,  who  had  been  so 
famous,  at  Boston,  for  her  Antinomian  and  familistical  tenets,  had 
made  a  settlement.  The  Indians,  at  first,  appeared  with  the  same 
friendship  with  which  they  used  to  frequent  her  house;  but  they 
murdered  her  and  all  her  family,  Mr.  Collins,  her  son  in  law,  and 
several  other  persons,  belonging  to  other  families  in  the  neigh- 
bourhood. Eighteen  persons  were  killed  in  the  whole.  The  Ind- 
ians, with  an  implacable  fury,  prosecuted  the  destruction  of  the 
Dutch,  and  of  their  property,  in  all  that  part  of  the  country.  They 
killed  and  burned  their  cattle,  horses  and  barns  without  resistance. 
Having  destroyed  the  settlements  in  the  country,  they  passed  over 
to  the  Dutch  plantations  on  Long-Island,  doing  all  the  mischief 
of  which  they  were  capable.  The  Dutch,  who  escaped,  were  con- 
fined to  their  fort,  and  were  obliged  to  kill  and  eat  their  cattle, 
for  their  subsistence.  Their  case  was  truly  distressing.*  It  de- 
manded succour  as  far  as  it  could  have  been  consistently  given. 

Governor  Eaton  and  the  general  court,  having  maturely  con- 
sidered the  purport  of  the  Dutch  governor's  letter,  rejected  the 
proposal  for  raising  men  and  assisting  in  the  war  against  the  Ind- 
ians. Their  principal  reasons  were,  that  joining  separately  in 
war,  was  prohibited  by  the  articles  of  confederation ;  and  that  they 
were  not  satisfied  that  the  Dutch  war  with  the  Indians  was  just. 

Nevertheless  it  was  determined,  that  if  the  Dutch  needed  corn 
and  provisions  for  men  or  cattle,  by  reason  of  the  destruction 
which  the  Indians  had  made,  the  court  would  give  them  all  the 
assistance  in  its  power.^ 

The  war  continued  several  years,  and  was  bloody  and  destruc- 
tive both  to  the  Dutch  and  Indians.  Captain  Underbill  had  the 
principal  management  of  it,  and  was  of  great  service  to  the  Dutch, 
He  collected  a  flying  army  of  a  hundred  and  twenty,  and  some- 
times of  a  hundred  and  fifty  men,  English  and  Dutch,  by  which 
he  preserved  the  Dutch  settlements  from  total  destruction.  It 
was  supposed,  that,  upon  Long-Island  and  on  the  main,  he  killed 
between  four  and  five  hundred  Indians.' 

The  Indians  at  Stamford  too  much  caught  the  spirit  of  the  west- 
ern Indians  in  their  vicinity,  who  were  at  war  with  the  Dutch. 
They  appeared  so  tumultuous  and  hostile,  that  the  people  at 
Stamford  were  in  great  fear,  that  they  should  soon  share  the  fate 
of  the  settlements  at  the  westward  of  them.  They  wrote  to  the 
general  court  at  New-Haven,  that  in  their  apprehensions  there 
were  just  grounds  of  a  war  with  those  Indians,  and  that  if  their 
houses  should  be  burned,  because  the  other  plantations  would  not 
consent  to  war,  they  ought  to  bear  the  damage. 

The  Narraganset  Indians  were  enraged  at  the  death  of  their 
sachem.    The  English  were  universally  armed.     The  strictest 

•  Winthrop's  Journal,  p.  272,  273  and  ^08.  '  Records  of  New-Haven. 

^  Dr.  Belknap's  Hist  vol.  i.  p.  50. 


i644l 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


Ill 


watch  and  guard  was  kept  in  all  the  plantations.  In  Connecticut, 
every  family,  in  which  there  was  a  man  capable  of  bearing  arms, 
was  obliged  to  send  one  complete  in  arms,  every  Lord's  day,  to 
defend  the  places  of  public  worship.  Indeed  all  places  wore  the 
aspect  of  a  general  war. 


I\ 


CHAPTER  VIII. 


r?1 


li''* 


THE  affairs  both  of  Old  and  New-England,  wore  so  gloomy 
an  aspect,  at  this  time,  that  the  pious  people,  in  the  colonies, 
judged  extraordinary  fasting  and  prayer  to  be  their  indispensable 
duty.  The  flames  of  civil  discord  were  kindled  in  England,  and 
the  tumultuous  and  hostile  state  of  the  natives  in  the  united  col- 
onies, threatened  them  with  a  bloody  and  merciless  Indian  war. 
The  general  court  of  Connecticut  therefore  ordained  a  monthly 
fast,  through  the  colony,  to  begin  on  Wednesday,  the  6th  of  Jan- 
uary. New-Haven  had  before  appointed  a  fast,  at  the  same  time, 
in  all  the  plantations  in  that  jurisdiction.  Indeed,  this  was  prac- 
tised, throughout  the  united  colonies,  during  the  civil  wars  in 
England.  The  colonists  sympathized  with  their  brethren,  in  their 
native  country,  and  conformed  to  them  in  their  days  of  humilia- 
tion and  prayer. 

The  freemen  of  Connecticut  and  New-Haven,  exhibited  a  re- 
markable example  of  steadiness  in  the  election  of  civil  officers. 
Nearly  the  same  persons  were  chosen  annually  into  places  of  prin- 
cipal trust  as  long  as  they  lived.  This  year  Edward  Hopkins,  Esq. 
was  chosen  governor,  and  John  Haynes,  Esquire,  deputy-gov- 
ernor. The  other  magistrates  were  the  same  as  they  had  been 
the  last  year,  except  Mr.  William  Swain,  who  was  chosen  into  the 
magistracy.  Mr.  Haynes  and  Mr.  Hopkins  were  generally  elected, 
alternately  governor  and  deputy-governor,  during  their  respec- 
tive lives.  The  reason  of  this  annual  change  of  them,  from  gov- 
ernor to  deputy-governor,  was  because  the  constitution  prohibited 
the  choice  of  any  man  governor,  more  than  once  in  two  years. 

At  New-Haven,  governor  Eaton  was  annually  elected  to  the 
office  of  governor,  during  his  life ;  and  Mr.  Stephen  Goodyear  was 
generally  chosen  deputy-governor. 

The  Indians  were  no  more  peaceable  this  year,  than  they  were 
the  last.  Those  in  the  western  part  of  Connecticut,  still  conducted 
themselves  in  a  hostile  manner.  In  the  spring,  they  murdered  a 
man  belonging  to  Massachusetts,  between  Fairfield  and  Stamford. 
About  six  or  eight  weeks  after  the  murder  was  discovered,  the 
Indians  promised  to  deliver  the  murderer,  at  Uncoway,  if  Mr. 
Ludlow  would  appoint  men  to  receive  him.  Mr.  Ludlow  sent  ten 
men  for  that  purpose;  but  as  soon  as  the  Indians  came  within 


•*^ 


i 


113 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


[1644 


sight  of  the  town,  they,  by  general  consent,  unbound  the  prisoner 
and  suffered  him  to  escape.  The  English  were  so  exasperated  at 
this  insult,  that  they  immediately  seized  on  eight  or  ten  of  the  Ind- 
ians, and  committed  them  to  prison.  There  was  among  them  not 
less  than  one  or  two  sachems.  Upon  this,  the  Indians  arose  in 
great  numbers  about  the  town,  and  exceedingly  alarmed  the  peo- 
ple, both  at  Fairfield  and  Stamford.  Mr.  Ludlow  wrote  to  New- 
Haven  for  advice.  The  court  desired  him  to  keep  the  Indians 
in  durance,  and  assured  him  of  immediate  assistance,  should  it 
be  necessary  and  desired.  A  party  of  twenty  men  were  draughted 
forthwith,  and  prepared  to  march  to  Stamford  upon  the  shortest 
notice.  The  Indians  were  held  in  custody,  until  four  sachems,  in 
those  parts,  appeared  and  interceded  for  them,  promising,  that  if 
the  English  would  release  them,  they  would,  within  a  month,  de- 
liver the  murderer  to  justice. 

Not  more  than  a  month  after  their  release,  an  Indian  went 
boldly  into  the  town  of  Stamford,  and  made  a  murderous  assault 
upon  a  woman,  in  her  house.  Finding  no  man  at  home,  he  took 
up  a  lathing  hammer,  and  approached  her  as  though  he  were 
about  to  put  it  into  her  hand;  but,  as  she  was  stooping  down  to 
take  her  child  from  the  cradle,  he  struck  her  upon  the  head.  She 
fell  instantly  with  the  blow;  he  then  struck  her  twice,  with  the 
sharp  part  of  the  hammer,  which  penetrated  her  skull.  Supposing 
her  to  be  dead,  he  plundered  the  house,  and  made  his  escape. 
Soon  after,  the  woman  so  far  recovered,  as  to  describe  the  Indian, 
and  his  manner  of  dress.  Her  wounds,  which  at  first  appeared 
to  be  mortal,  were  finally  healed ;  but  her  brain  was  so  affected, 
that  she  lost  her  reason. 

At  the  same  time,  the  Indians  rose  in  those  parts,  with  the  most 
tumultuous  and  hostile  appearances.  They  refused  to  come  to 
the  English,  or  to  have  any  treaty  with  them.  They  appeared, 
in  a  very  alarming  manner,  about  several  of  the  plantations,  firing 
their  pieces,  and  exceedingly  terrifying  the  inhabitants.  They  de- 
serted their  wigwams,  and  neglected  to  weed  their  corn.  The 
English  had  intelligence  that  the  Indians  designed  to  cut  them 
off.  Most  of  the  English  judged  it  unsafe  to  travel  by  land,  and 
some  of  the  plantations  were  obliged  to  keep  a  strong  guard  and 
watch,  night  and  day.  And  as  they  had  not  numbers  sufficient 
to  defend  themselves,  they  made  application  to  Hartford  and 
New-Haven  for  assistance.  They  both  sent  aid  to  the  weaker 
parts  of  their  respective  colonies.  New-Haven  sent  help  to  Fair- 
field and  Stamford,  as  they  were  much  nearer  to  them,  than  to 
Connecticut. 

After  a  great  deal  of  alarm  and  trouble,  the  Indian,  who  had 
attempted  the  murder  of  the  woman,  was  delivered  up,  and  con- 
demned to  death.  He  was  executed  at  New-Haven.  The  execu- 
tioner cut  off  his  head  with  a  falchion:  but  it  was  cruelly  done. 


1644] 


i644l 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


Its 


He  gave  the  Indian  eight  blows,  before  he  effected  the  execution. 
The  Indian  sat  erect  and  motionless,  until  his  head  was  severed 
from  his  body.* 

Both  the  colonic"  of  Connecticut  and  New-Haven,  were  put 
to  great  expense,  ais  year,  in  defending  themselves,  and  they 
were  obliged  to  beur  the  whole  charge,  as  the  measures  adopted 
for  their  defence,  were  taken  by  the  order  of  their  respective 
legislatures,  and  not  by  the  direction  of  the  commissioners. 

The  unhappy  divisions  which  continued  at  Weathersfield,  occa- 
sioned another  settlement  under  the  jurisdiction  of  New-Haven. 
As  Mr.  Eaton,  to  whom  Totoket  had  been  granted,  in  1640,  had 
not  performed  the  conditions  of  the  grant,  New-Haven,  for  the 
accommodation  of  a  number  of  people  at  Weathersfield,  made 
a  sale  of  it  to  Mr.  William  Swain,  and  others  of  that  town.  They 
sold  it  at  the  price  which  it  cost  them,  stipulating  with  Mr.  Swain 
and  his  company,  that  they  should  unite  with  that  colony,  in  all 
the  fundamental  articles  of  government.  The  settlement  of  the 
town  immediately  commenced.  At  the  same  time,  Mr.  Abraham 
Pierson,  with  a  part  of  his  church  and  congregation,  from  South- 
ampton, on  Long-Island,  removed  and  united  with  the  people  of 
Weathersfield,  in  the  settlement  of  the  town.  A  regular  church 
was  soon  formed,  and  Mr.  Pierson  was  chosen  pastor.  The  towt; 
was  named  Branford.  Mr.  Swain  was  the  principal  planter,  and, 
a  few  years  after,  was  chosen  one  of  the  magistrates  of  the  colony 
of  New-Haven,  as  he  had  previously  been  of  the  colony  of  Con- 
necticut. 

The  meeting  of  the  commibctoners,  September  5th,  was  at  Hart- 
ford. Mr.  Simon  Bradstreet  and  Mr.  William  Hawthorne  were 
commissioners  from  the  Massachusetts;  Mr.  Edward  Winslow 
and  Mr.  William  Brown,  from  Plymouth ;  Governor  Hopkins  and 
Mr.  George  Fenwick,  for  Connecticut ;  and  Governor  Eaton  and 
Mr.  Thomas  Gregson,  from  New-Haven. 

No  sooner  was  the  meeting  opened,  than  a  proposal  was  made 
by  the  commissioners  from  Massachusetts,  directed  by  their  gen- 
eral court,  that  the  commissioners  from  that  colony  should  always 
have  preference  to  the  commissioners  of  the  other  colonies,  and 
be  allowed  to  subscribe  first,  in  the  same  order  in  which  the  ar- 
ticles of  confederation  had  been  signed. 

Upon  consideration  of  the  proposal,  the  commissioners  were 
unanimously  of  the  opinion,  that  no  such  thing  had  either  been 
proposed,  granted,  or  practised,  by  the  commissioners  of  the 
other  jurisdictions,  in  any  of  their  former  meetings,  though  the 
articles  had  been  subscribed  in  the  presence  of  the  general  court 
of  the  Massachusetts.  They  resolved,  that  the  commission  was 
free,  and  might  not  receive  any  thing,  but  what  was  expressed  by 
the  articles  of  confederation,  as  imposed  by  any  general  court. 
■  Records  of  the  colonies,  and  Winthrop's  Journal,  p.  352. 


h  > 


m 


'4 
>    I 

> 


3 


.    pi 


n 


114 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


[i64<f 


i 


Nevertheless,  they  determined,  that,  on  account  of  their  respect 
to  the  Massachusetts,  they  willingly  granted,  that  their  commis- 
sioners in  that,  and  in  all  future  meetings,  should  subscribe  first, 
after  the  president,  and  the  commissioners  of  the  other  colonies 
in  such  order  as  they  were  named  in  the  articles ;  viz.  Plymouth, 
Connecticut,  and  New-Haven. 

The  Indians  were,  this  year,  almost  every  where  troublesome, 
and,  in  some  places,  in  a  high  state  of  hostility.  In  Virginia  they 
generally  rose,  and  made  a  most  horrible  massacre  of  the  Eng- 
lish,^ and  it  was  imagined,  that  there  was  a  general  combination 
among  the  southern  and  New  England  Indians,  to  destroy  all 
the  colonies.  The  Narraganset  Indians,  regardless  of  all  their 
covenants  with  the  English  and  with  Uncas,  continued  in  acts  of 
constant  hostility  against  the  latter,  and  so  oppressed  the  sachems 
and  Indians  under  the  protection  of  the  Massachusetts,  that  they 
were  obliged  to  dispatch  a  party  of  men  for  their  defence  and  as- 
sistance, in  fortifying  against  these  oppressors. 

The  commissioners  immediately  sent  Thomas  Stanton,  their 
interpreter  and  Nathaniel  Willet,  into  the  Narraganset  and  Mo- 
heagan  countries,  with  particular  instructions  to  their  respective 
sachems.  They  were  instructed  to  acquaint  the  sachems,  that 
the  commissioners  were  then  met  at  Hartford;  and  that,  if  they 
would  appear  and  lay  their  respective  grievances  before  them, 
they  would  judge  impartially  between  them:  that  the  commis- 
sioners had  heard  the  report  which  they  had  spread  abroad  con- 
cerning Un^as,  that  he  had  taken  a  ransom,  in  part,  for  Mianto- 
nimoh,  and  afterwards  had  put  him  to  death ;  and  that  he  refused 
to  return  the  ransom.  They  were  directed  to  assure  them,  that 
Uncas  utterly  denied  the  charge:  that  nevertheless,  if  they  would 
go  themselves,  or  send  some  of  their  principal  men  to  Hartford, 
the  commissioners  would  impartially  hear  this,  and  all  other  dif- 
ferences subsisting  between  them  and  the  Moheagans,  and  assist 
them  in  the  settlement  of  an  amicable  correspondence  between 
the  two  nations ;  and  that  the  parties  should  have  a  safe  passage 
to  and  from  Hartford,  without  any  injury  from  the  English.  Ac- 
cording to  their  instructions,  they  demanded  of  both  parties,  that 
they  should  commit  no  acts  of  hostility  against  each  other  in  their 
travels  to  Hartford,  nor  on  their  return  to  their  respective  coun- 
tries; and  that  all  hostilities  against  each  other's  plantations 
should  cease,  during  the  hearing  and  treaty  proposed.  If  either 
of  the  parties  should  refuse  to  go  or  send  to  Hartford,  the  treaty 
made  in  1638  was  to  be  urged  against  them,  and  their  engage- 
ments not  to  go  to  war  with  each  other,  until  they  had  acquainted 
the  English  with  their  grievances,  and  taken  their  advice.    Di- 

'  In  two  days  they  massacred  about  300  Virginians.  Many  of  them  were  killed 
so  suddenly  and  unexpectedly,  that  they  knew  neither  the  hand  nor  weapon  by 
which  they  fell. 


1 644] 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


ii5 


rections  were  given,  that  it  should  be  demanded  of  the  party  re- 
fusing, what  their  designs  were?  Whether  they  were  for  peace 
or  war?  Whether  they  designed  to  perform  their  treaties  made 
with  the  EngHsh  of  Massachusetts  and  Connecticut?  Or  whether 
they  considered  them  as  all  broken  and  void?  The  interpreter 
was  charged  fully  to  state  all  these  articles  to  the  Indians,  and, 
having  taken  their  answers  in  writing,  to  read  them  to  the  sa- 
chems, that  they  might  understand  and  acknowledge  them  to  be 
the  very  answers  which  they  had  given. 

In  consequence  of  this  message,  the  Narraganset  Indians  sent 
one  of  their  sachems,  with  other  chief  men,  to  prove  their  charge 
against  Uncas,  and  to  treat  with  the  English.  They,  also,  bound 
themselves  to  confirm  what  their  deputies  should  do  in  their 
name.  Uncas,  also,  made  his  appearance,  and  the  commissioners 
went  into  a  full  hearing  of  all  differences  between  the  parties. 
Upon  hearing  the  case,  the  commissioners  found,  that  there  never 
had  been  any  agreement  between  the  Narragansets  and  Uncas, 
for  the  redemption  of  Miantonimoh,  nor  any  thing  paid,  in  whole 
or  in  part,  for  his  ransom.  Notwithstanding,  they  declared,  that 
if  the  Narragansets  should  hereafter  be  able  to  prove  what  they 
had  alleged  against  Uncas,  that  they  would  order  him  to  make 
full  satisfaction.  They  also  resolved,  that  neither  the  Narra- 
gansets nor  Nehanticks  should  make  any  war  or  assault  upon 
Uncas,  or  any  of  his  men,  until  they  should  make  proof  of  the 
pretended  ransom,  and  that  Uncas  had  refused  to  make  them  sat- 
isfaction. 

The  Narraganset  sachem  and  his  counsellors,  upon  consulta- 
tion together,  stipulated,  in  behalf  of  the  Narraganset  and  Nehan- 
tick  Indians,  that  no  hostility  should  be  committed  against  Uncas, 
or  any  of  his  Indians,  until  after  the  next  year's  time  of  planting 
corn.  They  also  covenanted,  that,  before  they  began  war,  they 
would  give  thirty  days'  notice,  either  to  the  governor  of  Massa- 
chusetts or  Connecticut.  Thus,  for  the  present,  by  the  vigorous 
and  prudent  exertions  of  the  colonies  and  their  commissioners, 
an  Indian  war  was  prevented. 

Yoncho,  Wiantanse,  Moughmatow,  and  Weena.s^aninim,  sa- 
chems of  Monhauset  and  its  vicinity,  on  Long-Island,  with  their 
companies,  appeared  before  the  commissioners,  and  represented, 
that  they,  and  the  Long-Island  Indians,  had  been  tributaries  to 
the  English  ever  since  the  Pequot  war,  and  that  they  had  never 
injured  the  English  nor  the  Dutch,  but  had  been  friendly  to  both. 
They,  therefore,  desired  a  certificate  of  their  relation  to  the  Eng- 
lish, and  to  be  taken  under  the  protection  of  the  united  colonies. 
Upon  this  representation,  the  commissioners  gave  them  a  cer- 
tificate, and  declared,  that  it  was  their  desire,  while  they  continued 
peaceable,  and  did  not  intermeddle  with  the  quarrels  of  other  Ind- 
ians, they  and  their  companies  might  enjoy  ample  peace,  without 


11 


I  ■■;^»|i 


•^ 


•J 


r^' 


M\v 


an 


n 


ii6 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


[1644 


any  disturbance  from  the  English,  or  any  in  connection  or  friend- 
ship with  them. 

In  this  meeting,  the  commissioners  of  Massachusetts  laid  claim 
to  part  of  the  Pequot  country,  on  the  footing  of  joint  conquest. 
They  desired,  that  a  division  of  the  country  might  be  made,  or 
some  way  prescribed,  by  which  the  affair  might  be  compromised. 

Mr.  Fenwick,  in  behalf  of  himself,  and  the  noblemen  and  gentle- 
men in  England,  particularly  interested  in  the  lands  in  question, 
pleaded,  that  nothing  in  their  absence  might  be  determined  against 
their  title.  He  insisted,  that  Pequot  harbour,  and  the  lands  in 
the  adjacent  country,  were  of  great  consequence  to  the  gentle- 
men interested  in  the  Connecticut  patent.  He  said  they  had  a 
special  respect  to  them,  in  their  consultations,  relative  to  a  plan- 
tation in  these  parts. 

The  commissioners  judged,  that  a  convenient  time  ought  to  be 
given  to  those  noble  personages  to  plead  their  right,  and  that  all 
patents,  of  equal  authority,  ought  to  have  the  same  construction, 
both  with  reference  to  propriety  and  jurisdiction. 

The  commissioners  of  Massachusetts  also  made  claim  to  War- 
anoke,  now  Westfield,  as  lying  within  the  limits  of  their  patent. 
Mr.  Fenwick,  at  the  same  time,  claimed  it  as  covered  by  the  patent 
of  Connecticut.  However,  as  it  appeared  to  the  commissioners, 
that  Mr.  Fenwick  had  promised,  before  this  meeting,  either  to 
clear  his  title  to  Waranoke,  or  submit  to  the  government  of  Massa- 
chusetts, they  determined,  that  Waranoke,  with  Mr.  Hopkins's 
trading  house,  and  the  other  houses  and  lands  in  that  plantation, 
should  be  under  the  jurisdiction  of  Massachusetts,  until  it  should 
be  made  evident  to  which  colony  they  belonged;  but  that  the  pro- 
priety of  *he  land  should  belong  to  the  purchasers,  provided  it 
should  not  exceed  two  thousand  acres. 

The  reverend  Mr.  Shepard  wrote  to  the  commissioners,  repre- 
senting the  necessity  of  further  assistance  for  the  support  of  schol- 
ars at  Cambridge,  whose  parents  were  needy,  and  desired  them 
to  encourage  a  general  contribution  through  the  colonies.  The 
commissioners  approved  the  motion ;  and,  for  the  encouragement 
of  literature,  recommended  it  to  the  general  courts  in  the  respec- 
tive colonies,  to  take  it  into  their  consideration,  and  to  give  it 
general  encouragement.  The  general  courts  adopted  the  recom- 
mendation, and  contributions  of  grain  and  provisions  were  annu- 
ally made,  through  the  united  colonies,  for  the  charitable  end  pro- 
posed. 

At  this  meeting  a  plan  was  concerted  by  the  commissioners,  for 
a  general  trade  with  the  Indians,  by  a  joint  stock.  It  was  proposed 
to  begin  the  trade  with  a  stock  of  five  or  six  thousand  pounds, 
and  to  increase  it  to  twenty  thousand  or  more.  It  was  designed, 
that  each  general  court  should  approve  and  establish  the  trade, 
with  peculiar  privileges,  for  the  term  of  twenty  years:  but  it  was 


l644] 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


"7 


never  adopted.  It  seems  it  did  not  comport  with  the  views  of  the 
general  court  of  Massachusetts;  and  this,  notwithstanding  the 
confederation,  rendered  all  the  determinations  of  the  commission- 
ers void,  which  were  not  agreeable  to  their  views  and  interests. 

As  the  Indians  were  numerous,  and  began  to  learn  the  use  of 
fire  arms,  all  trading  with  them,  in  any  of  the  united  colonies,  in 
guns,  ammunition,  swords,  or  any  warlike  instruments,  directly 
or  indirectly,  was  prohibited,  upon  the  penalty  of  a  fine  of  twenty 
times  the  value  of  the  articles  thus  unlawfully  sold.  It  was  also 
recommended  to  the  several  courts,  to  prohibit  all  vending  of  arms 
and  ammunition  to  the  French  or  Dutch,  because  they  immedi- 
ately disposed  of  them  to  the  Indians.  Every  smith  was  forbidden 
to  mend  a  gun  or  any  warlike  instrument  for  an  Indian,  upon  a 
severe  penalty.* 

South-Hampton,  on  Long-Island,  was,  by  the  advice  of  the 
commissioners,  taken  under  the  jurisdiction  of  Connecticut.  This 
town  was  settled  in  1640.  The  inhabitants  of  Lynn,  in  Massachu- 
setts, became  so  straitened  at  home,  that,  about  the  year  1639,  they 
contracted  with  the  agent  of  Lord  Sterling,  for  a  tract  of  land 
on  the  west  end  of  Long-Island.  They  also  made  a  treaty  with 
the  Indians,  and  began  a  settlement,  but  the  Dutch  gave  them 
so  much  trouble,  that  they  were  obliged  to  desert  it,  and  remove 
further  eastward.  They  collected  nearly  a  hundred  families  and 
made  a  permanent  settlement  at  South-Hampton.  By  the  advice 
of  the  general  court  of  Massachusetts,  they  entered  into  a  com- 
bination among  themselves,  to  maintain  civil  government.  A 
number  of  them  regularly  formed  themselves  into  church  state, 
before  they  removed  to  the  Island,  and  called  Mr.  Abraham  Pier- 
son  to  be  their  pastor.  He  had  been  a  minister  in  Yorkshire,  in 
England.  Upon  his  arrival  in  New-England,  he  became  a  mem- 
ber of  the  church  at  Boston,  whence  he  was  called  to  the  work  of 
the  ministry  at  South-Hampton.*  This  year  he  removed  with 
part  of  his  church  to  Branford.  It  seems  that  they  were  not 
pleased  that  the  town  had  put  itself  under  the  jurisdiction  of  Con- 
necticut. 

This  year  a  committee,  consisting  of  the  governor,  deputy-gov- 
ernor, and  several  other  gentlemen,  were  appointed  by  the  gen- 
eral court  of  Connecticut,  to  treat  with  George  Fenwick,  Esquire, 
relative  to  the  purchase  of  Saybrook  fort,  and  of  all  guns,  build- 
ings and  lands  in  the  colony,  which  he,  and  the  lords  and  gentle- 
men interested  in  the  patent  of  Connecticut,  might  claim.  The 
next  December  they  came  to  an  agreement  with  Mr.  Fenwick,  to 
the  following  eflfect: 

"  Articles  of  agreement  made  and  concluded  betwixt  George 
Fenwick,  Esquire,  of  Saybrook  fort,  on  the  one  part,  and  Edward 
Hopkins,  John  Haynes,  John  Mason,  John  Steele,  and  James 

>  Records  of  the  united  colonies.  "  Magnolia,  b.  iii.  p.  95. 


I 


"1 H 


?    . 


^'*if 


'M\h^ 


kHMj 


j!i:' 


ii8 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


[1644 


Boosy,  for,  and  on  the  behalf  of  the  jurisdiction  of  Connecticut 
river,  on  the  other  part,  the  5th  of  December,  1644. 

"  The  said  George  Fenwick,  Esq.  doth  make  over  to  the  use 
and  behoof  of  the  jurisdiction  of  Connecticut  river,  to  be  enjoyed 
by  them  forever,  the  fort  at  Saybrook,  with  the  appurtenances: 
all  the  land  upon  the  river  Connecticut;  and  such  lands  as  are  yet 
undisposed  of,  shall  be  ordered  and  given  out  by  a  committee  of 
five,  whereof  George  Fenwick,  Esq.  is  always  to  be  one.  The  said 
George  Fenwick  doth  also  promise,  that  all  the  lands  from  Narra- 
ganset  river,  to  the  fort  of  Saybrook,  mentioned  in  a  patent  granted 
by  the  earl  of  Warwick,  to  certain  nobles,  and  gentlemen,  shall 
fall  in  under  the  jurisdiction  of  Connecticut,  if  it  come  into  his 
power."  * 

On  the  part  of  Connecticut  it  was  stipulated,  "  That  the  said 
George  Fenwick,  Esq.  should  enjoy  all  th.^;  housing,''  belonging 
to  the  fort  for  the  space  of  ten  years.  And  that  a  certain  duty  on 
corn,  biscuit,  beaver  and  cattle,  which  should  be  exported  from 
the  river's  mouth,  should  be  paid  to  him  during  the  said  term." 

Upon  the  4th  of  February,  1645,  the  general  court  of  Connecti- 
cut confirmed  this  agreement  with  Mr,  Fenwick,  and  passed  an 
act  imposing  a  duty  of  two  pence  per  bushel  upon  all  grain,  six 
pence  upon  every  hundred  weight  of  biscuit,  and  a  small  duty 
upon  all  beaver  exported  from  the  mouth  of  the  river,  during  the 

■  About  this  time  died  George  Wyllys,  Esq.  the  venerable  ancestor  of  the  Wyl- 
lyses  in  Connecticut.  He  was  possessed  of  a  fair  estate,  at  Knapton,  in  the  county 
of  Warwick,  worth  £S°^  *  y^"-  I"*  *^3^>  ^^  *^"*  °^^'"  William  Gibbons,  the 
steward  of  his  house,  with  twenty  men,  to  prepare  him  a  seat  at  Hartford.  They 
purchased,  and  took  possession  of  a  fine  tract  of  land,  erected  buildings,  and  planted 
a  garden  upon  that  pleasant  plat,  which  has  ever  since  been  the  principal  seat  of 
the  family.  In  1638  he  came  over  with  his  household ;  and,  at  the  election  in 
1639,  was  chosen  into  the  magistracy,  in  which  he  continued  about  five  years, 
until  his  death.  In  1641,  he  was  chosen  deputy-governor,  and  in  1642,  gov- 
ernor of  the  colony.  It  appears  from  the  manuscripts  of  the  family,  that  both 
he  and  Mrs,  Wyllys  were  eminently  pious,  living  with  all  the  exactness  of  the 
Puritans  of  that  day.  From  love  to  undefiled  religion,  and  purity  in  divine 
ordinances  and  worfhip,  they  exchanged  their  pleasant  seat  and  easy  cir- 
cumstances in  England,  for  the  dangers  and  hardships  of  a  wilderness  in 
America.  He  left  one  son,  Samuel,  about  twelve  years  of  age.  He  was  edu. 
Gated  at  Cambridge,  where  he  was  graduated  1653  ;  and  the  next  year  was  chosen 
one  of  the  magistrates  for  Connecticut,  at  about  twenty-two  years  of  age. 
It  appears  by  his  manuscripts,  that  he  became  deeply  impressed  with  the  truths  and 
importance  of  religion,  at  college,  under  the  ministry  of  Mr.  Shepard  ;  and  the 
spirit  of  his  pious  parents  descended  upon  him.  He  married  a  daughter  of  gov- 
ernor Haynes,  who  appeared  equally  to  have  imbibed  the  spirit  of  her  Saviour.  In 
his  manuscripts,  he  describes  the  excellent  examples  which  their  parents  had  ex- 
hibited, and  the  pious  pains  they  employed  in  their  education  ;  teaching  them, 
from  childhood,  to  pray  always  in  secret,  private  and  public  ;  to  venerate  the  sab- 
bath, and  the  divine  word  ;  and  to  attend  all  christian  institutions  and  duties. 

After  bearing  testimony  to  the  great  advantages  of  such  an  education,  and  to 
the  comfort  which  they  had  experienced  in  the  duties,  in  which  they  had  been  edu- 
cated, he  warmly  recommends  them  to  his  children,  and  their  posterity. 

The  family  is  ancient,  and  may  be  traced  back  to  the  reign  of  Edward  the  IV. 
more  than  three  centuries.  It  has  well  supported  its  dignity  to  the  present  time. 
Some  of  the  family  have  been  magistrates  or  secretaries  of  the  colony  for  more  than 
a  century  and  a  half.    May  the  descendants  ever  inherit  its  virtues  and  honors  1 

'  An  old  word,  meaning  the  quantity  of  inhabited  buildings.  > 


I645] 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


119 


term  of  ten  years,  from  the  first  day  of  March  ensuing.  It  was 
also  enacted,  that  an  entry  should  be  made  of  all  grain  laden  on 
board  any  vessel,  of  the  number  of  bushels,  and  of  the  weight  of 
biscuit,  and  that  a  note  of  the  same  be  delivered  to  Mr.  Fenwick, 
upon  the  penalty  of  forfeiting  the  one  half  of  all  such  grain  and 
biscuit  as  should  be  put  on  board  and  not  thus  certified.  The  col- 
ony, on  the  whole,  paid  Mr.  Fenwick  1,600  pounds  sterling,  merely 
for  the  jurisdiction  right,  or  for  the  old  patent  of  Connecticut.* 
The  general  court,  July  19th,  ordered  that  a  tax  of  two  hundred 
pounds  should  be  levied  on  the  plantations  in  the  colony,  to  de- 
fray the  charge  of  advancing  the  fortifications  at  Saybrook  fort. 
A  committee  was  appointed,  at  the  same  time,  to  bargain  with 
Mr.  Griffin  for  that  purpose,  and  to  make  provision  for  the  im- 
mediate completion  of  the  fortifications  in  view.  A  letter  was 
also  dispatched,  from  the  court,  to  Mr.  Fenwick,  desiring  him, 
if  his  circumstances  would  permit,  to  make  a  voyage  to  England, 
to  obtain  an  enlargement  of  the  patent,  and  to  promote  other  in- 
terests of  the  colony. 

Notwithstanding  the  unwearied  pains  the  commissioners  of  the 
colonies,  and  the  colonies  themselves,  had  taken  to  prevent  hos- 
tilities among  the  Indians,  and  to  preserve  the  peace  of  the  coun- 
try, the  perfidious  Narragansets  were  continually  waging  war. 
Pessacus  and  the  Narraganset  Indians,  in  violation  of  all  their 
treaties,  had  repeatedly  invaded  the  Moheagan  country  and  as- 
saulted Uncas  in  his  fort.  They  had  killed  and  taken  numbers 
of  his  men,  and  so  pressed  him,  that  both  Connecticut  and  New- 
Haven  were  obliged  to  dispatch  parties  of  men  to  his  assistance, 
to  prevent  the  enemy  from  completely  conquering  him  and  his 
country. 

Governor  Winthrop  therefore  called  a  special  meeting  of  the 
commissioners,  at  Boston,  on  the  28th  of  June,  1645.  Governor 
Winthrop  and  Mr.  Herbert  Pelham,  were  commissioners  for  Mas- 
sachusetts, Mr.  Thomas  Prince  and  Mr.  John  Brown  for 
Plymouth,  Edward  Hopkins  and  George  Fenwick,  Esquires,  for 
Connecticut,  governor  Eaton  and  Mr.  Stephen  Goodyear  for 
New-Haven. 

Immediately  on  the  meeting  of  the  commissioners,  they  dis- 
patched messengers  into  the  Narraganset  and  Moheagan  coun- 
tries. They  were  charged  to  acquaint  the  sachems  and  Indians 
of  the  respective  tribes,  that  if  they  would  go  to  Boston,  the  com- 
missioners would  impartially  hear  and  determine  all  their  differ- 
ences; and  that,  however  the  treaty  might  end,  they  should  be 
allowed  to  go  and  return  in  safety.  The  sachems,  at  first,  seemed 
to  give  some  fair  speeches;  but  finally  determined,  that  they  would 

'  No  jurisdiction  right  or  patent  appears  to  have  been  obtained  from  Fenwick, 
although  the  agreement  with  him  stipulates  that  he  should  obtain  this  right  "  if  it 
come  into  his  power."  His  failure  to  do  this  was  evidently  the  basis  for  the  claim 
against  his  heirs.    See  note,  p.  196. — J.  T. 


p. 


t' 


!•■ 


120 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


[1645 


ir^ 


neither  go  nor  send  to  Boston.  The  Narragansets  insulted  and 
abused  the  messengers,  and  uttered  haughty  and  threatening 
speeches  against  the  EngHsh.  One  of  the  sachems  declared,  that 
he  would  kill  their  cattle  and  pile  them  in  heaps;  and  that  an 
Englishman  should  no  sooner  step  out  at  his  doors  than  the  Ind- 
ians would  kill  him.  He  declared  that,  whoever  began  the  war, 
he  would  continue  it;  and  that  nothing  should  satisfy  him  but 
the  head  of  Uncas.  On  the  whole,  the  messengers  were  obliged 
to  return  without  effecting  any  good  purpose.  By  them  Mr.  Will- 
iams wrote  to  the  commissioners,  assuring  them  that  an  Indian 
war  vrould  soon  break  out;  and  that,  as  a  preparative,  the  Nar- 
ragansets had  concluded  a  neutrality  with  Providence  and  the 
towns  upon  Aquidney  island. 

These  reports  roused  the  English  spirit.  The  commissioners, 
considering  that  the  Narragansets  had  violated  all  their  treaties, 
killed  a  number  of  the  Moheagans,  taken  others  captive,  destroyed 
their  corn,  and,  with  great  armies,  besieged  Uncas  in  his  fort;  and 
besides,  that  they  had  highly  insulted  the  united  colonies  and 
abused  their  messengers,  determined  that  an  immediate  war  with 
them  was  both  justifiable  and  necessary. 

However,  as  they  wished  to  act  with  prudence  as  well  as  spirit, 
and  to  give  general  satisfaction  in  an  affair  of  such  moment,  they 
desired  the  advice  of  the  magistrates,  elders,  and  a  number  of  the 
principal  military  officers  in  the  Massachusetts.  These  assembled, 
and  were  unanimously  of  the  opinion,  that  their  engagements 
obliged  them  to  defend  Uncas  and  the  Moheagans :  that  the  de- 
fence which  they  were  obliged  to  give,  according  to  the  common 
acceptation  of  such  engagements,  extended  not  barely  to  the  de- 
fence of  Uncas  and  his  men  in  their  fort,  but  to  his  estate  and 
liberties;  and  that  the  aid  to  be  given  must  be  immediate,  or  he 
would  be  totally  ruined. 

It  was  therefore  determined,  that  a  war  with  the  Indians  was 
just,  that  the  case  should  be  stated  in  short,  and  war,  with  the 
reasons  of  it,  be  proclaimed.  A  day  of  fasting  and  prayer  was 
appointed  on  the  fourth  of  September.  It  was  resolved.  That 
three  hundred  men  should  be  forthwith  raised,  and  sent  against 
the  enemy.  Massachusetts  were  to  furnish  190,  Plymouth  and 
Cornecticut  40  each,  and  New-Haven  30.  As  the  troops  from 
Connecticut  and  New-Haven,  who  had  assisted  in  defending 
Uncas,  the  former  part  of  the  summer,  were  about  to  return  to 
their  respective  colonies,  forty  men  were  impressed  in  the  Massa- 
chusetts, and  marched  in  three  days,  completely  armed  and  vict- 
ualled. These  were  commanded  by  Humphry  Atherton.  Or- 
ders were  dispatched  to  the  troops  to  be  raised  in  Connecticut 
and  New-Haven,  to  join  them  at  Moheagan.  A  commission  was 
forwarded  to  captain  Mason  to  take  the  command  of  all  the  troops, 
until  the  whole  army  should  form  a  junction.    The  chief  com- 


l64S] 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


121 


mand  of  the  army  was  given  to  major  Edward  Gibbons,  of  Massa- 
chusetts. He  was  instructed  not  only  to  defend  Uncas,  but  to 
invade  and  distress  the  Narragansets  and  Nehanticks,  with  their 
confederates.  He  had  instructions  to  ofler  them  peace.  If  tKey 
would  receive  it  upon  honorable  terms,  he,  with  his  officers,  had 
power  to  make  a  treaty  with  them.  If  the  enemy  should  flee  from 
the  army,  and  would  neither  fight  nor  make  peace,  the  command- 
er had  orders  to  build  forts  in  the  Nehantick  and  Narraganset 
country;  to  which  he  might  gather  the  enemy's  corn  and  goods, 
as  far  as  it  should  be  in  his  power. 

The  Narragansets  had  sent  a  present  to  governor  Winthrop, 
of  Boston,  desiring  that  they  might  have  peace  with  the  English, 
but  wage  war  with  Uncas,  and  avenge  the  death  of  Miantonimoh. 
The  governor  refused  to  receive  the  present  upon  such  terms; 
but  the  messengers,  by  whom  it  was  carried,  urging  that  they 
might  leave  it  until  they  could  consult  their  sachems,  he  suffered 
it  to  be  left  with  him.  The  commissioners  ordered,  that  it  should 
be  immediately  returned.  Captain  Hurding,  Mr.  Wilbore,  and 
Benedict  Arnold,  were  sent  into  the  Narraganset  country,  to  re- 
turn the  present,  and  to  assure  Pessacus,  Canonicus,  Janimo,  and 
the  other  sachems  of  the  Narraganset  and  Nehantick  Indians,  that 
they  would  neither  receive  their  presents,  nor  give  them  peace, 
until  they  should  make  satisfaction  for  past  injuries,  and  give 
security  for  their  peaceable  conduct  for  the  future.  They  were 
to  certify  the  Indians,  that  the  English  were  ready  for  war;  and 
that  if  war  wa".  their  choice,  they  would  direct  their  affairs  for 
that  purpose.  At  the  same  time,  they  had  orders  to  assure  them, 
that  if  they  would  make  satisfaction  for  the  damages  which  they 
had  done,  and  give  security  for  their  peaceable  conduct,  in  time 
to  come,  they  should  know,  that  the  English  were  as  desirous  of 
the  peace,  and  as  tender  of  the  blood  of  the  Narragansets,  as  they 
had  ever  been. 

The  messengers  prosecuted  their  journey  with  great  dispatch, 
and  brought  back  word,  that  Pessacus,  chief  sachem  of  the  Nar- 
ragansets, and  others,  were  coming  to  Boston  forthwith,  vested 
with  full  powers  to  treat  with  the  commissioners.  The  messen- 
gers, though  sent  on  purpose  to  carry  back  the  present,  and  to 
assure  the  Indians  that  the  English  would  not  receive  it,  returned 
with  it  to  Boston.  They  also  wrote  to  captain  Mason,  acquainting 
him  that  there  were  hopes  of  peace  with  the  Indians. 

The  commissioners,  therefore,  while  they  acknowledged  the 
pains  and  expedition  with  which  they  had  accomplished  their 
journey,  censured  them,  for  not  attending  to  their  instructions. 
Especially,  they  judged  them  worthy  of  censure,  for  bringing  back 
the  present,  and  for  writing  to  captain  Mason.  The  latter,  they 
imagined,  could  have  no  other  effect  than  to  retard  his  opera- 
tions. 


i   I  :& 


St 


5 


■J  I 


1,'  !  ii.' 


122 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


[1645 


^1' 


The  Indians,  finding  that  an  army  was  coming  into  the  heart 
of  their  country,  made  naste  to  meet  the  commissioners,  and  ward 
off  the  impending  blow.  A  few  days  after  the  return  of  their  mes- 
sengers, Pessacus,  Meeksamo,  the  eldest  son  of  Canonicus,  and 
Wytowash,  three  principal  sachems  of  the  Narragansets,  and 
Awashequen,  deputy  of  the  Nehanticks,  with  a  large  train,  arrived 
at  Boston. 

.  1  hey,  at  first,  denied  and  excused  many  particulars  which  the 
commissioners  charged  upon  them.  They  insisted  on  the  old 
story  of  the  ransom,  and  proposed  to  make  a  truce  with  Uncas, 
until  the  next  planting  time,  or  for  a  year.  The  commissioners 
assured  them,  that  matters  were  now  come  to  a  crisis,  and  that 
they  would  accept  of  no  such  terms.  They  charged  the  Indian 
sachems  with  their  perfidious  breach  of  treaties,  with  the  injuries 
they  had  done  to  Uncas,  with  their  insults  of  the  linglisii,  and  with 
the  great  trouble  and  expense  to  which  they  had  put  them,  to 
defend  Uncas,  and  maintain  the  peace  of  the  country.  The  Ind- 
ians, finally,  though  with  great  reluctance,  acknowledged  their 
breach  of  treaties.  One  of  the  sachems  presented  the  commis- 
sioners with  a  stick,  signifying,  by  that  token,  that  he  submitted 
the  terms  of  war  and  peace  into  tfieir  hands,  and  wished  to  know 
what  they  required  of  the  Indians. 

The  commissioners  represented  to  them,  that  the  charge  and 
+ rouble  which  they  had  brought  on  the  colonies  was  very  great, 
besides  all  the  loss  and  damages  which  Uncas  had  sustained. 
They  charged  all  these,  upon  their  infraction  of  the  treaties  which 
they  had  made  with  the  colonies,  and  with  Uncas.  They  assured 
the  Indians,  that  though  two  thousand  fathom  of  white  wampum 
would,  by  no  means,  be  equal  to  the  expense  to  which  they  had 
put  the  colonies,  entirely  by  their  violation  of  their  treaties;  yet, 
to  show  their  moderation,  they  would  accept  of  that  sum  for  all 
past  damages.  It  was  required,  that  they  should  restore  to  Uncas 
all  the  captives  and  canoes  which  they  had  taken  from  him;  that 
they  should  submit  all  matters  of  controversy,  between  them  and 
Uncas,  to  the  commissioners,  at  their  next  meeting;  and  that  they 
should  maintain  perpetual  peace  with  the  English,  and  all  their 
subjects  and  allies.  Finally,  hostages  were  demanded,  as  a  secu- 
rity for  the  performance  of  the  treaty.^  These,  indeed,  were  hard 
terms.  The  Indians  made  many  exceptions  to  them;  but  as  they 
knew  the  English  were  gone  into  their  country,  and  were  fearful 
that  hostilities  would  be  commenced,  even  while  the  treaty  was 
pending,  they  submitted  to  them.  Some  abatv'iment  was  made,  as 
to  the  times  of  payment  at  first  proposed,  and  it  was  agreed  that 
Uncas  should  restore  to  the  Narragansets  all  captives  and  canoes 
which  he  had  taken  from  them.  This  gave  the  Narragansets  and 
Nehanticks  some  ease;  but  it  was  with  great  reluctance,  that  they 
'  Records  of  the  united  colonies. 


i645] 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


123 


finally  signed  the  articles.    Nothing  but  the  necessity  of  the  case, 
could  have  been  a  sufficient  inducement. 

On  the  30th  of  August,  the  articles  were  signed,  and  the  Indians 
left  several  of  their  number,  as  hostages,  until  the  children,  who 
had  been  agreed  upon  for  a  permanent  security,  should  be  deliv- 
ered. 

The  troops  which  had  been  raised  were  disbanded,  and  the  day 
appointed  for  a  general  fast  was  celebrated  as  a  day  of  general 
thanksgiving. 

New-Haven,  this  year,  appointed  Mr.  Gregson  their  agent  to 
the  parliament  in  England,  to  procure  a  patent  for  the  colony. 
The  court  at  New-Haven,  voted,  that  it  was  a  proper  time  to  join 
with  Connecticut,  in  procuring  a  patent  from  parliament,  for  these 
parts.^  It  appears,  that  both  Connecticut  and  New-Haven,  at  this 
time,  had  it  in  contemplation  to  obtain  charters  from  parliament, 
for  their  respective  jurisdictions;  but  Mr.  Fenwick,  who  had  been 
desired  to  undertake  a  voyage,  for  this  purpose,  in  behalf  of  Con- 
necticut, did  not  accept  the  appointment,  and  Mr,  Gregson  was 
lost  at  sea.  In  consequence  of  these  circumstances,  and  the  state 
of  affairs  in  England  afterwards,  the  business  rested  until  after 
the  restoration. 

This  year  Tunxis  was  named  Farmington.  At  this  time,  there 
were  in  the  colony  of  Connecticut  eight  taxable  towns;  Hartford, 
Windsor,  Weathersfield,  Stratford,  Fairfield,  Saybrook,  South- 
Hampton  and  Farmington.  In  the  colony  of  New-Haven  were 
six;  New-Haven,  Milford,  Guilford,  Southhold,  Stamford  and 
Branford. 

In  1646  there  was  an  alteration  in  the  act  respecting  juries.  In 
1644,  an  act  passed  authorizing  the  court  of  magistrates  to  in- 
crease or  mitigate  the  damages  given  by  verdict  of  the  jury.  It 
was  now  enacted,  that  whatever  alterations  should  be  made  of  this 
kind,  at  any  time,  should  be  made  in  open  court,  in  the  presence 
both  of  the  plaintiff  and  defendant,  or  upon  affidavit  made,  that 
they  had  been  summoned  to  appear. 

At  this  court  the  town  of  Fairfield  made  objections  to  that  part 
of  the  act  passed  in  1644,  which  admitted  of  a  jury  of  six.  They 
insisted  on  twelve  jurymen  in  all  cases  triable  by  a  jury;  but  con- 
sented, that  eight  out  of  twelve  should  bring  in  a  verdict.  It  does 
not  appear,  that  a  jury  of  six  was  ever  empanelled,  after  this  time. 
The  laws  were  soon  after  revised,  and  ordained  a  jury  of  twelve 
in  all  cases  which  required  a  jury. 

Tl^e  commissioners  of  the  united  colonies  met,  this  year,  at 
New-Haven.  The  Dutch  continuing  their  injurious  conduct 
against  the  English,  complaints  were  made  to  the  commissioners, 
of  the  recent  and  repeated  insults  and  damages  which  they  had 
received  from  them.    Instead  of  making  them  the  least  satisfac- 

>  Records  of  New-Haven, 


"■I  tl 


U^ 


I    ^  1* 


( 


ii 


m 


124 


IITSTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


[1646 


lion  for  pp.st  injuries,  they  proceeded  to  new  instances  of  insolence 
and  abuse.  Kieft  wrote  a  most  imperious  letter  to  governor  Eaton, 
charging  him,  and  inc  people  at  Ncw-Ilaven,  with  an  unsatiable 
desire  of  possessing  that  which  belonged  to  the  Dutch  nation. 
He  affirmed,  that  contrary  to  ancient  leagues,  between  the  kings 
of  England  and  ihc  States  General,  contrary  to  the  law  of  nations, 
and  his  protestations,  they  had,  indirectly,  entered  upon  the  limits 
of  New-Netherlands.  He  therefore  protested  against  them,  as 
breakers  of  the  peace  and  disturbers  of  the  public  tranquillity. 
Indeed  he  proceeded  so  far  as  to  threaten,  that  if  the  English,  at 
New-Haven,  did  not  restore  the  places  which  they  had  usurped, 
and  repair  the  losses  which  the  Dutch  had  sustained,  that  they 
would,  b>  such  means  as  God  should  afford,  recover  them.  He 
affirmed,  that  the  Dutch  would  not  view  it  as  inconsistent  with 
the  public  peace,  but  should  impute  all  the  evils,  which  might  en- 
sue,  to  the  English.* 

Governor  Eaton  replied  to  this  letter,  that  th*:  colony  under  his 
government  had  never  entered  upon  any  land,  to  which  the  Dutch 
had  any  known  title:  That,  notwithstanding  all  the  injuries  re- 
ceived from  the  Dutch,  and  the  very  unsatisfying  answers  which 
their  governor  had  given,  from  time  to  time,  the  colony,  in  his 
apprehensions,  had  done  nothing  inconsistent  with  the  law  of  God, 
the  law  of  nations,  nor  with  the  ancient  leagues  subsisting  between 
England  and  Holland.  He  therefore  assured  him,  that  the  colony 
would  cheerfully  submit  all  differences,  between  them  and  the 
Dutch,  to  an  impartial  hearing  and  adjudication,  either  in  Europe 
or  America. 

The  Dutch,  at  Hartford,  maintained  a  distinct  and  independent 
government.  Th-^y  resisted  the  laws  of  the  colony,  and  counter- 
acted the  natural  rights  of  men.  They  inveigled  an  Indian  woman 
who,  having  been  liable  to  public  punishment,  fled  from  her  mas- 
ter. It  was  supposed,  that  the  Dutch  kept  her  for  the  purpose  of 
wantonness.  Though  her  master  demanded  her,  as  his  property, 
and  the  magistrates,  as  a  criminal,  on  whom  the  law  ought  to 
have  its  course,  yet  they  would  not  restore  her.  The  Dutch  agent 
at  Hartford,  in  the  height  of  disorder,  resisted  the  guard.  He 
drew  his  rapier  upon  the  soldiers,  and  broke  it  upon  their  arms. 
He  then  escaped  to  the  fort,  and  there  defended  himself  with  im- 
punity. 

The  commiss'.oners  of  Connecticut  and  New-Haven  made  com- 
plaint of  these  insults  and  misdemeanors  to  the  commissioners  of 
the  united  colonies,  and  laid  open  the  whole  conduct  of  the  Dutch 
towards  them.  They  represented,  that  in  answer  to  their  com- 
plaints of  past  injuries,  they  had,  instead  of  satisfaction,  received 
nothing  but  injury  and  abuse. 

The  commissioners,  upon  a  deliberate  view  of  the  case,  wrote 
'  Kieft's  letter  to  gorernor  Eaton,  on  the  records  of  the  united  colonies. 


1646J 


I646J 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


125 


to  the  Dutch  governor,  stating  how  they  had  written  to  him  from 
time  to  time;  and,  in  consideration  of  the  great  worth  of  peace, 
had  attempted  to  compromise  the  dififercnccs  which  had  so  long 
subsisted  between  the  Dutch  and  their  confederates.  They  ob- 
served to  the  governor,  that  he  had  returned  nothing  but  an  igno- 
ramus, with  an  offensive  addition,  which  they  left  to  his  review 
and  better  consideration.  They  stated  the  affair  at  Hartford,  and 
observed,  that  had  the  Dutch  agent  been  slain,  in  the  haughty 
affront  which  he  had  given,  his  blood  would  have  been  upon  his 
own  head.  They  assured  him,  that  his  agent  and  the  company 
at  Hartford,  had  proceeded  to  an  intolerable  state  of  conduct: 
that  they  had  forcibly  taken  away  their  cattle  from  authority,  and 
made  an  assault  upon  a  man,  who  had  legally  sought  justice  for 
damages  which  he  had  sustained:  that  they  struck  him,  and,  in 
a  hostile  manner,  took  his  team  and  loading  from  him.  The  com- 
missioners noticed  the  letter  of  the  Dutch  governor  to  the  colony 
of  New-Haven,  and  manifested  their  approbation  of  the  answer 
which  governor  Eaton  had  given.  They  expressed  their  hopes, 
that  it  would  give  satisfaction.  They  concluded  by  observing, 
that,  to  prevent  all  inconveniences  which  might  arise  from  any 
part  of  the  premises,  they  had  sent  an  express,  by  whom  they 
wished  to  .eceive  such  an  answer  as  might  satisfy  them  of  his 
concurrence  with  them,  to  embrace  and  pursue  righteousness  and 
peace. 

Several  of  the  English  whr  had  traded  with  the  Dutch,  had  not 
been  able  to  recover  their  just  debts,  and  governor  Kieft  would 
not  afford  them  that  assistance  which  was  necessary  for  the  ob- 
taining of  justice.  Mr.  Whiting,  of  Connecticut,  complained,  that 
an  action  had  been  carried  against  him  at  Manhatoes,  in  his  ab- 
sence, and  when  he  had  no  agent  to  exhibit  his  evidence,  or  plead 
his  cause.  He  also  made  complaint,  that,  upon  demanding  a  just 
debt,  long  since  due  from  the  Dutch,  the  governor  neglected  to 
give  him  that  assistance  which  was  necessary  for  the  recovery 
of  his  right. 

The  commissioners  wrote  also  to  governor  Kieft  on  this  sub- 
ject. They  desired  him  to  grant  Mr.  Whiting  a  review  in  the  case 
specified,  and  proper  assistance  in  the  recovery  of  his  debts  from 
the  Dutch.  They  assured  him,  that  all  the  colonies  would  grant 
similar  favours  to  the  Dutch  in  all  their  courts. 

By  their  express,  the  commissioners  received  two  letters  from 
the  Dutch  governor,  in  answer  to  what  they  had  written,  expressed 
in  the  same  haughty  and  offensive  strain,  as  his  former  letters. 
He  denied  that  the  woman,  who  had  been  detained  by  the  Dutch 
at  "Hartford,  was  a  servant,  with  many  other  facts  which  had  been 
stated  by  the  commissioners.  Instead  of  submitting  the  affairs 
in  dispute  to  a  legal  decision,  either  in  Europe  or  America,  he  still 
threatened  to  avenge  the  injuries  of  which  he  complained,  by 


'Id 


^V 


u: 

'    ! 

u^ 

/ 

n 

>> 

s. 

1 

'     i' 

2 

■^ 

J. 

IP 


u 

It 


126 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


[1646 


1646J 


force  of  arnis.  With  respect  to  other  matters  of  special  impor- 
tance, he  passed  them  without  the  least  notice.  He  compared  the 
commissioners  to  eagles  which  soar  aloft,  and  always  despise  the 
little  fly;  but  he  assured  them,  that  the  Dutch,  by  their  arms, 
would  manfully  pursue  their  rights.  He  then  finished  his  letters 
in  this  remarkable  manner: — "  We  protest  against  all  you  com- 
missioners, met  at  the  red  mount, ^  as  against  breakers  of  the  com- 
mon league,  and,  also,  infringers  of  the  rights  of  the  lords,  the 
states,  our  superiors,  in  that  you  have  dared,  without  our  express 
and  special  consent,  to  hold  your  general  meeting  within  the  limits 
of  New  Netherlands." 

The  commissioners  made  a  short  reply,  assuring  the  Dutch 
governor,  that  they  could  prove  the  facts  which  they  had  stated 
to  him  in  their  letters ;  and  that  the  woman  whom  the  Dutch  had 
detained,  was  a  servant,  and  an  important  part  of  her  master's 
property:  that  she  had  fled  from  civil  justice,  and,  by  the  confes- 
sion of  Mr.  David  Provost,  Dutch  agent  at  Hartford,  had  been 
defiled.  They  insisted,  that  the  conduct  of  the  Dutch  at  Hartford, 
was  intolerable,  and  complained,  that  he  had  given  no  orders  to 
redress  the  grievances  which  they  had  mentioned.  They  also 
complained,  that  he  had  made  no  reply  to  so  many  important  ar- 
ticles, concerning  which  they  had  written  to  him.  With  respect 
to  the  protest,  with  which  he  had  closed  his  letter,  they  observed, 
that,  though  it  was  offensive,  yet  it  agreed  with  the  general  strain 
of  his  writing;  and  that  he  had  no  more  reason  to  protest  against 
their  boldness  in  holding  their  session  at  New-Haven,  than  they 
had  to  protest  against  his  boldness  in  the  protest  which  he  had 
sent  them.  After  all  the  insult  which  the  commissioners  received 
from  the  Dutch  governor,  their  replies  were  cool  and  without 
threatening.' 

This  year  a  horrid  plot  was  concerted  among  the  Indians,  for 
the  destruction  of  a  number  of  the  principal  inhabitants  of  Hart- 
ford. Sequassen,  a  petty  sachem  upon  the  river,  hired  one  of 
the  Waranoke  Indians  to  kill  governor  Hopkins  and  governor 
Haynes,  with  Mr.  Whiting,  one  of  the  magistrates.  Sequassen's 
hatred  of  Uncas  was  insatiable,  and,  probably,  was  directed  against 
these  gentlemen,  on  account  of  the  just  and  faithful  protection 
which  they  had  afforded  him.  The  plan  was,  that  the  Waranoke 
Indian  should  kill  them,  and  charge  the  murder  upon  Uncas,  and 
by  that  means  engage  the  English  against  him  to  his  ruin.  After 
the  massacre  of  these  gentlemen,  Sequassen  and  the  murderer 
were  to  make  their  escape  to  the  Mohawks.  Watohibrough,  the 
Indian  hired  to  perpetrate  the  murder,  after  he  had  received  sev- 
eral girdles  of  wampum,  as  part  of  his  reward,  considering  how 

I  The  Dutch  called  New-Haven  the  Red  Mount,  and  the  Red  Hills,  from  the 
appearance  of  the  rocks  west  and  north  of  the  town. 
''  Records  of  the  United  Colonies. 


m\'  I 


1646] 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


V 
127 


Bushhcag,  the  Indian  who  attempted  to  kill  the  woman  at  Stam- 
ford, had  been  apprehended  and  executed  at  New-Haven,  con- 
ceived that  it  would  be  dangerous  to  murder  English  sachems. 
He  also  revolved  in  his  mind,  that  if  the  English  should  not  ap- 
prehend and  kill  him,  he  should  always  be  afra*d  of  them,  and 
have  no  comfort  in  his  life.  He  also  recollected,  that  the  English 
gave  a  reward  to  the  Indians  who  discovered  and  brought  in  Uush- 
heag.  He  therefore  determined,  it  would  be  better  to  discover 
the  plot,  than  to  be  guilty  of  so  bloody  and  dangerous  an  action. 
In  this  mind  he  came  to  Hartford,  a  few  days  after  he  had  received 
the  girdles,  and  made  known  the  plot.  Nearly  at  the  same  time 
the  Waranoke  Indians  did  much  damage  to  the  people  at  Wind- 
sor, burning  up  their  tar  and  turpentine,  and  destroying  their 
tools  and  instruments,  to  the  value  of  a  hundred  pounds  or  more. 
The  magistrates  at  Hartford  issued  a  warrant,  and  apprehended 
the  Indian  whom  they  supposed  to  be  guilty;  but  the  Indians 
rose  and  made  an  assault  upon  the  officers,  and  rescued  the  crim- 
inal from  justice. 

Upon  complaint  and  evidence  of  these  misdemeanors,  the  com- 
missioners sent  messengers  to  Sequassen,  demanding  his  appear- 
ance at  New-Haven,  and  they  ordered,  that  if  he  would  not  vol- 
untarily appear,  all  means,  consistent  with  the  preservation  of  his 
life,  should  be  used  to  take  him.  Messengers  were  also  sent  to 
Waranoke,  to  the  Indians  who  had  done  the  mischief  at  Windsor, 
with  orders  to  seize  the  delinquents,  and  bring  them  off,  if  they 
judged  they  could  do  it  with  safety.  Sequassen  had  art  enough 
to  keep  out  of  their  hands,  and  those  who  had  done  the  damage 
could  not  be  found.  The  messengers  were  insulted  at  Waranoke. 
The  Indians  boasted  of  their  arms,  primed  and  cocked  their  pieces 
in  their  presence,  and  threatened  that  if  a  man  should  be  carried 
away,  the  Indians  would  generally  rise  and  fight. 

The  commissioners,  on  the  whole,  judged  it  not  expedient,  in 
the  state  in  which  the  Indians  then  were,  to  proce-  H  any  further 
than  to  resolve,  that  if  any  Indian  or  Indians,  of  whut  plantation 
soever,  should  do  any  damage  to  the  English  colonies,  or  to  any 
of  their  inhabitants,  that,  upon  due  proof  of  it,  they  would,  in  a 
peaceable  manner,  demand  satisfaction.  But  if  any  sagamore, 
or  plantation  of  Indians,  should  hide,  convey  away,  entertain,  or 
protect  such  offender  or  offenders,  that  then  the  English  would 
demand  satisfaction  of  such  Indian  sagamore  or  plantation,  and 
do  themselves  justice,  as  they  might,  upon  all  such  offenders.  At 
the  same  time,  they  declared,  that  they  would  keep  peace  and 
amity  with  all  other  Indians.  This  resolution  was  to  be  made 
known  to  the  Waranoke  Indians  in  particular. 

The  Indians,  at  particular  times,  were  very  mischievous,  and 
gave  much  trouble  to  all  the  plantations.  Sometime  after  the  set- 
tlement of  Milford,  the  Indians  there  set  all  the  adjacent  country 


:»■ 


! 


i 


■r 


':i| 


Iv, 


128 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


[1646 


on  fire.  It  was  supposed  that  their  design  was  to  bum  the  town: 
but  the  inhabitants  were  so  fortunate  as  to  stop  the  fires  at  the 
swamps  and  brooks  which  surround  it  on  the  west  and  north.  By 
this  means  the  town  was  preserved. 

The  Mohawks,  though  not  hostile  to  the  English,  by  coming 
down  and  murdering  the  Connecticut  Indians,  put  the  plantations 
in  fear,  and  gave  them  not  a  little  trouble.  Some  years  after  the 
settlement  of  Milford,  they  came  into  the  town,  and  secretti  them- 
selves in  a  swamp,^  about  half  a  mile  east  of  Stratford  ferry,  with 
a  view  to  surprise  the  Indians  at  the  fort.  The  English  acciden- 
tally discovering  them,  gave  notice  of  it  to  the  Milford  Indians. 
They  at  once  set  up  the  war  whoop,  and  collected  such  numbers 
that  they  ventured  to  attack  them.  The  Mohawks  were  overpow- 
ered, and  several  of  them  taken.  One  stout  captive,  the  Milford 
Indians  determined  to  kill,  by  famine  and  torture.  They  stripped 
him  naked  and  tied  him  up  in  the  salt  meadows  for  the  mosquitoes 
to  eat  and  torment  to  death.  An  Englishman,  one  Hine,  finding 
him  in  this  piteous  condition,  loosed  and  fed  him,  and  enabled 
him  to  make  his  escape.  This  very  much  conciliated  the  Mo- 
hawks towards  the  English,  and  especially  towards  the  family 
of  the  Hines,  whom,  it  is  said,  they  ever  afterwards  particularly 
noticed,  and  treated  with  uncommon  friendship. 

The  Narraganset  and  Nehantick  Indians  neglected  to  perform 
any  part  of  the  treaty  which  they  had  made  the  last  year.  They 
neither  paid  the  wampum  stipulated,  nor  met  the  commissioners, 
at  New-Haven,  to  settle  the  differences  between  them  and  Uncas. 
They  neither  restored  the  captives  nor  canoes  taken  from  him,  nor 
made  him  any  compensation  for  the  damages  which  they  had 
done  him.  They  had  attempted  to  deceive  the  English  with  re- 
spect to  the  hostages.  Instead  of  the  children  of  their  ''achems 
and  chief  men,  whom  they  agreed  to  deliver,  they  made  an  at- 
tempt to  impose  upon  them  children  of  the  lowest  rank.  Even 
to  this  time,  they  had  not  brought  those  whom  they  had  promised. 
They  were  still  intriguing  with  the  Mohawks;  and,  by  presents 
and  various  arts,  attempting  to  engage  them  against  the  English 
colonies.  The  commissioners  judged,  that  they  had  just  occasion 
to  avenge  the  injuries  which  they  had  received,  and  to  seek  a 
recompence  by  force  of  arms.  However,  that  they  might  show 
their  love  of  peace,  and  their  forbearance  towards  these  barba- 
rians, they  dispatched  another  message  to  them.  In  this  a  full 
representation  was  made  of  these  particulars.  They  were  assured, 
that  the  commissioners  were  apprised  of  their  intrigues,  and  that, 
in  the  eyes  of  all  the  colonies,  they  had  rendered  themselves  a 
perfidious  people. 

The  war  between  the  Dutch  and  Indians  continuing,  a  great 
and  general  battle  was  fought  between  them  in  that  part  of  Horse- 
>  This  is  known  by  the  name  of  Mohawk  swamp  to  the  present  time. 


1647] 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


129 


neck  commonly  known Tiy  the  name  of  Strickland's  plain.  The 
action  was  long  and  severe,  both  parties  fighting  with  firmness 
and  obstinacy.  The  Dutch,  with  much  difficulty,  kept  the  field, 
and  the  Indians  withdrew.  Great  numbers  were  slain  on  both 
sides,  and  the  graves  of  the  dead,  for  a  century  or  more,  appeared 
like  a  number  of  small  hills.^ 

New-Haven  having  been  exceedingly  disappointed  in  trade, 
and  sustained  great  damages  at  Delaware,  and  the  large  estates 
which  they  brought  into  New-England  rapidly  declining,  this 
year,  made  uncommon  exertions,  as  far  as  possible,  to  retrieve 
their  former  losses.  Combining  their  money  and  labors,  they 
built  a  ship,  at  Rhode-Island,  of  150  tons;  and  freighted  her,  for 
England,  with  the  best  part  of  their  commercial  estates.  Mr. 
Gregson,  captain  Turner,  Mr.  Lamberton  and  five  or  six  of  their 
principal  men  embarked  on  board.  They  sailed  from  New-Haven 
in  January,  1647.  They  were  obliged  to  cut  through  the  ice  to 
get  out  of  the  harbour.  The  ship  foundered  at  sea,  and  was  never 
heard  of  after  she  sailed.  The  loss  of  this  ship,  with  the  former 
losses  which  the  company  had  sustained,  broke  up  all  their  ex- 
pectations with  respect  to  trade,  and  as  they  conceived  themselves 
disadvantageously  situated  for  husbandry,  they  adopted  the  de- 
sign of  leaving  the  country.  They  were  invited  to  Jamaica,  in  the 
West-Indies.  They  had  also  an  invitation  to  Ireland.  It  seems 
they  entered  into  treaties  for  the  city  of  Galloway,  which  they 
designed  to  have  settled,  as  a  small  province  for  themselves.* 
Nevertheless  they  were  disappointed  with  respect  to  all  these  de- 
signs. Their  posterity,  who  they  feared  would  be  reduced  to 
beggary,  made  respectable  farmers,  and  flourished,  with  respect 
to  worldly  circumstances,  no  less  than  their  neighbours. 

At  the  election,  this  year,  at  Hartford,  nine  magistrates  were 
chosen.  Mr.  Cosmore  and  Mr.  Howe  were  elected  for  the  first 
time.  The  other  magistrates  were  the  same  as  in  the  preceding 
years. 

At  this  session  of  the  general  court,  an  explanation  or  addition 
was  made  to  the  tenth  fundamental  article.  By  this  article,  as  it 
stood,  it  was  the  opinion  of  some,  that  no  particular  court  could 
be  holden,  unless  the  governor  and  four  magistrates  were  present. 
It  was  therefore  decreed,"  that  the  governor,  or  deputy  governor, 
with  two  magistrates,  should  have  power  to  keep  a  particular 
court,  according  to  the  laws  established ;  and,  that  in  case  neither 
the  governor,  nor  deputy  governor  should  be  present,  or  able  to 
sit,  if  three  magistrates  should  meet,  and  choose  one  of  themselves 
moderator,  they  might  keep  a  particular  court,  which  to  all  in- 
tents and  purposes,  should  be  deemed  as  legal,  as  if  the  governor 

'  Manuscripts  of  the  Rev.  Stephen  Monson. 
'  Mi^alia,  B,  I.  p.  2$,  26. 

^  The  enacting  style,  before  the  charter,  was,  It  is  ordered,  sentenced,  and  de- 
creed.   Sometimes  one  of  the  words  only  was  used. 


3»2 


';!■;:; 


^4H 

■imm 


I 


i  V 


;,'(}i. 


■''  t. 


130 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


[1647 


or  deputy  governor  were  present.  All  orders  contrary  to  this  were 
repealed.* 

As  tobacco,  about  this  titne,  was  coming  into  use,  in  the  colony, 
a  very  curious  law  was  made  for  its  regulation,  or  suppression. 
It  was  ordered,  that  no  person  under  twenty  years  of  age,  nor 
any  other,  who  had  not  already  accustomed  himself  to  the  use 
of  it,  should  take  any  tobacco  until  he  had  obtained  a  certificate 
from  under  the  hand  of  an  approved  physician,  that  it  was  useful 
for  him,  and  until  he  had  also  obtained  a  license  from  the  court. 
All  others,  who  had  addicted  themselves  to  the  use  of  it,  were 
prohibited  from  taking  it,  in  any  company,  or  at  their  labors,  or 
in  travelling,  unless  ten  miles,  at  least,  from  any  company;  and 
though  not  in  company,  not  more  than  once  a  day,  upon  pain 
of  a  fine  of  sixpence  for  every  such  offence.  One  substantial  wit- 
ness was  to  be  a  sufficient  proof  of  the  crime.  The  constables  of 
the  several  towns  were  to  make  presentment  to  the  particular 
courts,  and  it  was  ordered,  that  the  fine  should  be  paid  without 
gainsaying.* 

At  a  court  in  June,  it  was  ordered,  that  the  fort  and  guns  at  Say- 
brook,  should  be  delivered  to  captain  John  Mason,  and  that  he 
should  give  Mr.  Fenwick  a  receipt  for  the  premises.  At  the  de- 
sire of  the  people  there,  captain  Mason  was  appointed  to  the  chief 
command  of  the  fort;  and  was  authorized  to  govern  all  the  sol- 
diers and  inhabitants  of  the  town;  to  call  them  forth  and  put  them 
in  such  array  as  might  be  necessary  for  the  general  defence  of  the 
country.  Orders  were  given,  that  the  fortifications  should  be 
repaired,  and  that  the  country  rate  of  Saybrook  should  be  appro- 
priated to  that  purpose. 

This  court  granted  to  the  soldiers  of  the  respective  train  bands 
in  the  colony,  the  privilege  of  choosing  their  own  officers,  to  be 
commissioned  by  the  court. 

The  conduct  of  the  Narraganset  and  Nehantick  Indians  was  so 
treacherous  and  hostile  that,  in  midsummer,  an  extraordinary 
meeting  of  the  commissioners  was  called  at  Boston.  The  com- 
missioners were,  Thomas  Dudley  and  John  Endicot,  Esquires, 
from  Massachusetts;  Mr.  William  Bradford  and  Mr.  John  Brown, 
from  Plymouth;  governor  Hopkins  and  captain  John  Mason, 
from  Connecticut;  governor  Eaton  and  Mr.  Goodyear,  from  New- 
Haven.    Thomas  Dudley  was  chosen  president. 

The  Narraganset  and  Nehantick  Indians,  had  not  only  neg- 
lected the  performance  of  every  part  of  their  treaties  with  the  Eng- 
lish, but  were,  by  all  their  arts,  plotting  against  them.  By  their 
wampum  they  were  hiring  all  the  Indian  nations  round  about 
them  to  combine  against  the  colonies.  They  had  sent  messengers 
and  presents  to  the  Mohawks,  to  engage  them  in  the  general  con- 

'  Records  of  Connecticut,  folio,  wl.  i.  p.  163,  163. 
*  Records  of  Connecticut. 


1647] 


;  is-  i  ^' 


;w- 


ers 
jti- 


1647] 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


131 


federacy.  As  this  faithless  conduct  was  the  occasion  of  the  meet- 
ing, the  commissioners  immediately  dispatched  messengers  to 
Pessacus,  Ninigrate,  Webetomaug,  and  all  their  confederates,  to 
declare  to  them  their  breach  of  covenant,  and  to  demand  their 
attendance  at  Boston.  The  messengers  were  instructed  to  assure 
them,  that  if  they  did  not  appear,  they  would  send  to  them  no 
more.  Pessacus  owned,  that  he  had  broken  covenant,  and  said 
it  was  the  constant  grief  of  his  spirit.  He  pretended  he  would 
gladly  go  to  Boston,  but  he  was  unwell,  and  could  not  travel. 
This  was  a  mere  pretence,  as  there  was  no  appearance  of  indispo- 
sition upon  him.  He  excused  himself  for  not  keeping  the  treaty, 
because  he  was  frighted  into  it  by  the  sight  of  the  English  army, 
which  was  about  to  invade  his  country.  He  represented,  that  he 
was  in  fear,  if  he  did  not  make  it,  the  English  would  follow  him 
home  and  kill  him.  He  declared,  however,  that  he  would  send 
his  whole  mind  by  Ninigrate,  and  that  he  would  abide  by  what- 
ever he  should  transact  in  the  aflfair. 

On  the  3d  of  August,  Ninigrate,  with  two  of  Pessacus's  men, 
and  a  it  mber  of  the  Nehantick  Indians,  arrived  at  Boston.  When 
Nin,. '  ime  before  the  commissioners,  he  pretended  great  ig- 

nora::  -<' «.  f  .he  treaties  between  the  English  and  the  Indians.  He 
declared,  that  he  knew  no  cause  why  the  Narragansets  should  pay 
so  much  wampum.  He  said  they  owed  nothing  to  the  English. 
The  commissioners  acquainted  him,  that  it  was  on  account  of  their 
breach  of  treaty,  and  the  great  charge  which,  by  that  means,  they 
had  brought  on  the  colonies,  that  the  Narragansets  engaged  to 
pay  such  a  quantity.  Well  knowing  his  deceit,  they  charged  him 
as  being  the  very  man,  who  had  been  the  principal  cause  of  all 
their  trouble  and  expense,  relative  to  the  Indians.  They  declared 
to  him,  that  he  was  the  sachem  who  had  threatened  to  pile  their 
cattle  in  heaps,  and  to  kill  every  Englishman  who  should  step  out 
at  his  doors.  At  so  home  a  charge,  which  he  could  not  deny,  he 
was  not  a  little  chagrined.  However,  he  excused  the  matter  with 
as  much  art  as  possible.  With  respect  to  the  wampum,  he  de- 
clared, that  the  Narragansets  had  not  a  sufficiency  to  pay  the  sum 
required.  The  commissioners  knew  that  the  Narragansets  were 
a  great  nation,  and  that  they  could,  at  any  time,  upon  short  notice, 
pay  a  greater  amount  than  they  demanded.  They  considered  the 
demand,  not  only  as  their  just  due,  but  as  matter  of  policy,  as  far 
as  was  consistent  with  justice,  to  strip  them  of  their  wampum, 
to  prevent  their  hiring  the  Mohawks,  and  other  Indians,  to  join 
with  them,  in  a  general  war  against  the  colonies.  They,  therefore, 
insisted  that  the  whole  sum  should  be  paid.  They  declared  to  him, 
that  they  were  not  satisfied  with  his  answers.  Ninigrate,  after 
he  had  taken  time  to  consult  with  his  council,  the  other  deputies, 
who  were  with  him,  answered,  that  he  was  determined  to  give 
the  colonies  full  satisfaction.    He  desired  ten  days  to  send  mes- 


*.v 


•hi: 


.  .'f 


h'i 


132 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


[1647 


sengers  to  Narraganset,  to  collect  the  wampum  due,  and  offered 
himself  as  hostage  until  their  return.  The  messengers  returned 
with  no  more  than  two  hundred  fathoms.  Ninigrate  imputed  this 
to  his  absence.  He  desired  liberty  to  return,  promising,  that  if 
the  whole  sum  should  not  be  paid  by  the  next  spring,  the  com- 
missioners might  take  his  head,  and  seize  his  country.  The  com- 
missioners agreed  with  him,  that  if  within  twenty  days,  he  would 
deliver  a  thousand  fathoms  of  wampum,  and  the  remainder  which 
was  due  by  the  next  planting  time,  they  would  dismiss  him.  They 
also,  for  his  encouragement,  acquainted  him,  that  although  they 
might  justly  put  the  hostages  to  death,  for  their  delays  and  breach 
of  covenant,  yet  they  would  forthwith  deliver  them  to  him;  and 
if  they  should  find  him  punctual  to  his  engagements,  they  would 
charge  former  defects  to  Pessacus.  These  terms  he  gladly  ac- 
cepted. 

The  commissioners  from  Connecticut,  the  last  year,  made  com- 
plaint, that  Mr.  Pyncheon  and  the  inhabitants  at  Springfield,  re- 
fused to  pay  the  impost  which  had  been  imposed  by  Connecticut 
for  the  maintenance  of  the  fort  at  Saybrook.  The  commissioners 
judged,  that  the  fort  was  of  great  consequence  to  the  towns  on  the 
river;  but,  as  the  affair  of  the  impost  had  not  been  laid  before  the 
general  court  of  Massachusetts,  and  as  the  commissioners  of  that 
colony  had  no  instructions  respecting  it,  a  full  hearing  had  been 
deferred  to  this  meeting. 

Meanwhile,  the  general  court  of  the  Massachusetts  had  taken 
up  the  affair,  and  passed  a  number  of  resolutions  respecting  the 
impost.  These  are  a  curiosity,  exhibiting  a  lively  picture  of  hu- 
man nature,  and,  in  the  course  of  conduct  consequent  upon  them, 
will  afford  a  general  specimen  of  the  manner  in  which  the  Massa- 
chusetts anciently  treated  her  sister  colonies.  The  resolutions 
were,  at  this  meeting,  laid  before  the  commissioners,  and  were  to 
the  following  effect. 

1.  That  the  jurisdiction  at  Hartford  had  not  a  legal  power  to 
force  any  inhabitant  of  another  jurisdiction,  to  purchase  any  fort 
or  lands  out  of  their  jurisdiction. 

2.  That  it  was  injurious  to  require  custom  for  the  maintenance 
of  a  fort  which  is  not  useful  to  those  of  whom  it  was  demanded. 

3.  That  it  was  unequal  for  Connecticut  to  impose  a  custom 
upon  their  friends  and  confederates,  who  have  no  more  bene'it  of 
the  river,  by  the  exporting  or  importing  of  goods,  than  strangers 
of  another  nation,  who,  though  they  lived  in  Hartford,  paid  none. 

4.  That  the  propounding  and  standing  upon  an  imposition  of 
custom,  to  be  paid  at  the  river's  mouth,  by  such  as  were  of  our 
jurisdiction,  hindered  our  confederation  ten  years,  and  there  was 
never  any  paid  to  this  day;  and  that  now  to  impose  it  upon  them, 
after  their  confederation,  would  put  them  upon  new  thoughts. 

5.  That  it  appeared  to  them  very  hard,  that  any  of  their  juris- 


1647] 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


V 

133 


diction  should  be  forced  to  such  a  disadvantage,  as  would  neces- 
sarily enslave  their  posterity,  by  imposing  such  rates  and  customs, 
as  v/ould  either  constrain  them  to  depart  from  their  habitations, 
or  weaken  their  estates;  especially  as  they  were  with  the  first  who 
took  possession  of  the  river,  and  were  at  great  charge  of  building, 
&c.  which  if  they  had  foreseen,  they  would  not  have  made  a  plan- 
tation at ;   at  place. 

6.  If  Hartford  jurisdiction  shall  make  use  of  their  power  over 
any  of  ours,  we  have  the  same'  power  to  imitate  them  in  the  like 
kind,  which  they  desired  might  be  forborne  on  both  sides.  These 
resolutions  were  signed  by  the  secretary  of  the  colony. 

Mr.  Hopkins  replied,  in  behalf  of  Connecticut,  that  the  first 
article  laboured  under  a  great  mistake :  that  the  imposition  was 
neither  to  buy  lands  nor  the  fort.  He  observed  also,  that  it  was 
not  material  to  what  purpose  an  impost  was  applied,  if  it  were 
lawful  in  itself,  and  did  not  exceed  the  bounds  of  moderation. 
With  respect  to  the  second  article,  he  said,  that  it  impeached  all 
states  and  nations  of  injustice,  no  less  than  Connecticut :  that  their 
practice,  in  all  similar  cases,  warranted  the  impost.  He  urged, 
that,  for  twelve  years,  the  fort  at  Saybrook  had  been  of  special 
service  to  Springfield;  and  that  it  was  so  still,  and  might  be  for 
a  number  of  years  to  come.  He  therefore  insisted,  that  it  was 
strictly  just,  that  the  inhabitants  of  that  town  should  pay  the  im- 
post. He  said  he  was  willing  to  risk  the  case,  and  have  it  decided 
on  the  principles  of  strict  justice.  The  third  article,  he  observed, 
was  a  mere  presumption,  and  had  no  just  foundation;  besides, 
if  it  were  founded,  he  argued,  that  the  comparison  was  not  equal. 
The  whole  of  the  fourth  article,  he  said,  was  a  mistake :  that  the 
confederation  was  completed  in  about  five  years  from  the  first 
mentioning  of  it,  and  that  it  was  not  retarded  by  the  means  sug- 
gested, nor  were  they  ever  mentioned.  With  reference  to  the 
fifth  article,  he  replied,  that  all  taxes  weakened  estates,  and  if  this 
were  a  ground  of  objection  against  the  impost,  then  no  tax  or  im- 
post could  ever  be  laid.  He  insisted,  that  the  impost  was  just 
and  moderate,  and,  therefore,  could  not  enslave  the  inhabitants 
of  Springfield.  The  towns  in  Connecticut,  he  observed,  were  set- 
tled before  Springfield,  and  that  town  had  been  at  no  expense  in 
making  settlements,  more  than  the  towns  in  Connecticut.  He 
said,  if  Connecticut,  at  any  time,  should  become  exorbitant  in  its 
impositions  upon  any  of  the  colonies,  they  would  find  a  remedy 
in  the  confederation.  With  reference  to  the  last  article,  he  de- 
clared his  willingness,  in  all  similar  cases,  to  submit  to  the  like 
imposition. 

The  commissioners,  upon  a  full  hearing,  determined,  that  it  was 
of  weighty  consideration  to  all  the  plantations  upon  the  river, 
that  the  mouth  of  it  should  be  secured,  and  a  safe  passage  for 
goods,  up  and  down  the  river,  be  maintained,  though  at  some 


^a 


■ir 


un 


il' 


\\r' 


ml 


r    ! 


134 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


[1647 


expense;  and,  that  as  Springfield  enjoyed  the  benefit,  the  inhabi- 
tants should  pay  the  impost  of  two  pence  per  bushel  for  corn, 
and  a  penny  on  the  pound  for  beaver,  or  twenty  shillings  upon 
every  hogshead.  Nevertheless,  out  of  respect  and  tenderness  to 
the  Massachusetts,  it  was  resolved,  that  Springfield,  or  the  general 
court,  might  have  the  liberty  of  exhibiting  further  reasons  against 
the  impost,  if  any  should  occur. 

At  this  meeting,  Mr.  John  Winthrop,  of  Pequot,  laid  claim  to 
the  whole  country  of  the  western  Nehanticks,  including  a  consid- 
erable part  of  the  town  of  Lyme.  He  represented,  that  he  obtained 
the  title  to  this  large  tract  partly  by  purchase,  and  partly  by  deed 
of  gift,  before  the  Pequot  war.  He  petitioned  the  commissioners 
to  this  effect :  "  Whereas  I  had  the  land  at  Nehantick  by  deed  of 
gift  and  purchase  from  the  sachem,  before  the  Pequot  war,  I  de- 
sire the  commissioners  would  confirm  it  unto  me,  and  clear  it  of 
all  claims  of  English  and  Indians,  according  to  the  equity  of  the 
case."  As  he  had  no  deed  nor  writing  respecting  the  land,  he 
produced  the  testimony  of  three  Nehantick  Indians.  They  testi- 
fied, that  before  the  Pequot  war,  Sashions,  their  sachem,  called 
all  his  men  together,  and  told  them,  that  he  was  determined  to 
give  his  country  to  the  governor's  son,  who  lived  at  Pattaquasset,^ 
and  that  his  men  gave  their  consent:  that  afterwards  he  went  to 
Mr.  Winthrop,  at  Pattaquasset,  and  when  he  came  back,  said  that 
he  had  granted  all  his  country  to  the  governor's  son;  and  also, 
that  he  had  received  coats  for  it,  which  they  saw  him  bring  home. 
Three  Englishmen  also  testified,  that  they  had  heard  the  Indians 
report  the  same  concerning  the  grant  of  the  Nehantick  *  country 
to  Mr.  Winthrop.  Thomas  Stanton  deposed,  that  he  remembered 
Sashions,  sachem  of  the  Nehanticks,  did  give  his  country  to  Mr. 
John  Winthrop,  before  the  Pequot  war,  and  that  he  was  inter- 
preter in  that  business. 

The  commissioners  of  Connecticut  pleaded  against  the  claim 
of  Mr.  Winthrop,  that  his  purchase  bore  no  date;  that  the  tract 
pretended  to  be  purchased  or  given,  was  not  circumscribed  within 
any  limits ;  and  that  it  did  not  appear,  that  the  Indian,  who  granted 
the  lands,  had  any  right  in  them:  that  the  grant  was  verbal,  and, 
at  most,  could  be  but  a  vague  business.  They  also  urged,  that 
it  did  not  appear,  but  that  Mr.  Winthrop  purchased  the  lands  for 
the  noblemen  and  gentlemen,  in  whose  service  he  was,  at  that 
time,  employed;  and  that,  as  the  lands  had  been  conquered,  at 
the  hazard  and  expense  of  Connecticut,  before  Mr.  Winthrop 
made  known  his  claim,  whatever  it  was,  it  was  then  dormant, 
and  of  no  validity.  They  further  insisted,  that,  as  they  were 
not  prepared  to  give  a  full  answer,  no  decision  might  be  made, 

1  This  is  sometimes  spelt  Pamaquasset,  and  was,  I  suppose,  the  Indian  name  of 
Saybrook. 

^  Some  spelt  it  Neanticut. 


X647] 


i647l 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


135 


should  be  fully  heard  with  respect  to  the 


until  Connecticut 
premises. 

The  commissioners  declined  any  decision  of  the  controversy; 
but  it  does  not  appear  that  Mr.  Winthrop  ever  after  prosecuted 
his  claim.  As  it  seems  Mr.  Winthrop,  about  this  time,  had  a  de- 
sign of  purchasing  Long-Island,  the  commissioners  took  occa- 
sion to  premonish  him,  that  the  Island  was  already  under  engage- 
ments for  considerable  sums  of  money,  to  a  number  of  persons 
in  Connecticut  and  New-Haven.  They  represented  to  him,  that 
any  title  which  might  be  derived  from  Mr.  Cope,  would  be  very 
precarious,  as  he  had  confessed  a  short  time  before  his  death.^ 

The  commissioners,  this  year,  brought  in  the  number  of  polls 
in  the  several  colonies,  and  made  a  settlement  of  their  accounts. 
The  whole  expenditure  of  the  confederates  was  1043  pounds: 
10  :  o.  There  was  due  to  Connecticut,  155  pounds:  17  : 7,  wh'.ch 
the  colony  had  expendec  in  the  general  defence,  more  than  its 
proportion.  New-Haven  had  expended  7  pounds :  0:0  more 
than  its  proportion.  This  was  exclusive  of  all  the  expense  which 
these  two  colonies  had  borne  in  defending  themselves  against  the 
Indians  at  Stamford  and  its  vicinity,  and  in  attempting  to  bring 
the  murderers  of  the  English  to  condign  punishment.  Massachu- 
setts and  Plymouth  paid  the  balance  to  Connecticut  and  New- 
Haven. 

On  the  27th  of  May,  Peter  Stuyvesant,  who,  the  last  year,  had 
been  appointed  governor  of  New-Netherlands,  arrived  at  Man- 
hadoes,  and  commenced  his  government  of  the  Dutch  settlements. 
The  commissioners  wrote  him  a  long  letter  of  congratulation. 
They  complained  also,  that  the  Dutch  sold  arms  and  ammunition 
to  the  Indians,  and  even  in  the  English  plantations.  They  desired 
that  an  immediate  stop  might  be  put  to  30  dangerous  a  trade. 
They  made  complaint  also,  that  the  Dutch  had  laid  so  severe  an 
impost  upon  all  goods,  as  greatly  discouraged  trading  with  them, 
while  all  the  harbors  in  the  united  colonies  were  open  and  free 
to  them.  As  the  Dutch  also  imposed  heavy  fines  or  forfeitures 
for  misentries,  or  defect  in  commissions,  the  commissioners  de- 
sired to  be  made  j/articularly  acquainted  with  their  customs. 

This  winter,  the  fort  and  buildings  at  Saybrook  unaccountably 
took  fire.  ai"\,  with  some  goods,  were  destroyed.  Captain  Mason, 
with  his  wife  and  child,  narrowly  escaped  the  conflagration.  The 
damage  was  estimated  at  more  than  a  thousand  pounds. 

'  Records  of  the  united  colonies. 


1^ 


S 


3  a 


i 

5 


..■I 


:j  t. 


f': 


'ko' 


136  HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT.  [1648 


CHAPTER  IX. 

THE  last  year  several  persons  began  settlements  at  Pequot 
harbour.  Lots  were  laid  out  to  them,  but  part  of  them  were  soon 
discouraged,  and  left  the  plantation,  lliis  year  Mr.  Richard 
Blinman,^  who  had  been  a  minister  in  England,  removed  from 
Gloucester  to  this  new  settlement;  in  consequence  of  which  a  con- 
siderable addition  was  made  to  the  number  who  had  kept  their 
station.  By  the  next  year,  1648,  there  was  such  an  accession,  that 
the  inhabitants  consisted  of  more  than  forty  families.  Some  of 
the  principal  men  were  John  Winthrop,  Esq.  the  Rev.  Mr.  Blin- 
man,  Thomas  Minot,  Samuel  Lothrop,  Robert  AUyn  and  James 
Avery.  For  their  encouragement,  the  general  court  granted  them 
a  three  years  exemption  from  all  colonial  taxation.  Mr.  Winthrop 
was  authorized  to  superintend  the  affairs  of  the  plantation.  The 
next  year  a  court  was  appointed  for  the  trial  of  small  causes.  The 
judges  were  Mr.  Winthrop,  Thomas  Minot  and  Samuel  Lothrop. 
The  Indian  name  of  the  place  was  Nameaug,  alias  Towawog.  In 
1654,  the  whole  tract,  now  comprised  within  the  towns  of  New- 
London  and  Groton,  was  called  Pequot,  from  the  name  of  the 
harbour  and  original  inhabitants.  By  this  it  was  known  for  about 
four  years.  On  the  24th  of  March,  1658,  the  assembly  passed 
an  act  respecting  it,  which  is  so  curious,  and  expressive  of  the 
feelings  of  our  ancestors  towards  their  native  country,  as  to  render 
it  worthy  of  publication. 

"  Whereas,  it  hath  been  the  commendable  practice  of  the  in- 
habitants of  all  the  colonies  of  these  parts,  that  as  this  country 
hath  its  denomination  from  our  dear  native  country  of  England, 
and  thence  is  called  New-England;  so  the  planters,  in  their  first 
settling  of  most  new  plantations,  have  given  names  to  those  plan- 
tations of  some  cities  and  towns  in  England,  thereby  intending 
to  keep  up,  and  leave  to  postc-rivy,  the  memorial  of  several  places 
of  note  there,  as  Boston,  Hartford,  Windsor,  York,  Ipswich, 
Braintree,  Exeter;  this  court  considering,  that  there  hath  yet 
no  place  in  any  of  the  colonies  been  named  in  memory  of  the  city 
of  London,  there  being  a  new  plantation  within  this  jurisdiction 
of  Connecticut,  settled  upon  that  fair  river  Moheagan,  in  the 
Pequot  country,  being  an  excellent  harbour  and  a  fit  and  conven- 
ient place  for  future  trade,  it  being  also  the  only  place  which  the 

>  Mr.  Blinman  or  Blynmon  is  first  mentioned  in  MissCaulkins'  History  of  New- 
London  as  being  at  that  town  in  1650. 

There  is  no  evidence  to  show  that  Richard  Blinman  was  established  at  New 
London  until  1650,  which  is  the  date  of  the  first  recorded  grant  made  to  him. 
Miss  Caulkins  says,  "A  comparison  of  the  records  of  Gloucester  with  those  of  New 
London  show  that  he  did  not  remove  till  1650." — J.  T. 


1:    lil; 


1648] 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


137 


English  in  these  parts  have  possessed  by  conquest,  and  that  upon 
a  very  just  war,  upon  that  great  and  warlike  people,  the  Pequots, 
we  therefore  that  we  might  thereby  leave  to  posterity  that  we 
memory  of  that  renowned  city  of  London,  from  whence  we  had 
our  transportation,  have  thought  fit,  in  honor  to  that  famous  city, 
to  call  the  said  plantation  New-London."  The  name  of  the  river 
was  also  changed  and  called  the  Thames.^ 

Until  this  time  the  governors  and  magistrates  appear  to  have 
served  the  people  for  the  honor  of  it,  and  the  public  good.  The 
general  court  took  the  affair  in'  o  their  consideration,  and  granted 
the  governor  30  pounds  annua  ly.  The  same  sum  was  also  voted 
for  the  deputy  governor,  who  had  presided  the  preceding  year. 
These  appear  to  have  been  the  first  salaries  given  to  any  civil 
officers  in  the  colony,  and  to  have  been  a  compensation  for  the 
expense  of  the  office,  rather  than  for  the  service  performed.'  Upon 
the  election  at  Hartford,  May  i8th,  Mr.  Hopkins  was  chosen 
governor,  and  Mr.  Ludlow  deputy  governor.  Mr.  Haynes  sup- 
plied the  vacancy  made  by  the  advancement  of  Mi.  Ludlow,  and 
Mr.  CuUick  was  elected  magistrate  and  secretary  in  ^he  place 
of  Mr.  Whiting. 

In  September  the  commissioners  of  the  united  colonies  con- 
vened at  Plymouth.  They  were  John  Endicot  and  Simon  Brad- 
street,  from  Massachusetts;  William  Bradford  and  John  Brown 
from  Plymouth;  governor  Hopkins  and  Roger  Ludlow,  from 
Connecticut;  governor  Eaton  and  John  Astwood,  from  New- 
Haven. 

The  Indians,  both  in  the  Nehantick  and  Narraganset  country, 
and  in  the  Western  parts  of  Connecticut,  had  been  more  perfidious 
and  outrageous  this  year  than  at  any  time  since  the  Pequot  war. 
The  Narragansets  and  Nehanticks,  instead  of  performing  the  fair 
promises  which  they  had  made,  the  last  year,  and  of  paying  the 
wampum,  which  had  been  so  long  due,  hired  the  Mohawk  and 
Pocomtock  Indians  to  unite  with  them  in  an  expedition  for  the 
total  destruction  of  Uncas  and  the  Moheagans.  The  Pocomtocks 
made  preparations  and  assembled  for  the  purpose.  They  waited 
several  days  for  the  arrival  of  the  Mohawks,  who  were  to  have 
joined  them  at  that  place.  The  Narragansets  and  Nehanticks  re- 
moved their  old  men,  women  and  children  into  swamps  and  fast- 
nesses, and  prepared  an  army  of  800  men,  who  were  to  form  a 
junction  with  the  Mohawk  and  Pocomtock  Indians,  in  Connecti- 
cut, near  the  Moheagans. 

The  governor  and  council,  apprised  of  their  designs,  dispatched 
Thomas  Stanton,  their  interpreter,  and  others  to  Pocomtock. 

'  Records  of  Connecticut  and  New  London. 

'  On  November  9,  1641,  or  seven  years  before  this,  the  General  Court  voted  to 
grant  to  the  governor  160  bushels  of  com  (about  £24) ;  and  September  11,  1645, 
it  was  voted  that  "30/  in  wheat  and  pease  be  paid  to  the  Gou',  and  Indean  com." 
Colonial  Records,  i :  69,  131.— J.  T. 


1   -fj 

1     1 

1  f! 

J ' 

►>*., 
'*«ll 


1.1 


K4 


-in 

■  ■)'■  '  '  ■ 


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■  til 


■*>»'-' 


I>   ■ 


I?  :. 


:i     r: 


138 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


[1648 


1648] 


They  found  the  Pocomtocks  actually  met  in  arms,  and  waiting 
for  the  arrival  of  the  Mohawks.  It  was  represented  that  the  Mo- 
hawks had  four  hundred  fire  arms,  and  a  plenty  of  ammunition. 
The  Pocomtocks  acknowledged  that  they  had  been  hired  by  the 
Narragansets.  Such  a  confederacy  was  alarming  to  the  colony. 
What  such  an  army  of  savages  might  effect  could  not  be  deter- 
mined. It  was  dangerous  to  suffer  them  to  march  through  the 
colony,  and  form  a  junction  near  the  plantations.  Several  happy 
circumstances  united  their  influence  to  frustrate  this  formidable 
combination.  The  early  discovery  of  the  designs  of  the  enemy, 
by  the  people  of  Connecticut,  and  the  precautions  which  were 
taken,  had  a  great  effect.  The  Pocomtocks  and  Mohawks  were 
assured,  that  the  English  would  defend  Uncas  against  all  his 
enemies,  and  would  avenge  all  injuries  which  they  should  do  him. 
The  Mohawks  had  one  or  two  of  their  sachems  and  a  number 
of  their  men  killed  by  the  French.  They  therefore  did  not  come 
on.  The  Pocomtock  Indians  did  not  choose  to  march  without 
them;  and  the  Narragansets,  thus  deserted,  were  afraid  to  pro- 
ceed.   Thus  the  expedition  failed. 

The  Narragansets  not  only  plotted  against  the  united  colonies, 
but  committed  many  outrages  against  the  people  of  Rhode- 
Island.  They  made  forcible  entries  into  their  houses,  struck  and 
abused  the  owners,  stole  and  purloined  their  goods.  At  Warwick 
especially,  they  were  exceedingly  troublesome.  They  killed,  in 
that  plantation,  about  a  hundred  cattle,  exclusive  of  other  in- 
juries which  they  did  to  the  inhabitants.  Indeed,  the  Rhode- 
Islanders  were  so  harassed,  that  they  made  application,  by  their 
representatives,  to  the  commissioners,  to  be  admitted  to  the  con- 
federation of  the  united  colonies. 

The  commissioners  replied,  that  they  found  their  present  state 
to  be  full  of  confusion  and  danger,  and  that  they  were  desirous 
of  giving  them  both  advice  and  help.  They  however  observed, 
that  as  the  plantation  made  at  Rhode-Island,  fell  within  the  limits 
of  the  ancient  patent  granted  to  the  colony  of  New-Plymouth, 
they  could  not  receive  them  as  a  distinct  confederate.  They  repre- 
sented, that  it  was  the  design  of  the  honourable  committee  of 
parliament,  that  the  limits  of  that  colony  should  not  be  abridged 
or  infringed.  They  proposed,  that  if  the  Rhode-Islanders  would 
acknowledge  themselves  to  be  within  the  limits  of  Plymouth  col- 
ony, they  would  advise  how  they  might  be  received  on  equitable 
terms,  with  a  tender  regard  for  their  convenience;  and  that  they 
would  afford  them  the  same  advice  and  protection,  which  they 
did  the  other  plantations  within  the  united  colonies. 

The  commissioners  sent  messengers  again  to  the  Narraganset 
and  Nehantick  Indians,  to  charge  their  treachery  upon  them, 
remonstrate  against  their  conduct,  and  demand  the  arrearages  of 
wampum  which  were  yet  unpaid.    Their  outrages  against  the  in- 


fir  " 


;*  !V:. 


1648] 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


139 


habitants  of  Rhode-Island  were  particularly  noticed,  and  the  sa- 
chems were  peremptorily  charged  to  keep  their  men  under  better 
government.  The  colonies  wished  to  exhibit  all  forbearance 
towards  the  Indians,  and,  if  possible,  to  preserve  the  peace  of  the 
country.  They  chose  rather  to  restrain  the  natives  by  policy  and 
the  arts  of  peace,  than  by  the  swords 

The  general  court  of  Massachusetts  was,  by  no  means,  pleased 
with  the  determination  of  the  commissioners,  the  last  year,  rela- 
tive to  the  impost  to  be  paid  at  Skybrook.  A  committee  was,  there- 
fore, appointed  to  draft  an  answer  to  the  observations  and  plead- 
ings of  governor  Hopkins  before  the  commissioners,  at  their 
former  sessions. 

The  committee  introduced  their  answer  with  a  number  of  ques- 
tions relative  to  the  articles  of  confederation.  Some  were  calcu- 
lated to  make  nothing  of  them,  and  exhibit  them  in  a  point  of 
light  entirely  contemptible.  Others  related  to  the  power  of  the 
commissioners,  and  to  the  degree  in  which  obedience  was  due  to 
their  determinations.  They  inquired  whether  a  non-compliance 
with  the  orders  of  the  commissioners  would  be  a  breach  of  the 
articles  of  confederation?  They  complained,  that  they  had  not 
a  greater  number  of  commissioners,  as  Massachusetts  was  much 
larger  than  the  other  colonies.  They  proposed,  that  they  should 
have  the  privilege  of  sending  three  commissioners,  and  that  the 
meetings  of  the  confederates  should  be  triennial.  They  then  pro- 
ceeded to  a  large  reply  to  the  arguments  of  governor  Hopkins; 
and  attempted  to  vindicate  the  reasons  which  they  had  given  be- 
fore against  the  impost.  In  addition  to  what  they  had  formerly 
offered,  they  endeavoured  to  show,  that  if  Springfield  was  bene- 
fitted by  the  fort  at  Saybrook,  and  ought  to  pay  the  impost  on 
that  account,  that  New-Haven,  Stamford,  and  all  the  towns  on 
that  side  of  the  river,  ought  to  pay  it  no  less ;  because  they  had 
been  already  benefitted,  and  might  be  hereafter.  Since  this  was 
the  case,  as  they  pleaded,  they  objected  against  the  commissioners 
of  New-Haven,  as  disqualified  to  judge  in  the  case.  They,  also, 
objected  against  the  decision  of  the  commissioners,  because  it  was 
made,  as  they  said,  without  a  sight  of  the  Connecticut  patent. 
They  insisted,  that  if  the  patent  had  been  produced,  there  might 
have  been  some  clause  which  would  have  helped  their  case.  The 
committee  pleaded  a  priority  of  possession.  They  affirmed,  that 
the  first  possession  of  Saybrook  fort  was  taken  by  Mr.  John  Win- 
throp,  in  November,  1635;  ^"^  o"'"  possession  was  before  that: 
for  those  who  went  from  Watertown,  Cambridge,  Roxbury,  and 
Dorchester,  the  summer  before,  took  possession  in  our  name  and 
right;  and  had  a  commission  of  government  from  us,  and  some 
ordnance  for  their  defence.  And  in  this  state  they  remained  a 
good  space.  In  fine  they  urged,  that  if  the  impost  were  lawful, 
it  was  not  expedient;  that  they  could  view  it  in  no  other  light 


i!|! 


at 

:) 

I 


' 


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'iV 


MO 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


[1648 


1648] 


!* 


i'- 


than  as  a  bone  of  contention,  to  interrupt  their  happy  union  and 
brotherly  love.  Indeed,  they  represented,  that  it  laid  them  under 
temptations  to  help  themselves  in  some  other  way.  This  was 
adopted  by  the  general  court. 

GovvTnor  Hopkins  and  Mr.  Ludlow  insisted  on  the  answers 
which  had  been  given  the  last  year,  to  the  arguments  of  the  gen- 
eral court  of  the  Massachusetts.  They  attempted  to  show,  that, 
notwithstanding  all  which  had  been  urged,  the  arguments  in  fa- 
vour of  the  impost  remained  unanswered,  and  in  their  full  force. 
They  observed,  that  whatever  propositions  might  have  been  made 
by  the  Massachusetts,  in  1638,  with  respect  to  the  exemption  of 
plantations  under  their  government  from  an  impost,  nothing  was 
ever  granted  upon  that  head:  that  affairs  were  now  in  a  very 
different  state  from  what  they  were  at  the  time  of  the  confedera- 
tion. They  urged,  that  now  the  charge  of  the  fort  and  garrison 
at  Saybrook,  lay  upon  the  colony;  which  was  not  the  case  at 
that  time;  and  that  nothing  could  be  fairly  pleaded  from  the  cir- 
cumstances in  which  the  colonies  confederated. 

With  respect  to  priority  of  right,  and  the  commission  which 
had  been  mentioned,  they  observed,  that  the  commission  of  gov- 
ernment was  taken,  salvo  jure,  of  the  interest  of  the  gentlemen 
who  had  the  patent  of  Connecticut,  this  commission  taking  rise 
from  the  desire  of  the  people  that  removed,  who  judged  it  inex- 
pedient to  go  away  without  any  frame  of  government,  not  from 
any  claim  of  the  Massachusetts  jurisdiction  over  them  by  virtue 
of  patent. 

With  reference  to  the  decision  of  the  commissioners,  without 
seeing  the  Connecticut  patent,  they  observed,  that  a  copy  of  it 
was  exhibited  at  the  time  of  the  confederation;  that  it  had  been 
well  known  to  many;  and  that  the  Massachusetts  in  particular 
knew,  that  it  had  recently  been  owned  by  the  honourable  com- 
mittee of  parliament;  and  that  equal  respect  and  power  had 
been  given  by  it  to  all  within  its  limits,  as  had  been  either  to 
Massachusetts  or  Plymouth,  within  the  limits  of  their  respective 
patents. 

As  to  the  inexpediency  of  the  impost,  as  tending  to  disturb  the 
peace  and  brotherly  love  subsisting  between  the  colonies,  they 
replied,  that  it  was  their  hope  and  earnest  desire,  that  in  all  the 
proceedings  of  the  confederation,  truth  and  peace  might  embrace 
euch  other.  But  they  insisted,  that  pleading  for  truth  and  right- 
eousness ought,  by  no  means,  to  disturb  peace  or  brotherly  affec- 
tion. Indeed,  they  maintained,  that  things  which  were  rational, 
and  consistent  with  truth  and  righteousness,  should  never  be  an 
occasion  of  oflfence  to  any. 

The  commissioners  of  Connecticut,  at  this  time,  produced  an 
authentic  copy  of  their  patent,  and  governor  Hopkins  offered 
to  attest  it  upon  oath.    As  this  was  the  third  year  since  the  affair 


Pit 


ml 


i&tS] 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


141 


of  the  impost  had  been  litigated  before  the  commissioners,  it  was 
urged,  that  it  might  have  a  final  issue,  agreeable  to  truth  and 
righteousness.  Governor  Hopkins  and  Mr.  Ludlow  disputed  the 
southern  boundary  of  Massachusetts,  and  claimed  Springfield  as 
lying  within  the  limits  described  in  the  patent  of  Connecticut. 

The  commissioners  judged,  that  the  objections  offered  against 
the  gentlemen  from  New-Haven,  were  insufficient,  and  the  com- 
missioners from  Massachusetts  gave  them  up.  Upon  the  whole, 
after  a  full  hearing  and  mature  deliberation,  the  former  order,  in 
favour  of  Connecticut,  was  confirmed.* 

Notwithstanding  the  congratulatory  letter,  which  the  commis- 
sioners addressed  to  Stuyvesant,  the  Dutch  governor,  t  their  last 
session,  he  proved  not  the  most  comfortable  neighbour  He  gave 
no  answer  to  the  complaints  which  had  been  stated  to  h»m,  in  'heir 
letter.  He  transmitted  no  account  of  the  customs  laid  upon  the 
English  merchants,  nor  of  the  cases  in  which  the  Dutch  made 
seizures,  so  that  it  was  extremely  difficult  to  know  on  wiiat  term  . 
they  could  trade,  or  how  to  escape  fines,  seizures,  and  confisca- 
tions. 

By  Stuyvesant's  order,  the  Dutch  seized  a  vessel  of  Mr.  Westf : - 
house,  a  Dutch  merchant  and  planter  at  New-Haven,  while  rid'iig 
at  anchor  within  the  harbour.  He  preferred  a  complaint  to  he 
commissioners.  He  came  in  from  Virginia,  and  gave  evidence, 
that,  when  he  sailed  thence,  he  made  a  full  payment  of  all  the 
customs.  The  commissioners  wrote  to  the  Dutch  governor  on 
the  subject,  and  remonstrated  against  such  a  flagrant  insult  to 
the  united  colonies,  and  against  the  injustice  done  to  Mr.  West*  r- 
house.  They  protested  against  the  Dutch  claim  to  all  the  lands, 
rivers,  and  streams,  from  Cape  Henlopen  to  Cape  Cod:  and  as- 
serted their  claim  to  all  the  lands  and  plantations  in  the  united 
colonies,  as  anciently  granted  by  the  kings  of  England  to  their 
subjects,  and  since  purchased  by  them  of  the  Indians,  the  original 
proprietors. 

At  the  same  time,  they  assured  him,  that  they  ; •  yected  satis- 
faction, both  for  the  injury  and  aflfront,  in  taking  a  ship  out  of 
one  of  their  harbours,  upon  such  a  challenge  and  title  to  the  place, 
unjustly  claimed  without  purchase,  possessio-v  or  any  other  con- 
siderable ground.  They  represented  to  hif  in  strong  terms,  the 
absolute  necessity  of  a  meeting  for  tht  adjustment  of  the  differ- 
ences between  the  Dutch  and  the  united  colonies.  They  professed 
themselves  to  be  inclined  to  pursue  all  proper  counsels  for  that 
purpose.  As  his  letters  to  them,  as  well  as  to  the  governors  of 
Massachusetts  and  New-Haven,  had  been  expressed  in  such  in- 
determinate language  on  the  subject,  they  wished  him  to  be  more 
explicit.  They  avowed  their  determination,  that,  until  such  time 
as  the  Dutch  should  come  to  an  amicable  settlement  of  the  points 
■  Recordi  of  the  united  colonies. 


*"  mi 


4 


>• 


;i 


\' 


"■  'Ml 


142 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


[1648 


1649] 


D  "  1  '       i' 


r  ,;;,.;■  1:!: 


&h 


in  controversy,  neither  their  merchants  nor  mariners  should  enjoy 
any  privilege,  in  any  of  the  English  plantations  or  harbours,  either 
of  anchoring,  searching,  or  seizing,  more  than  the  English  did  at 
the  Manhadoes.  They  declared,  that  if,  upon  search,  they  should 
find  arms  and  ammunition  on  board  any  of  the  Dutch  ships,  for 
the  mischievous  purpose  of  vending  them  within  the  limits  of  the 
united  colonies,  to  the  Indians,  they  would  seize  them,  until  fur- 
ther inquiry  and  satisfaction  should  be  made.  In  short,  they 
avowed  their  purpose  of  treating  the  Dutch  mariners  and  mer- 
chants in  the  English  harbours  and  plantations,  in  the  same  man- 
ner in  which  they  treated  the  English.  They  declared,  that,  if  the 
Dutch  should  proceed  to  seize  any  vessel  or  goods,  within  any  of 
the  harbours  of  the  united  colonies,  whether  of  English,  Dutch, 
or  any  other  nation,  admitted  to  be  planters  in  any  of  the  said 
colonies,  they  should  be  necessitated  to  vindicate  their  rights,  and 
to  repair  the  damages  by  all  just  means.^ 

Soon  after  the  meeting  of  the  commissioners,  Mr.  John  Whit- 
more,  of  Stamford,  was  murdered  by  the  Indians.  He  was  a  peace- 
able, worthy  man,  and  one  of  the  representatives  of  the  town  in 
the  general  court  at  New-Haven.  He  fell  as  he  was  seeking  cattle 
in  the  woods.  The  sachem's  son  first  carried  the  news  into  town, 
and  reported  that  one  Toquattoes  had  killed  him,  and  had  some 
of  his  clothes,  of  which  he  gave  a  particular  description.  From 
this  circumstance,  it  was  suspected,  that  he  was  either  a  principal 
or  an  accomplice  in  the  crime.  No  such  evidence,  however,  could 
be  obtained  as  would  warrant  the  apprehending  him.  The  Eng- 
lish took  g^eat  pains  to  find  the  remains  of  Mr.  Whitmore,  but 
could  make  no  discovery  at  that  time.  About  two  months  after, 
Uncas,  with  several  of  his  Indians,  went  to  Stamford,  and  making 
inquiry  concerning  Mr.  Whitmore's  body,  the  sachem's  son  and 
one  Kehoran,  another  of  the  natives  who  had  been  suspected,  led 
Uncas,  with  his  men,  and  a  number  of  the  English,  directly  to  the 
place  of  his  remains.  Upon  carrying  them  into  town,  the  sachem's 
son  and  Kehoran  fell  a-trembling,  and  manifested  such  signs  of 
guilt,  that  the  Moheagans  declared  that  they  were  guilty.  But 
before  they  could  be  apprehended,  they  made  their  escape.  The 
Indians  at  Stamford  and  its  vicinity,  either  through  fear  of  their 
sachem,  or  favour  to  his  son,  or  from  some  other  cause,  charged 
the  murder  upon  Toquattoes.  But  neither  he,  nor  the  other  sus- 
pected persons,  were  delivered  up,  nor  could  the  English  bring 
them  to  any  examination  respecting  the  subject. 

About  the  same  time  it  was  reported,  that  the  Indians  upon 
Long-Island  had,  some  years  before,  murdered  a  number  of  Eng- 
lishmen, who  were  part  of  the  crew  of  a  vessel  of  one  Mr.  Cope, 
which  had  been  cast  away  near  the  island.  These  instances  of 
bloodshed  gave  great  alarm  to  Connecticut  and  New-Haven,  es- 
'  Records  of  the  united  coloniei. 


ii!): 


1649] 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


^ 


pecially  to  Stamford,  and  the  towns  in  that  vicinity.  Mrs.  Whit- 
more,  by  letters  and  messengers,  sued  for  justice  against  the  mur- 
derers of  her  husband.  The  Indians  grew  haughty  and  insolent, 
and  censured  the  conduct  of  the  English.  It  was  dangerous  to 
suffer  such  crimes  to  be  unpunished,  as  it  would  embolden  the 
natives  to  be  constantly  massacreing  the  English.  But  as  nothing 
could  be  done,  in  this  case,  except  by  an  armed  force,  it  was  de- 
ferred to  the  consideration  of  the  commissioners  of  the  united 
colonies. 

At  the  general  election  in  Connecticut,  May  17th,  1649,  Mr. 
Haynes  was  chosen  governor,  and  Mr.  Hopkins  deputy-governor. 
Mr.  Ludlow  took  his  place  again  among  the  magistrates.  The 
other  officers  were  as  they  had  been  the  preceding  year. 

In  consequence  of  the  burning  of  the  old  fort  at  Saybrook,  a 
new  one  was  begun  the  last  year,  at  a  place  called  the  new  fort 
hill.  At  this  session  of  the  assembly,  orders  were  given  for  the 
erecting  of  a  new  dwelling-house  in  the  fort,  and  for  completing 
the  works  and  buildings  at  Saybrook.  The  magistrates  were  em- 
powered to  impress  suitable  hands  for  carrying  the  business  into 
effect,  and  appropriations  were  made  for  that  purpose. 

Whereas  t'le  commissioners  of  Massachusetts,  in  their  plead- 
ings before  the  commissioners  of  the  united  colonies,  at  their  last 
session,  had  expressed  their  doubts,  whether  the  act  of  Connecti- 
cut, imposing  a  duty  upon  certain  articles  exported  from  Con- 
necticut river,  had  any  respect  to  the  inhabitants  of  Springfield, 
the  general  court  declared,  that  they  had  particular  respect  to 
them,  as  under  the  government  of  the  Massachusetts.  They  also 
resolved,  that,  in  their  best  apprehensions,  nothing  was  imposed 
on  them  more  than  was  strictly  just,  or  than  had  been  imposeti 
on  themselves;  and  that  they  ought  to  submit  to  the  impost. 
They  declared,  that  the  execution  of  the  act,  with  respect  to  their 
brethren  at  Springfield,  had  been  deferred,  only  that  the  judg- 
ment of  the  commissioners  of  the  other  colonies  might  be  had 
on  the  premises.  The  assembly  also  resolved,  that  they  were 
wholly  unsatisfied  that  Springfield  did  fall  within  the  true  limits 
of  the  Massachusetts  patent.  They  also  expressed  their  earnest 
wishes,  that  the  line  might  be  speedily  and  fully  settled,  in  right- 
eousness and  peace.  It  was  ordered,  that  these  resolutions  should 
be  laid  before  the  commissioners  at  their  next  meeting, 

Mr.  Ludlow  had,  for  several  years  successively,  been  desired 
by  the  general  court  to  make  a  collection  of  the  laws  which  had 
been  enacted,  and  to  revise,  digest,  and  prepare  a  body  of  laws 
for  the  colony.  He  had  now  finished  the  work,  and  at  this  session 
a  code  vvC"  established. 

Until  this  time,  punishments,  in  many  instances,  had  been  un- 
certain and  arbitrary.  They  had  been  left  wholly  to  the  discretion 
of  the  court.    Defamation  had,  in  some  instances,  been  punished 


:  i; '  I ; 


■tm 


!  M 


:■]- 


it 


■rfi 


!     !1M' 


144 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


[1649 


by  fine,  repeated  scourging,  and  imprisonment.^  For  violation 
of  the  sabbath,  there  is  an  instance  of  imprisonment  during  the 
pleasure  of  the  court.  Unchastity  between  single  persons  was, 
sometimes,  punished  by  setting  the  delinquent  in  the  pillory,  and 
by  whipping  him  from  one  town  to  another.  But,  from  this  time, 
the  laws,  in  general,  became  fixed,  and  the  punishment  of  partic- 
ular crimes  was  specified,  so  that  delinquents  might  know  what 
to  expect,  when  they  had  the  temerity  to  transgress. 

The  statute  now  requirea  a  jury  of  twelve  men:  that  in  cases 
in  which  they  were  doubtful  with  respect  to  law,  they  should  bring 
in  a  non  liquet,  or  special  verdict;  and  that  matter  of  law  should 
be  determined  by  the  bench,  as  it  is  at  the  present  time.  But  if, 
after  the  jury  had  been  sent  out  repeatedly,  the  court  judged  they 
had  mistaken  the  evidence,  and  brought  in  a  wrong  verdict,  they 
were  authorized,  in  civil  cases,  to  impannel  a  new  jury.  The  court, 
also,  retained  the  power  of  lessening  and  increasing  the  damages 
given  by  the  jury,  as  they  judged  most  equitable.'  All  cases  of 
life,  limb,  or  banishment,  were  determined  by  a  special  jury  of 
twelve  able  men,  and  a  verdict  could  not  be  accepted  unless  the 
whole  jury  were  agreed.  Connecticut  now  had  the  appearance 
of  a  well  regulated  commonwealth. 

An  extraordinary  meeting  of  the  commissioners  was  holden 
July  23,  at  Boston.  The  members  were  Thomas  Dudley,  Esq'r. 
Mr.  Simon  Bradstreet,  William  Bradford,  Esq'r.  Mr.  John  Brown, 
Edward  Hopkins,  Esq'r.  Mr.  Thomas  Wells,  Governor  Eaton, 
and  Mr.  John  Astwood. 

Governor  Eaton,  in  behalf  of  the  colony  of  New-Haven,  pro- 
posed that  effectual  measures  might  be  immediately  adopted  for 
the  settlement  of  Delaware  bay.  The  title  which  a  number  of 
merchants,  at  New-Haven,  had  to  extensive  tracts  on  both  sides 
of  the  river,  by  virtue  of  fair  purchases  from  the  Indians,  was  laid 
before  the  commissioners.  The  fertility  of  the  soil,  the  healthful- 
ness  of  the  country,  the  convenience  of  the  several  rivers,  the  great 
advantages  of  settlements,  and  a  well  regulated  trade  there,  not 
only  to  New-Haven,  but  to  all  the  New-England  colonies,  were 
strongly  represented. 

The  commis  ioners,  after  a  full  hearing  and  mature  delibera- 
tion, were  of  the  opinion,  that  the  circumstances  of  the  colonies 
were  such,  that  it  would  not  be  prudent,  at  that  time,  by  any  pub- 
lic act,  to  encourage  the  settlement  of  those  tracts.  Besides  the 
contest  with  the  Dutch  and  the  danger  of  involving  the  colonies 
in  war,  it  was  observed,  that  they  had  scarcely  sufficient  numbers 

1  In  1646,  one  Robert  Bartlett,  for  defamation,  was  sentenced  to  stand  in  the 
pillory  during  the  public  lecture,  then  to  be  whipped,  pay  £^,  and  suffer  six  months 
imprisonment.  This  year  one  Daniel  Turner,  for  the  same  crime,  was  sentenced 
to  be  whipped,  and  then  be  imprisoned  a  month  ;  at  the  month's  end  to  go  to  the 
post  again,  and  then  to  be  bound  to  his  good  behaviour. 

'  Old  Connecticut  code,  p.  37. 


1649] 


i649l 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


145 


in  the 

nonths 

[tenced 

to  the 


of  men  at  home  for  their  own  defence,  and  the  prosecution  of  the 
necessf  ry  affairs  of  their  respective  plantations. 

It  was  therefore  recommended  to  the  merchants  and  gentlemen 
at  New-Haven,  either  to  settle  or  make  sale  of  the  lands  which 
they  had,  as  should  appear  most  expedient.  The  commissioners 
resolved,  that  if  any  persons  in  the  united  colonies  should  attempt, 
without  their  consent,  to  make  settlements  on  the  lands,  or  to  do 
any  thing  injurious  to  the  rights  of  the  purchasers,  that  they  would 
neither  own  nor  protect  them  in  their  unjust  attempts.* 

The  murder  of  Mr.  Whitmore,  and  the  other  murders  which 
the  Indians  had  committed  against  the  English,  were  fully  con- 
sidered. The  commissioners  therefore  resolved,  that  the  guilty 
should  be  delivered  up;  and  if  they  were  not,  that  the  sachem,  at 
Stamford,  or  his  son,  should  be  apprehended  and  kept  in  durance, 
until  they  should  be  secured,  and  justice  have  its  course.  They 
ordered,  that  search  should  be  made  with  respect  to  the  murders, 
said  to  be  committed,  at  Long-Island,  and,  if  evidence  could  be 
obtained,  to  apprehend  the  delinquents  and  bring  them  to  justice. 

Some  time  before  t!:e  meeting  of  the  commissioners,  the  Indians 
upon  Long-Island  perpetrated  murder  at  Southhold.  They  rose, 
in  a  hostile  manner,  for  several  days  round  the  town.  The  inhabi- 
tants were  obliged  to  arm  and  stand  upon  their  defence  against 
them  for  a  considerable  time;  and  afterwards  to  keep  a  strong  and 
vigilant  guard  by  night.  The  town  was  not  only  exceedingly 
alarmed  and  distressed,  but  put  to  great  expense.  They  therefore 
made  application  to  the  commissioners  for  relief.  But  they  would 
not  consent,  that  the  colonies  in  general  should  bear  any  of  the 
charge,  in  such  instances.  They  determined  in  this  case,  as  they 
had  done  before  with  respect  to  other  towns  in  the  jurisdictions 
of  Connecticut  and  New-Haven.  The  colonies  and  towns,  which 
had  suffered,  had  been  obliged  to  bear  all  the  expense  of  defend- 
ing Stamford  and  other  places,  Uncas  and  the  Moheagans,  in  all 
instances  in  which  they  had  not  been  warranted,  by  the  particular 
directions  of  the  commissioners. 

The  Narraganset  and  Nehantick  Indians  still  persisted  in  their 
murderous  designs  against  Uncas,  and  in  their  perfidious  conduct 
towards  the  colonies.  The  alarming  aspect  of  affairs,  with  respect 
to  them,  was  the  occasion  of  this  extraordinary  meeting. 

An  Indian,  hired  by  the  Narraganset  and  Nehantick  sachems 
to  kill  Uncas,  going  on  board  a  vessel  in  the  Thames,  where  he 
was,  ran  him  through  the  breast  with  a  sword.  The  wound,  at 
first,  was  judged  to  be  mortal ;  Uncas  however  finally  recovered. 
At  this  meeting,  he  presented  himself  before  the  commissioners, 
and  complained  of  the  assault  made  upon  him ;  and  affirmed,  that 
these  sachems  had  hired  the  Mohawks  and  other  Indians  against 
him,  as  well  as  an  assassin  to  kill  him  secretly.  He  complained 
■  Records  of  the  united  colonies. 


I-  'r-.4 


il 


111- 


til., I 

HI  ■ 


H  1' 


•i'   m 


I4<3 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


[1649 


also,  that  the  Narragansets  had  neither  restored  his  canoes  nor  his 
captives,  us  had  been  expressly  demanded  and  stipulated.  He 
prayed,  that,  as  he  had  ever  been  friendly  and  faithful  to  the  col- 
onies, they  would  provide  for  his  safety,  avenge  these  outrages, 
and  do  him  justice. 

Ninigrate  was  examined  before  the  commissioners  on  these 
points;  and  it  was  proved,  by  the  confession  of  the  Mohawks 
themselves,  that  the  Narragansets  had  hired  them  against  Uncas. 
The  Indian,  who  had  wounded  Uncas,  declared,  that  he  had  been 
hired  by  Pessacus  and  Ninigrate.  Ninigrate  made  but  a  poor 
defence,  either  of  himself  or  Pessacus.  The  commissioners  dis- 
missed him,  entirely  unsatisfied,  and  assured  him,  that  unless  he 
immediately  complied  with  the  terms  on  which  they  had  formerly 
agreed,  they  should  leave  him  to  his  own  counsels. 

The  colonies  were  alarmed  with  the  report,  that  one  of  the 
brothers  of  Sassacus,  or  his  son,  was  about  to  marry  the  daughter 
of  Ninigrate:  and  it  was  njcctured,  that  the  Narraganset  and 
Nchantick  Indians  were  concerting  a  plan  to  collect  the  scattered 
remains  of  the  Pequots,  and  to  set  them  up  as  a  distinct  nation 
with  the  son,  or  brother  of  Sassacus,  at  their  head.  The  commis- 
sioners viewed  the  colonies  as  upon  the  commencement  of  an 
Indian  war,  and  gave  directions,  that  they  should  be  immediately 
prepared  for  any  emergency. 

The  Pequots,  who  had  been  given  to  Uncas,  had  now  for  more 
than  two  years  revolted  from  him,  and  lived  separately,  as  a  dis- 
tinct clan.  In  1647,  they  complained  to  the  commissioners,  that 
Uncas  and  the  Moheagans  had  abused  them.  They  represented, 
that,  though  they  had  submitted  and  been  faithful  to  him,  assisted 
him  in  his  wars,  been  esteemed  as  his  men,  and  paid  him  tribute, 
he  had  nevertheless  grossly  injured  them.  They  said,  that  he  had 
required  tribute  of  them,  from  time  to  time,  upon  mere  pretences; 
and  that  since  they  had  been  put  under  him,  they  paid  him 
wampum  forty  times.  They  alleged,  that  upon  the  death  of  one 
of  his  children,  he  gave  his  squaw  presents  and  ordered  them  to 
comfort  her  in  the  same  way;  and  that  they  presented  her  with 
a  hundred  fathom  of  wampum:  That  Uncas  was  pleased,  and 
promised  that,  for  the  future,  he  would  esteem  and  treat  them  as 
Moheagans.  They  affirmed,  that  notwithstanding  this  engage- 
ment, the  Moheagans  wronged  them  in  their  plays,  and  deprived 
them  of  their  just  rights.  Obachickquid,  one  of  their  chief  men, 
complained  that  Uncas  had  taken  away  his  wife  and  used  her  as 
his  own.  They  proved,  that  Uncas  had  wounded  some  of  them, 
and  plundered  the  whole  company.  They  prayed,  that  the  Eng- 
lish would  interpose  for  their  relief,  and  take  them  under  their 
protection.  The  petition  was  presented  in  the  behalf  of  more  than 
sixty. 

The  commissioners  found  these  charges  so  well  supported,  that 


1649] 


one 


1649] 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


147 


that 


Ihey  ordered  Uncas  to  be  reproved,  and  decreed,  that  he  should 
restore  Obachickquid  his  wife,  and  pay  damages  for  the  injuries 
he  had  done  the  Pequots.  They  also  fined  him  a  hundred 
fathom  of  wampum.  Nevertheless,  as  it  had  been  determined, 
by  Connecticut,  that  the  name  of  the  Pequots  should  be  extin- 
guished, and  that  they  should  not  dwell  in  their  own  country,  it 
was  resolved  that  they  should  return,  and  be  in  subjection  to 
Uncas.  He  was  directed  to  receive  them  without  revenge,  and 
to  govern  them  with  moderation,  in  all  respects,  as  he  did  the 
Moheagans.  They  did  not  however  return  to  Uncas;  but  an- 
nually presented  their  petition  to  the  commissioners  to  be  taken 
under  the  protection  of  the  English,  and  to  become  their  subjects. 
They  pleaded,  that  though  their  tribe  had  done  wrong,  and  were 
justly  conquered,  yet  that  they  had  killed  no  English  people;  and 
that  Wequash  had  promised  them,  if  they  would  flee  their  coun- 
try, and  not  injure  the  colonies,  that  they  would  do  them  no  harm. 
To  ease  them,  as  far  as  might  be  consistent  with  former  determi- 
nations, the  commissioners  recommended  it  to  Connecticut  to 
provide  some  place  for  them,  which  might  not  injure  any  partic- 
ular town,  where  they  might  plant  and  dwell  together.  At  the 
same  time,  they  were  directed  to  be  in  subjection  to  Uncas;  and 
it  was  again  enjoined  on  him  to  govern  them  with  impartiality 
and  kindness. 

Mr.  Westerhouse  renewed  his  complaint  respecting  the  seizure 
of  his  vessel,  in  the  harbour  of  New-Haven.  He  alleged,  that 
besides  the  loss  of  his  vessel,  and  the  advantages  of  trading,  the 
prime  cost  of  his  goods  was  2,000  pounds ;  and  that,  after  repeated 
application  to  the  Dutch  governor,  he  had  not  been  able  to  obtain 
the  least  compensation.  He  had  therefore  petitioned  the  govern- 
ment of  New-Haven,  that  some  Dutch  vessel  might  be  taken  by 
way  of  reprisal.  He  now  petitioned  the  commissioners  for  liberty 
to  make  reprisals,  by  way  of  indemnification,  until  he  should  ob- 
tain satisfaction. 

Though  the  commissioners  declared  against  the  injustice  of  the 
seizure,  and  regretted  both  the  insult  done  to  the  united  colonies, 
and  the  damages  sustained  by  Mr.  Westerhouse,  yet  they  declined 
granting  him  a  commission  to  make  reprisals.  They  judged  it 
expedient  first  to  negotiate. 

.  They  therefore  wrote  to  the  Dutch  governor,  that  Mr.  Wester- 
house had  applied  to  them  for  a  commission  to  make  reprisals, 
and  that  they  had  not  granted  his  petition,  as  they  wished  first 
to  acquaint  him  with  the  motion,  and  to  represent  to  him  the 
equity  of  making  reprisals,  unless  justice  should  be  done  him 
some  other  way.  They  again  avowed  their  claim  to  all  parts  of 
the  united  colonies.  They  asserted  the  right  of  New-Haven  to 
Delaware  bay,  and  assured  him,  that  it  would  not  be  given  up. 
They  complained  of  his  letter,  the  last  year,  that  it  was,  in  various 


r  1 ) ,' 


*^„ 


sfnM 


JF 


-■  ''i  ■ 


B 


11 


fir 

m 


M- 


148 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


[1649 


1649] 


a' 


Sill 


'i|  !i; 


respects,  unsatisfying;  and  that  with  regard  to  that  dangerous 
trade  of  arms  and  ammunition  carried  on  with  the  Indians,  at  fort 
Aurania  and  in  the  English  plantations,  it  was  wholly  silent.  They 
observed,  that  all  differences,  between  them  and  the  Dutch, 
might  have  been  amicably  settled,  had  it  pleased  him  to  attencl 
the  meeting  of  the  commissioners,  at  Boston,  according  to  the 
invitation  which  they  had  given  him.  As  that  was  not  agreeable 
to  him,  they  avowed  their  designs  of  making  provision  for  their 
own  safety. 

To  prevent  the  vending  of  arms  and  ammunition  to  the  Indians 
in  the  united  colonies,  they  passed  the  following  resolve :  "  That 
after  due  application  hereof,  it  shall  not  be  lawful  for  any  French- 
man, Dutchman,  or  person  of  any  foreign  nation,  or  any  English- 
man living  among  them,  or  under  the  government  of  any  of  them, 
to  trade  with  any  Indian  or  Indians  within  this  jurisdiction,  either 
directly  or  indirectly,  by  themselves  or  others,  under  the  penalty 
of  confiscation  of  all  such  goods  and  vessels  as  shall  be  found 
so  trading,  or  the  true  value  thereof,  upon  just  proof  of  any  goods 
or  vessels  so  traded  or  trading." 

The  gentlemen  from  Massachusetts,  at  this  meeting,  again 
brought  on  the  dispute  between  them  and  Connecticut  relative 
to  the  impost.  They  pretended,  that  Mr.  Fenwick,  some  years 
before,  had  promised  to  join  with  them,  in  running  the  line,  but 
that  as  he  had  not  done  it,  and  it  had  now  been  done  by  them, 
at  their  own  expense,  and  to  their  satisfaction,  it  ought  to  be  sat- 
isfactory to  all  others,  who  could  make  no  legal  claim  to  the  ad- 
jacent lands.  This  they  insisted  that  Connecticut  could  not,  be- 
cause they  had  no  patent. 

The  commissioners  from  Connecticut  denied  the  facts  which 
had  been  stated.  They  insisted,  that  Mr.  Fenwick  never  had 
agreed  to  run  the  line  with  them ;  and  that  their  running  the  line, 
at  their  own  expense,  was  not  owing  to  any  defect  of  his,  nor  on 
the  part  of  Connecticut;  for  they  ran  the  line  a  year  before  the 
dispute  with  Mr.  Fenwick  respecting  Waranoke.  Besides,  they 
said,  what  he  promised  at  that  time,  was  not  to  run  the  line,  but 
to  clear  his  claim  to  that  plantation.  With  respect  to  the  patent, 
they  acknowledged,  they  had  not  indeed  exhibited  the  original, 
but  a  true  copy,  to  the  authenticity  of  which  Mr.  Hopkins  could 
give  oath.  They  observed,  it  was  well  known  that  they  had  a 
patent;  that  the  original  was  in  England,  and  could  not  then  be 
exhibited;  and  that  the  Massachusetts  insisting  on  this  point  was 
an  entire  bar  to  the  amicable  settlement  of  the  line  between  the 
colonies.  Mr.  Hopkins  insisted,  that  the  southerly  extent  of  the 
Massachusetts  patent  ought  first  to  be  mutually  settled ;  then  he 
proposed,  that  the  line  should  be  run  by  skilful  men,  mutually 
chosen,  and  at  the  mutual  expense  of  the  colonies.  The  commis- 
sioners from  Connecticut  indeed  declared,  that  it  was  evident. 


1649] 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


149 


beyond  all  doubt,  that  Springfield,  at  first,  was  settled  in  combina- 
tion with  Connecticut;  and,  that  it  had  been  acknowledged  to  be 
so  even  by  the  colony  of  Massachusetts.  They  affirmed,  that  when 
propositions  were  sent,  by  governor  Winthrop,  to  the  plantations 
upon  the  river,  in  1637,  relative  to  a  confederation  of  the  New- 
England  colonies,  Mr.  Pyncheon,  in  prosecution  of  that  design, 
was,  in  1638,  chosen  and  sent  as  a  commissioner  from  Connecti- 
cut, to  act  in  their  behalf:  That  it  was  at  this  time,  and  never  be- 
fore, he  suggested  his  apprehensions,  that  Springfield  would  fall 
within  the  limits  of  Massachusetts;  and  that  this  was  received 
as  a  fact  without  any  evidence  of  what  had  been  alleged.  They 
expressed  it,  as  their  full  persuasion,  that  Mr.  Pyncheon's  repre- 
sentations and  motion,  at  that  time,  originated  from  a  pang  of 
discontent  which  had  o  v  ertaken  him,  in  consequence  of  a  censure 
laid  upon  him,  by  the  general  court  of  Connecticut.*  They  con- 
cluded by  expressing  their  earnest  wishes,  that  both  the  govern- 
ment of  the  Massachusetts  and  their  commissioners  would  cc>i- 
sider,  that  they  did  not  comply  with  the  advice  of  the  commis- 
sioners relative  to  the  present  dispute;  and  that  they  insisted  upon 
what  they  knew  could  not,  at  that  time,  be  obtained.  They 
charged  them,  with  an  unwillingness  to  submit  the  diflferences, 
subsisting  between  them  and  Connecticut,  to  the  mature  and  im- 
partial judgment  of  the  commissioners  of  the  other  colonies,  ac- 
cording to  the  true  intent  of  the  confederation.  In  a  very  modest 
and  respectful  manner,  they  referred  it  to  the  serious  considera- 
tion of  their  brethren  of  the  Massachusetts,  whether  their  conduct 
was  not  directly  contrary  to  the  articles  and  design  •>f  the  confed- 
erates, to  which  they  all  ought  to  pay  a  conscientious  regard.'^ 

The  commissioners  finally  decided  the  controversy  in  favor  of 
Connecticut.  Upon  this  the  gentlemen  from  Massachusetts  pro- 
duced an  order  of  their  general  court,  passed  by  way  of  retalia- 
tion, imposing  a  duty  upon  all  goods  belonging  to  any  of  the  in- 
habitants of  Plymouth,  Connecticut  or  New-Haven,  imported 
within  the  castle,  or  exported  from  any  part  of  the  bay.' 

This  was  very  extraordinary  indeed,  as  it  was  contrary  to  all 
the  arguments  from  justice,  liberty,  expediency,  or  brotherly  love, 
which  they  had  pleaded  against  their  sister  colony.  It  was  ex- 
travagant and  unreasonable,  as  it  respected  Connecticut;  as  the 
impost  at  Saybrook  affected  the  inhabitants  of  one  of  their  towns 
only;  and  that  solely  upon  the  export  of  two  or  three  articles; 
whereas  their  impost  was  upon  the  inhabitants  of  all  the  planta- 
tions in  the  colony;  and  upon  all  their  imports,  as  well  as  exports. 
With  respect  to  the  other  colonies,  who  had  laid  no  kind  of  im- 

■  It  seems  the  court  had  blamed  him  for  a  particular  instance  of  his  conduct  in 
trading  with  the  Indians. 

'  Records  of  the  united  colonies. 
^  Hutchinson,  vol.  i.  p.  154,  155. 


i 


ni 

H 


*    1 


iiM'ii  wiwuwwumiwimt»wlii'^--> 


1' ' 

1 

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11 

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I't'l « 


ft 
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n  u 


Ml 


150 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


[1649 


position  on  any  of  the  inhabitants  of  Massachusetts,  it  was  still 
more  unjust  and  cruel. 

The  commissioners  from  Plymouth,  Connecticut  and  New- 
Haven,  in  consequence  of  this  extraordinary  act,  drew  up  the 
following  declaration  and  remonstrance,  addressed  to  the  general 
court  of  Massachusetts. 

"A  difiference  between  the  Massachusetts  and  Connecticut, 
concerning  an  impost  at  Saybrook,  required  of  Springfield,  having 
long  depended,  the  commissioners  hoped,  according  to  the  ad- 
vice at  Plymouth,  might,  at  this  meeting,  have  been  satisfyingly 
issued:  but  upon  the  perusal  of  some  late  orders  made  by  the 
general  court  of  the  Massachusetts,  they  find,  that  the  line  on  the 
south  side  of  the  Massachusetts  jurisdiction  is  neither  run,  nor  the 
place  whence  it  should  be  run  agreed:  That  the  original  patent 
for  Connecticut,  or  an  authentic  exemplification  thereof,  (though 
Mr.  Hopkins  hath  offered  upon  oath  to  assert  the  truth  of  the  copy 
by  himself  presented,)  is  now  required;  and  that  a  burthensome 
custom,  is,  by  the  Massachusetts,  lately  imposed  not  only  upon 
Connecticut,  interested  in  the  impost  at  Saybrook,  but  upon  Ply- 
mouth and  New-Haven  colonies,  whose  commissioners,  as  arbi- 
trators, according  to  an  article  in  the  confederation,  have  been 
only  exercised  in  the  question,  and  that  upon  the  desire  of  the 
Massachusetts,  and  have  impartially,  according  to  their  best  light, 
declared  their  apprehensions;  which  custom  and  burthen,  (griev- 
ous in  itself)  seems  the  more  unsatisfying  and  heavy,  because 
divers  of  the  Massachusetts  deputies,  who  had  a  hand  in  making 
the  law,  acknowledge,  and  the  preface  imports  it,  that  it  is  a  re- 
turn, or  retaliation  upon  the  three  colonies  for  Saybrook:  and 
the  law  requires  it  of  no  other  English,  nor  of  any  stranger  of 
what  nation  soever.  How  far  the  premises  agree  with  the  law  of 
love,  and  with  the  tenor  and  import  of  the  articles  of  confedera- 
tion, the  commissioners  tender  and  recommend  to  the  serious 
consideration  of  the  general  court  for  the  Massachusetts.  And  in 
the  mean  time  desire  to  be  spared  in  all  future  agitations  respect- 
ing Springfield."  ^ 

Governor  Hutchinson  observes,  that  this  law  was  produced  to 
the  dishonor  of  the  colony:  That  had  the  Massachusetts  imposed 
a  duty  upon  goods  from  Connecticut  only,  they  might,  at  least, 
have  had  a  colour  to  justify  them ;  but  that  extending  their  resent- 
ment to  the  other  colonies,  because  their  commissioners  had  given 
judgment  against  them,  admitted  of  no  excuse.  It  was  a  mere 
exertion  of  power,  and  a  proof  of  their  great  superiority,  which 
enabled  them,  in  effect,  to  depart  from  the  union,  whenever  they 
found  it  to  be  for  their  interest.  If  it  had  been  done  by  a  single 
magistrate,  it  would  have  been  pronounced  tyrannical  and  op- 
pressive. He  observes  that,  in  all  ages  and  countries,  communi- 
•  Records  of  the  united  colonies. 


i649l 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


151 


ties  of  men  have  done  that,  of  which  most  of  the  individuals, 
of  whom  they  consisted,  would,  acting  separately,  have  been 
ashamed.^ 

The  Massachusetts  treated  Connecticut  in  the  same  ungenerous 
manner,  with  respect  to  the  line  between  the  colonies.  In  1642, 
they  employed  one  Nathaniel  Woodward  and  Solomon  Saflfery, 
whom  Douglass  calls  two  obscure  sailors,  to  run  the  Hne  between 
them  and  Connecticut.  They  arbitrarily  fixed  a  boundary,  as  th« 
exact  point  to  which  three  miles  south  of  every  part  of  Charles 
river  would  carry  them.  Thence  by  water  they  proceeded  up  Con- 
necticut river,  and  setting  up  their  compass  in  the  same  latitude, 
as  they  supposed,  declared,  that  the  Hne  struck  the  chimney  of 
one  Bissell's  house,  the  most  northern  building  then  in  the  town 
of  Windsor.  This  was  a  whole  range  of  towns  south  of  the  true 
line  between  the  colonies.  Connecticut  considered  the  boundary 
fixed  as  entirely  arbitrary,  and  six  or  eight  miles  further  south 
than  it  ought  to  have  been.  They  imagined,  that  the  error  at 
Windsor  was  still  greater,  as  no  proper  allowance  had  been  made 
for  the  variation  of  the  needle.  They  viewed  the  manner  in  which 
this  had  been  effected,  as  contrary  to  all  the  rules  of  justice,  and 
to  the  modes  in  which  differences  of  that  magnitude  ought  to  be 
accommodated.  The  utmost  extent  of  Narraganset  river  was 
their  north  line,  and  they  were  persuaded,  that  this  would  run 
so  far  north  as  to  comprehend  the  town  of  Springfield,  and  other 
towns  in  the  same  latitude.  Therefore,  neither  Connecticut,  nor 
the  commissioners  of  the  united  colonies,  considered  any  boun- 
dary as  properly  settled,  whence  the  line  should  be  run,  nor  any 
line  run  between  the  colonies. 

Connecticut  wished  to  have  the  southern  boundary  of  Massa- 
chusetts mutually  settled  and  the  Hne  run,  at  the  joint  expense 
of  the  two  colonies;  but  Massachusetts  would  neither  consent 
to  this,  nor  even  allow  that  the  copy  of  the  Connecticut  patent 
was  authentic.  For  nearly  seventy  years  they  encroached  upon 
this  colony,  and  settled  whole  towns  within  its  proper  limits. 

The  general  court  of  Connecticut  adopted  the  recommendation 
of  the  commissioners,  with  respect  to  the  prohibition  of  all  trading 
of  foreigners  among  the  Indians  of  the  united  colonies.  They 
made  the  penalty  to  be  the  confiscation  of  all  vessels  and  goods 
employed  in  such  trade. 

The  court  also,  after  conferring  with  New-Haven,  determined 
to  avenge  the  blood  of  John  Whitmore,  of  Stamford;  and,  con- 
sidering all  its  circumstances,  and  the  conduct  of  the  Indians 
in  the  town,  and  bordering  upon  it,  resolved,  that  it  was  lawful 
to  make  war  upon  them.  It  was  ordered,  that  fifty  men  should 
be  immediately  drafted,  armed,  and  victualled,  for  the  purpose  of 
bringing  the  murderers  to  condign  punishment,  or  of  arresting 

'  Hutchinson,  vol.  i.  p.  155,  156. 


'»i. 


Sk, 


152 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


[i6$o 


Other  Indians,  until  the  delinquents  should  be  delivered  to  justice.^ 
These  spirited  measures  appear  to  have  had  the  desired  effect. 
The  Indians  at  Stamford,  it  seems,  became  peaceable,  and  there 
is  nothing  further  upon  the  records  respecting  any  trouble  with 
them. 


1650] 


V 
I 

:i 
I 

1; 


ii 


|; «' 


I'M 


CHAPTER  X. 

UPON  the  election  at  Hartford,  May  i6th,  Mr.  Hopkins  was 
chosen  governor,  and  Mr.  Haynes  deputy  governor.  Mr.  Clark 
was  added  to  the  magistrates.  The  court  consisted  of  thirty-two 
members;  the  governors,  ten  assistants,  and  twenty  deputies. 

The  court  had  granted  a  thousand  acres  of  land  to  captain  Ma- 
son, for  his  good  services  in  the  Pequot  war;  five  hundred  to 
himself,  and  Ave  hundred  to  be  given  to  his  five  best  ofhcers  and 
soldiers.  It  was  now  ordered,  that  the  five  hundred  acres  granted 
to  the  soldiers,  should  be  laid  out  for  them  at  Pequot,  or  in  the 
Neanticut  country.  The  next  year  the  court  made  a  grant  of 
Chippachauge  island,  ui  Mystic  bay,  and  a  hundred  and  ten  acrei 
of  land  at  Mystic,  to  the  captain. 

The  commissioners  met  September  sth  at  Hartford.  The  meet- 
ing consisted  of  Mr.  Simon  Bradstreet  and  Mr.  William  Haw- 
thorne, Mr.  Thomas  Prince  and  Mr.  John  Brown,  and  of  Gover- 
nors Hopkins  and  Haynes,  Eaton  and  Goodyear.  Governor  Hop- 
kins was  chosen  president. 

As  the  Narragansets  still  neglected  to  pay  the  tribute  which 
had  been  so  many  years  due,  the  commissioners  dispatched  cap- 
tain Atherton,  of  Massachusetts,  with  twenty  men,  to  demand  and 
collect  the  arrearages.  He  was  authorised,  if  they  should  not  be 
paid,  upon  demand,  to  seize  on  the  best  articles  he  could  find,  to 
the  full  amount  of  what  was  due;  or  on  Pessacus,  the  chief  sa- 
chem, or  any  of  his  children,  and  carry  them  oflf.  Upon  his  ar- 
rival among  the  Narragansets,  he  found  the  sachem  recurring  to 
his  former  arts,  putting  him  off  with  deceitful  and  dilatory  an- 
swers, and  not  suffering  him  to  approach  his  presence.  In  the 
mean  time,  he  was  collecting  his  warriors  about  him.  The  cap- 
tain, therefore,  marched  directly  to  the  door  of  his  wigwam,  where 
posting  his  men,  he  entered  himself  with  his  pistol  in  his  hand, 
and  seizing  Pessacus  by  the  hair  of  his  head,  drew  him  from  the 
midst  of  his  attendants,  declaring,  that  if  they  should  make  the 
least  resistance,  he  \\  uuld  dispatch  him  in  an  instant.  This  bold 
stroke  gave  him  such  an  alarm,  that  he  at  once  paid  all  the  ar- 
rearages. 

*  Recordi  of  Connecticut. 


^. 


i65ol 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


153 


Ninigrate,  sachem  of  the  Nehanticks,  continuing  his  perBdious 
practices,  began  to  lay  claim  to  tlic  Pcquot  country,  and  appeared 
to  be  concerting  a  plan  to  recover  it  from  the  English.  Captain 
Athcrton,  therefore,  made  him  a  visit,  and,  according  to  his  in- 
structions, assured  him,  that  the  commissioners  were  no  stranger? 
to  his  intrigues,  in  marrying  his  daughter  to  the  brother  of  Sas- 
sacus ;  in  collecting  the  Pequots  under  him,  as  though  he  designed 
to  become  their  head ;  and  in  his  claims  and  attempts  respecting 
the  Pequot  country.  He  remonstrated  against  his  conduct,  as 
directly  opposite  to  all  the  covenants  subsisting  between  him  and 
the  English  colonics.  He  protested  to  him,  that  the  colonies 
would  never  suffer  him  to  accomplish  his  designs;  either  to  pos- 
sess any  part  of  the  country  which  they  had  conquered,  or  even 
to  hunt  within  its  limits.  He  demanded  where  the  brother  of 
Sassacuswas?  What  numbers  he  had  with  him?  And  what  were 
his  designs?  He  insisted  upon  categorical  answers,  that  the  com- 
missioners might  order  their  affairs  accordingly.  Having,  in 
this  spirited  manner,  accomplished  his  business,  he  returned  in 
safety. 

Stuyvesant,  the  Dutch  governor,  arrived  at  Hartford  September 
I  ith.  He  had  been  often  invited  to  attend  the  meeting  of  the  com- 
missioners, with  a  view  to  the  accommodation  of  the  difficulties 
subsisting  between  him  and  the  English  colonies.  He  chose  to 
treat  by  writing,  and  on  the  13th  ^  day  of  September,  he  intro- 
duced his  correspondence  with  the  commissioners.  In  his  letter 
he  complained  of  the  encroachments  made  upon  the  West  India 
company,  and  the  injuries  done  them,  both  by  Connecticut  and 
New-Haven.  He  pretended,  that  the  Dutch,  in  behalf  of  said 
company,  had  purchased  the  lands  upon  the  river,  of  the  native 
Americans,  before  any  other  nation  had  bought  them,  or  laid  any 
claim  to  them.  He,  therefore,  demanded  a  full  surrender  of  said 
lands,  and  such  compensation  as  the  nature  of  the  case  required. 
He  also  complained  of  the  act  prohibiting  all  foreigners  to  trade 
in  the  English  colonies,  and  that  the  English  sold  goods  so  cheap 
to  the  natives,  as  to  ruin  the  trade  for  other  nations.  He  con- 
cluded with  intimations  of  his  willingness  to  settle  a  general  pro- 
visional line,  between  the  Dutch  and  English  plantations,  by  a 
joint  writing  to  their  superiors  in  England  and  Holland,  or  by  the 
decision  of  agents,  mutually  chosen  and  empowered  for  that  pur- 
pose. 

The  commissioners,  observing  that  his  letter  was  dated  at  New- 
Netherlands,  replied,  that  they  would  not  treat,  unless  he  would 
alter  the  name  of  the  place  where  he  wrote.  He  answered,  that 
if  they  would  not  date  at  Hartford,  he  would  not  at  New-Nether- 
lands, but  at  Connecticut.  They  consented,  that  he  should  date 
at  Connecticut,  but  claimed  a  right  for  themselves  to  date  at  Hart- 

>  23d  old  style,  as  he  dated. 


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HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


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ford.  He  gave  up  the  right  of  dating  at  the  Netherlands,  and  the 
treaty  proceeded. 

The  commissioners  replied  to  his  complaints,  to  this  effect: 
That  their  title  to  Connecticut  river,  and  the  adjacent  country, 
had  been  often  asserted,  and  made  sufficiently  evident,  both  to 
the  Dutch  and  English;  and  that  they  hoped  amply  to  prove  their 
title  to  what  they  enjoyed,  by  patent,  purchase,  and  possession. 
Consequently,  they  insisted,  that  they  had  made  no  encroach- 
ments on  the  honorable  West  India  company,  nor  done  them  the 
least  injury.  They  affirmed,  that  they  knew  not  what  the  Dutch 
claimed,  nor  upon  what  grounds:  That  at  some  times  they  claimed 
all  the  lands  upon  the  river,  and  at  others,  a  part  only :  That  their 
claim  was  founded  sometimes  upon  one  thing,  and  at  other  times 
upon  another;  and  that  it  had  been  so  various  and  uncertain, 
as  to  involve  the  whole  affair  in  obscurity. 

With  respect  to  trade,  they  observed,  that  they  had  the  same 
right  to  regulate  it,  within  their  jurisdiction,  which  the  Dutch, 
French,  and  other  nations  had  to  regulate  it,  within  their  respec- 
tive dominions:  That  their  merchants  had  a  right  to  deal  with 
the  natives  on  such  terms  as  they  pleased;  and  that  they  pre- 
sumed they  did  not  trade  to  their  own  disadvantage.  They  gave 
intimations  that,  if  the  then  present  treaty  should  succeed  agree- 
ably to  their  wishes,  they  might  reconsider  the  act  of  trade,  and 
repeal  the  prohibition  respecting  foreigners. 

They  then  proceeded  to  a  large  and  particular  statement  of  the 
grievances  they  suffered  from  the  Dutch ;  particularly  represent- 
ing those  which  have  been  already  noticed  in  this  history,  with 
several  other  more  recent  injuries.  Especially,  that  the  Dutch 
agents  had  gone  off  from  Hartford,  without  paying  for  the  goods 
which  they  had  taken  up:  That  their  successors  had  refused  to 
make  any  settlement  of  their  accounts;  and  that  the  Dutch  gov- 
ernor had  not  obliged  them  to  make  payment:  That  the  Dutch 
bought  stolen  goods,  and  would  make  no  compensation  to  the 
English,  whose  property  they  were:  And  that  they  had,  not  only 
formerly,  helped  criminals  to  file  off  their  irons  and  make  their 
escape;  but  that  they  had  been  guilty  of  a  recent  instance  of 
similar  conduct.  They  alleged,  that  a  Dutch  servant  had,  lately, 
assisted  a  criminal,  committed  for  a  capital  offence,  to  break  gaol 
and  make  his  escape;  and  that  the  Dutch  called  him  to  oo  ac- 
count, for  so  gross  a  misdemeanor. 

Various  letters  passed,  and  several  days  were  spent,  in  these 
altercations.  At  length,  the  commissioners  chose  Mr,  Bradstreet, 
of  Massachusetts,  and  Mr.  Prince,  of  Plymouth,  as  arbitrators, 
to  hear  and  compose  all  differences  with  respect  to  injury  and 
damages;  to  make  provisional  boundaries,  in  all  places  where 
their  respective  limits  were  controverted,  and  to  settle  a  just  and 
free  correspondence  between  the  parties.    The  Dutch  governor 


i65o] 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


155 


chose  Thomas  Willet  and  George  Baxter  for  the  same  purpose. 
Both  parties,  in  the  most  ample  manner,  authorised  the  arbitra- 
tors to  hear  and  determine,  in  the  most  full  and  absolute  manner, 
all  differences  between  the  two  nations  in  this  country. 

The  arbitrators,  after  a  full  hearing  of  the  parties,  came  to  the 
following  determination,  which  they  drew  up  in  the  form  of  an 
agreement. 

"  Articles  of  an  agreement,  made  and  concluded  at  Hartford, 
upon  Connecticut  river,  September  19th,  1650,  betwixt  the  dele- 
gates of  the  honored  commissioners  of  the  united  English  colo- 
nies, and  the  delegates  of  Peter  Stuyvcsant,  governor  general  of 
New-Netherlands. 

I.  "  Upon  a  serious  consideration  of  the  differences  and  griev- 
ances propounded  by  the  two  English  colonies  of  Connecticut 
and  New-Haven,  and  the  answer  made  by  the  Dutch  governor, 
Peter  Stuyvesant,  Esq.  according  to  the  trust  and  power  com- 
mitted to  us,  as  arbitrators,  and  delegates  betwixt  the  said  par- 
ties: We  find  that  most  of  the  offences  or  grievances  were 
things  done  in  the  time,  or  by  the  order  and  command  of  Mons. 
Kieft,  the  former  governor,  and  that  the  present  honorable  gov- 
ernor is  not  prepared  to  make  answer  to  them ;  we  therefore  think 
meet  to  respite  the  full  consideration  and  judgment  concerning 
them,  till  the  present  governor  may  acquaint  the  H.  M.*  States 
and  West  India  company  with  the  particulars,  that  so  due  repara- 
tion may  accordingly  be  made." 

II.  "  The  commissioners,  for  New-Haven,  complained  of  sev- 
eral high  and  hostile  injuries  which  they,  and  others  of  that  juris- 
diction, have  received  from  and  by  order  of  the  aforesaid  Mons. 
Kieft,  in  Delaware  bay  and  river,  and  in  their  return  thence,  as 
by  their  former  propositions  and  complaints  may  more  fully  ap- 
pear; and  besides  the  EngHsh  right,  claimed  by  patent,  presented 
and  showed  several  purchases  they  have  made,  on  both  sides  the 
river  and  bay  of  Delaware,  of  several  large  tracts  of  land  unto,  and 
somewhat  above  the  Dutch  house  or  fort  there,  with  the  consid- 
eration given  to  the  said  sachems  and  their  companies  for  the 
same,  acknowledged  and  cleared  by  the  hands  of  the  Indians,  who 
they  affirmed  were  the  true  proprietors;  and  testified  by  many 
witnesses.  They  also  affirmed,  that,  according  to  the  best  of  their 
apprehensions,  they  have  sustained  1000  pounds  damage  there, 
partly  by  the  Swedish  governor,  but  chiefly  by  order  from  Mons. 
Kieft.  And  therefore  required  due  satisfaction,  and  a  peaceable 
possession  of  the  aforesaid  lands,  to  enjoy  and  improve  according 
to  their  just  rights.  The  Dutch  governor,  by  way  of  answer, 
affirmed  and  insisted  on  the  title  and  right  to  Delaware,  or  the 
south  river,  as  they  call  it,  and  to  the  lands  there,  as  belonging 
to  the  H.  M.  States  and  West-India  company;  and  professed  he 

>  H.  M.  High  and  Mighty 


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156 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


[1650 


must  protest  against  any  other  claim ;  but  is  not  provided  to  make 
any  such  proof,  as  in  such  a  treaty  might  be  expected,  nor  had  he 
commission  to  treat  or  conclude  any  thing  therein.  Upon  con- 
sideration whereof,  we,  the  said  arbitrators  or  delegates,  wanting 
sufficient  light  to  issue  or  determine  any  thing  in  the  premises, 
are  necessitated  to  leave  both  parties  in  statu  quo  prius,  to  plead 
and  improve  their  just  interest,  at  Delaware,  for  planting  or  trad- 
ing, as  they  shall  see  cause :  Only  we  desire,  that  all  proceedings 
there,  as  in  other  places,  may  be  carried  on  in  love  and  peace, 
till  the  right  may  be  further  considered  and  justly  issued,  either 
in  Europe  or  here,  by  the  two  states  of  England  and  Holland." 

III.  "  Concerning  the  seizing  of  Mr.  Westerhouse's  ship  and 
goods,  about  three  years  since,  in  New-Haven  harbour,  upon  a 
claim  to  the  place,  the  honored  governor  Peter  Stuyvesant,  Esq. 
professed,  that  what  passed  in  writing  that  way  was  through  error 
of  his  secretary,  his  intent  not  being  to  lay  any  claim  to  the  place, 
and  with  all  affirming,  that  he  had  orders  to  seize  any  Dutch  ship, 
or  vessel,  in  any  of  the  English  colonies  or  harbours,  which  should 
trade  there  without  express  license  or  commission.  We  there- 
fore think  it  meet,  that  the  commissioners  of  New-Haven  accept 
and  acquiesce  in  this  ansver." 

"  Concerning  the  bounds  and  limits  betwixt  the  English  United 
colonies,  and  the  Dutch  province  of  New-Netherlands,  we  agree 
as  followeth." 

I.  "  That  upon  Long-Island,  a  line  run  from  the  westernmost 
part  of  Oyster-Bay,  and  so  a  straight  and  direct  line  to  the  sea, 
shall  be  the  bounds  betwixt  the  English  and  Dutch  there,  the 
easterly  part  to  belong  to  the  English,  and  the  westernmost  to 
the  Dutch." 

II.  "  The  bounds  tipon  the  main  to  begfin  at  the  west  side  of 
Greenwich  bay,  bein;jf  about  four  miles  from  Stamford,  and  so 
to  run  a  northerly  line,  twenty  miles  itp  into  the  country,  and  after, 
as  it  shall  be  agreed,  by  the  two  governments  of  the  Dutch  and 
New-Haven,  provided  the  said  line  come  not  within  ten  miles  of 
Hudson's  river.  And  it  is  agreed,  that  the  Dutch  shall  not,  at 
any  time  hereafter,  build  any  house  or  habitation  within  six  miles 
of  the  '■/".d  line;  the  inhabitants  of  Greenwich  to  remain  (till  fur- 
ther consideration  thereof  be  had)  under  the  government  of  the 
Dutch." 

III.  "  The  Dutch  shall  hold  and  enjoy  all  the  lands  in  Hart- 
ford, that  they  are  actually  possessed  of,  known  and  set  out  by 
certain  marks  and  bounds,  and  all  the  remainder  of  the  said  land, 
on  both  sides  of  Connecticut  river,  to  be  and  remain  to  the  Eng- 
lish there." 

"  And  it  is  agreed,  that  the  aforesaid  bounds  and  limits,  both 
upon  the  island  and  main,  shall  be  observed  and  kept  inviolable, 
both  by  the  English  of  the  united  colonies,  and  all  the  Dutch  na- 


■  m 


I650] 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


157 


tion,  without  any  encroachment  or  molestation,  until  a  full  and 
final  determination  be  agreed  upon,  in  Europe,  by  the  mutual  con- 
sent of  the  two  states  of  England  and  Holland." 

"  And  in  testimony  of  our  joint  consent  to  the  several  foregoing 
conclusions,  we  have  hereunto  set  our  hands  this  19th  day  of 
September,  Anno  Dom.  1650." 

Simon  Bradstreet, 
Thomas  Prince, 
Thomas  WiLLET, 
George  Baxter. 


The  Dutch  governor  promised  also,  and  his  agents,  Messrs. 
Willet  and  Baxter,  engaged  for  him,  that  Greenwich  should  be 
put  under  the  government  of  New-Haven,  to  wliom  it  originally 
belonged.  It  was  also  agreed,  that  the  same  line  of  conduct  which 
had  been  adopted,  with  respect  to  fugitives,  by  the  united  colonies, 
in  the  eighth  article  of  confederation,  should  be  strictly  observed 
between  them  and  the  Dutch,  in  the  province  of  New-Nether- 
lands. The  Dutch  governor  also  acquainted  the  commissioners, 
that  he  had  orders  from  Europe  to  maintain  peace  and  good  neigh- 
bourhood with  the  English  in  America ;  and  he  proceeded  so  far 
as  to  make  proposals  of  a  nearer  union  and  friendship,  between 
the  Dutch  and  the  united  colonies.  The  commissioners  declined 
acting  upon  these  proposals,  with  jut  consulting  their  constituents ; 
and  recommended  the  consideration  of  them  to  their  respective 
general  courts. 

While  this  settlement  with  the  Dutch  seemed  to  give  a  favor- 
able aspect  to  the  affairs  of  the  colonies,  there  arose  a  great  and 
general  uneasiness  in  Connecticut,  relative  to  the  agreements 
which  had  been  made  with  Mr.  Fenwick,  and  to  the  state  of  the 
accounts  between  him  and  the  colony.  By  the  first  agreement, 
besides  the  impost  on  several  articles  exported  from  the  mouth 
of  the  river,  for  ten  years,  the  people  were  obliged  to  pay  one  shill- 
ing annually  for  every  milch  cow  and  mare  in  the  colony,  and  the 
same  sum  for  every  swine  killed  either  foi  market  or  private  use. 
Springfield  refused  to  pay  the  impost;  and  it  seems  that  Connecti- 
cut was  obliged,  by  the  conduct  of  Massachusetts,  to  repeal  the 
act  relating  to  the  imposition.  By  reason  of  the  controversy  which 
arose  between  Connecticut  and  Massachusetts,  and  some  other 
circumstances,  several  of  the  towns,  during  the  two  first  years, 
paid  but  a  small  proportion  of  what  had  been  stipulated.  The 
colony  therefore,  on  the  17th  cf  February,  1646,  made  a  new 
agreement  with  Mr.  Fenwick.    This  was  to  the  following  efifect : 

That,  instead  of  all  former  grants,  he  should  receive  from  the 
colony,  annually,  one  hundred  and  eighty  pounds,  for  ten  years. 
He  was  to  collect  what  was  due  from  Springfield,  and  to  enjoy 
certain  profits  arising  from  the  beaver  trade.    A  hundred  and  sev- 


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158 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


[1650 


enty  or  eighty  pounds  was  also  to  be  paid  to  him  from  Saybrook 
and  one  or  two  newly  settled  towns.  The  whole  amount  appears 
to  have  been  more  than  2,000  pounds,  which  the  colony  paid  for 
the  right  of  jurisdiction,  the  ordnance,  arms  and  stores  at  the  fort.^ 
As  different  apprehensions  had  arisen,  respecting  these  agree- 
ments, and  the  state  of  affairs  between  Mr.  Fenwick  and  the  col- 
ony, the  general  court  appointed  committees  to  meet  at  Saybrook 
to  ascertain  them.  To  quiet  the  minds  of  the  people,  notice  was 
given  to  every  town  of  the  time  and  place  of  the  meeting  of  the 
committees,  and  each  was  authorized  to  send  representatives  to 
hear  the  disputes  and  report  the  issue,  with  the  reasons  of  it,  to 
their  constituents.  By  these  means  the  inhabitants  obtained  gen- 
eral satisfaction. 

Mr.  John  Winthrop,  at  the  election  May  15,  165 1,  was  chosen 
into  the  magistracy.  The  assembly  consisted  of  thirty  four  mem- 
bers; twelve  magistrates  and  twenty  two  deputies. 

The  colony  of  Rhode-Island  gave  great  trouble  to  her  neigh- 
bours, by  giving  entertainment  to  criminals  and  fugitives.  Con- 
necticut found  it  so  prejudicial  to  the  course  of  justice  and  to  the 
rights  of  individuals,  that  the  court  resolved  to  recommend  the 
consideration  of  the  affair  to  the  commissioners  of  the  united  col- 
onies.* 

Mr.  Winthrop  imagined,  that  Connecticut  contained  mines  and 
minerals,  which  might  be  improved  to  great  advantage  to  indi- 
viduals, as  well  as  to  the  public  emolument.  Upon  a  motion  of 
his,  the  assembly  passed  the  following  act. 

"  Whereas,  in  this  rocky  country,  among  these  mountains  and 
rocky  hills,  there  are  probabilities  of  mines  of  metals,  the  discov- 
ery of  which  may  be  of  great  advantage  to  the  country,  in  raising 
a  staple  commodity;  and  whereas  John  Winthrop,  Esquire,  doth 
intend  to  be  at  charges  and  adventure,  for  the  search  and  discov- 
ery of  such  mines  and  minerals ;  for  the  encouragement  thereof, 
and  of  any  that  shall  adventure  with  the  said  John  Winthrop, 
Esquire,  in  the  said  business,  it  is  therefore  ordered  by  the  court, 
that  if  the  said  John  Winthrop,  .'...quire,  shall  discover,  set  upon, 
and  maintain  such  mines  of  lead,  copper  or  tin ;  or  any  minerals, 
as  antimony,  vitriol,  black  lead,  alum,  stone  salt,  salt  springs,  or 
any  other  the  like,  within  this  jurisdiction;  and  shall  set  up  any 
work  for  the  digging,  washing  and  melting,  or  any  other  operation 
about  the  said  mines  or  minerals,  as  the  nature  thereof  rcquireth; 
that  then  the  said  John  Winthrop,  Esquire,  his  heirs,  associates, 
partners  or  assigns,  shall  enjoy  forever,  said  mines,  with  the  lands, 
wood,  timber  and  water,  within  two  or  three  miles  of  said  mines, 

>  See  the  acreements.  Numbers  V  and  VI. 

'  Augns'us  Harriman,  a  Dutch  trader,  with  his  vessel,  was  seized  by  the  people 
of  Saybrook  for  illicit  trade  with  the  Indians.  The  court  fined  him  40  pounds  and 
confiscated  his  vessel  and  cargo.  They  also  made  him  give  it  in  writing,  under 
his  hand,  that  he  had  been  well  treated. 


1651] 


i65i] 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


159 


for  the  necessary  carrying  on  of  the  works,  and  maintaining  of 
the  workmen,  and  provision  of  coal  for  the  same:  provided  it  be 
not  within  the  bounds  of  any  town  already  settled,  or  any  partic- 
ular person's  property ;  and  provided  it  be  not  in,  or  bordering 
upon  any  place,  that  shall,  or  may,  by  the  court,  be  judged  fit 
to  make  a  plantation  of." 

Though  the  eastern  and  middle  parts  oi  Norwalk  had  been 
purchased  more  than  ten  years,  yet  there  had  been  only  a  few 
scattering  inhabitants  within  its  limits.  But  the  last  year,  upon 
the  petition  of  Nathan  Ely  and  Richard  Olmstead,  the  court  gave 
liberty  for  its  settlement,  and  ordained  that  it  should  be  a  town 
by  the  name  of  Norwalk.  The  western  part  of  it  was  purchased 
on  the  15th  of  February.  The  inhabitants,  at  this  time,  consisted 
of  about  twenty  families.  About  four  j^ears  after,  the  general 
court  vested  them  with  town  privileges.  The  situation  of  the 
place  is  very  agreeable ;  the  harbor  is  pleasant  and  safe,  and  the 
lands  rich,  yielding  plenteously.  The  air  is  uncommonly  health- 
ful and  salubrious.^ 

The  settlement  of  Mattabeseck  commenced  about  the  same 
time.  The  principal  planters  were  from  England,  Hartford,  and 
Weathersfield.  The  greatest  number  were  from  Hartford.  There 
was  a  considerable  accession  from  Rowley,  Chelmsford,  and  Wo- 
burn,  in  Massachusetts.  By  the  close  of  this  year  it  became  con- 
siderably settled.  In  November,  1653,  the  general  court  gave 
it  the  name  of  Middletown.  Twenty  years  after,  the  number  of 
shares  was  fixed  at  fifty-two.  This  was  the  whole  number  of  the 
householders,  at  that  period,  within  the  town. 

The  agreement,  made  the  last  year,  with  the  Dutch  governor, 
and  his  professions  of  amity,  encouraged  the  English  to  prosecute 
the  settlement  of  the  lands,  which  they  had  purchased  in  the  vicin- 
ity of  the  Dutch. 

Fifty  men  from  New-Haven  and  Totoket,  made  preparations 
to  settle  their  lands  at  Delaware.  This  spring,  they  hired  a  vessel 
to  transport  themselves  and  their  eflfects  into  those  parts.  They 
bad  a  commission  from  governor  Eaton;  and  he  wrote  an  ami- 
cable letter  to  the  Dutch  governor,  acquainting  him  with  their 
design;  assuring  him,  that,  according  to  the  agreement  at  Hart- 
ford, they  would  settle  upon  their  own  lands,  and  give  no  disturb- 
ance to  their  neighbours.  A  letter,  of  the  same  import,  was  also 
addressed  to  him  from  the  governor  of  Massachusetts.  But  no 
sooner  had  governor  Stuyvesant  received  the  letters,  than  he  ar- 
rested the  bearers,  and  committed  them  close  prisoners,  under 

'  From  the  first  settlement  of  the  town,  to  1732.  a  term  of  more  than  80  years, 
there  was  no  general  sickness,  except  the  measles,  in  the  town.  From  1715,  to 
1719.  there  died  in  that  large  town,  twelve  persons  only.  Out  of  one  train  band, 
consisting  of  a  hundred  men,  there  died  not  one  person,  from  17 16,  to  1730,  during 
the  term  of  fourteen  years.  Mrs.  Hanford,  relict  of  the  first  minister  of  the  town, 
died  September  i2th,  1730,  aged  100  years.  Manuscripts  of  the  Rev.  Moses  Dick- 
inson. 


i 
iiij 


'm 


•  ii 


i! 


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160 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


[1651 


guard.  Then  sending  for  the  master  of  '.he  vessel  to  come  on 
shore,  that  he  might  speak  with  him,  he  arr'^sted  and  committed 
him.  Others,  as  they  came  on  shore,  to  visit  and  assist  their 
neighbours,  were  confined  with  them.  The  Dutch  governor  de- 
sired to  see  their  commission,  promising  it  should  be  returned 
when  he  had  taken  a  copy.  But  hen  it  was  demanded  of  him, 
he  would  not  return  it  to  them.  Nor  would  he  release  the  men 
from  confinement,  until  he  had  forced  them  to  give  it  under  their 
hands,  that  they  would  not  prosecute  their  voyage ;  but,  without 
loss  of  time,  return  to  New-Haven.  He  threatened,  that,  if  he 
should  afterwards  find  any  of  them  at  Delaware,  he  would  not  only 
seize  their  goods,  but  send  them  prisoners  into  Holland.  He  also 
caused  a  considerable  part  of  the  estate  of  the  inhabitants  of  South- 
ampton to  be  attached,  and  would  not  suffer  them  to  remove  it 
within  the  jurisdiction  of  the  English.  tain  Tapping,  Mr. 

Fordham,  and  others,  therefore  complained,  and  petitioned  to  the 
commissioners  for  redress. 

They  met  this  year  at  New-Haven,  September  14th.  The  mem- 
bers were  Mr.  Bradstreet  and  captain  John  Hawthorne,  Mr.  John 
Brown  and  Mr.  Timothy  Hatherly,  governor  Hopkins  and  Mr. 
Ludlow,  governors  Eaton  and  Goodyear.  Governor  Eaton  was 
chosen  president. 

Jasper  Crane  and  William  Tuttle,  in  behalf  of  themselves,  and 
many  others,  inhabitants  of  New-Haven  and  Totoket,  presented 
a  petition  to  the  commissioners,  complaining  of  the  treatment 
which  they  had  received  from  the  Dutch  governor,  and  represent- 
ing, that  they  had  sustained  more  than  three  hundred  pounds 
damage,  besides  the  insult  and  injury  done  to  the  united  colonies. 
They  showed,  that  the  Dutch  had  seized,  and  were  about  to  fortify, 
upon  the  very  lands  which  they  had  bought  of  the  original  pro- 
prietors at  Delaware :  That,  had  it  not  been  for  the  injustice  and 
violence  of  the  Dutch,  the  New-England  colonies  might  have  been 
greatly  enlarged,  by  settlements  in  those  parts;  that  the  gospel 
might  have  been  published  to  the  natives,  and  much  good  done, 
not  only  to  the  colonies,  at  present,  but  to  posterity.  They  also 
represented,  that  the  Dutch  were,  by  gifts  and  art,  enticing  the 
English  to  make  settlements  under  their  jurisdiction.  They  in- 
sisted, that  suffering  them  thus  to  insult  the  English,  and  to  seize 
on  lands  to  which  they  could  shew  no  just  claim,  would  encourage 
them  to  drive  them  from  their  other  settlements,  and  to  seize  on 
their  lands  and  property,  whenever  they  pleased ;  and  that  it  would 
make  them  contemptible  among  the  natives,  as  well  as  among  all 
other  nations.  They  pressed  the  commissioners,  therefore,  to  act 
with  spirit,  and  immediately  to  redress  the  injuries  which  had 
been  done  to  them  and  the  coionies. 

The  commissioners  nevertheless,  declined  acting  against  the 
Dutch,  without  previously  writing,  and  attempting  to  obtain  re- 


1651I 


1651] 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


i6i 


dress  by  negotiation.  They  wrote  to  Stuyvesant,  insisting  that 
he  had  acted  in  direct  contravention  of  the  agreement  at  Hartford, 
and  noticed  that,  in  a  letter  to  governor  Eaton,  he  had  threatened 
force  of  arms,  and  bloodshed,  to  any  who  should  go  to  make 
settlements  upon  their  lands,  at  Delaware,  to  which  he  was  unable 
to  show  any  claim.  They  represented  to  him,  how  deficient  it 
appeared  at  Hartford,  not  only  to  the  commissioners,  but  even 
to  the  arbitrators  of  his  own  choosing.  They  charged  him  with 
a  breach  of  the  engagement  of  Mr.  Willet  and  Mr.  Baxter,  in  his 
behalf,  with  respect  to  the  restoration  of  Greenwich  to  the  gov- 
ernment of  New-Haven.  They  remonstrated  against  his  conduct, 
in  imprisoning  the  people  of  New-Haven  and  Totoket,  in  detain- 
ing their  commission,  and  frustrating  their  voyage;  and  also  in 
beginning  to  erect  fortifications  upon  the  lands  of  the  New-Haven 
people,  at  Delaware.  They  affirmed,  that  they  had  as  good  a 
right  to  the  Manhadoes,  as  the  Dutch  had  to  those  lands.  They 
declared  that  the  colonies  had  just  cause  to  vindicate  and  promote 
their  interests,  and  to  redress  the  injuries  which  had  been  done 
to  their  confederates.  They  protested,  that  whatever  inconven- 
iences or  mischief  might  arise  upon  it  would  be  wholly  chargeable 
to  his  unneighbourly  and  unjust  conduct. 

At  the  same  time,  for  the  encouragement  of  the  petitioners,  they 
resolved,  that  if,  at  any  time,  within  twelve  months,  they  should  at- 
tempt the  settlement  of  their  lands,  at  Delaware,  and,  at  their  own 
charge,  transport  a  hundred  and  fifty,  or  at  least  a  hundred  men, 
well  armed,  with  a  good  vessel  or  vessels  for  such  an  enterprise, 
with  a  sufficient  quantity  of  ammunition;  and  warranted  by  a 
commission  from  the  authority  at  New-Haven,  that  then,  if  they 
should  meet  with  any  opposition  from  the  Dutch  or  Swedes,  they 
would  aflford  them  a  sufficient  force  for  their  defence.  They  also 
resolved,  that  all  English  planters,  at  Delaware,  either  from  New- 
Haven,  or  any  other  of  the  united  colonies,  should  be  under  the 
jurisdiction  of  New-Haven. 

The  Pequots  among  the  Moheagans  and  Narragansets,  and 
those  who  had  removed  to  Long-Island,  had,  to  this  time,  neg- 
lected to  pay  any  part  of  the  tribute,  which  had  been  stipulated, 
at  Hartford,  in  1638,  upon  condition,  that  the  English  would  spare 
their  lives  and  defend  them  from  their  enemies.  The  general 
court  had  given  orders,  that  it  should  be  collected  forthwith,  and 
had  appointed  captain  Mason  to  go  to  Long-Island,  and  demand 
it  of  the  Pequots  there,  as  well  as  of  those  in  other  places. 

Uncas,  with  a  number  of  the  Moheagans,  and  of  Ninigrate's 
men,  therefore  presented  himself  before  the  commissioners;  and, 
in  behalf  of  the  Pequots,  paid  a  tribute  cf  about  three  hundred 
fathoms  of  wampum.  He  ther.  in  their  name,  demanded,  why 
this  tribute  was  required?  How  long  it  was  to  continue?  And 
whether  it  must  be  paid  by  the  children  yet  unborn? 


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HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


[1651 


The  commissioners  answered,  that,  by  covenant,  it  had  been 
annually  due  ever  since  the  year  1638:  That  after  a  just  war, 
in  which  the  Pequots  were  conquered,  the  English,  to  spare,  as  far 
as  might  be,  the  blood  of  the  guilty,  accepted  of  a  small  tribute, 
as  expressed  in  the  covenant.  They  insisted,  that  they  had  a  right 
to  demand  it  as  a  just  debt.  They  observed,  that  twelve  years' 
tribute  was  now  due,  reckoning  only  to  the  year  1650;  but  that, 
to  show  their  lenity,  and  encourage  the  Pequots,  if  they  would 
behave  themselves  well,  and  pay  the  tribute  agreed  upon,  for  ten 
years,  reckoning  from  1650,  they  would  give  them  all  which  was 
due  for  past  years;  and  that,  at  the  expiration  of  the  ten  years, 
tliey  and  their  children  should  be  free.  This,  it  seems,,  they  thank- 
tully  accepted,  and  afterwards  became  as  faithful  friends  to  the 
English  as  the  Moheagans.  They  assisted  them  in  their  wars  with 
clher  Indians;  especially,  in  that  against  Philip  and  the  Narra- 
gansets. 

While  the  commissioners  were  at  New-Haven,  two  French  gen- 
tlemen. Monsieur  Godfrey  and  Monsieur  Gabriel  Druillets,  ar- 
I'ived  in  the  capacity  of  commissioners  from  Canada.  They  had 
i^'tien  sent  by  the  French  governor.  Monsieur  D'Aillebout,  to  treat 
with  the  united  colonies.  They  presented  three  commissions,  one 
from  Monsieur  D'Aillebout,  another  from  the  council  of  New- 
France,  and  a  third  to  Monsieur  Gabriel  Druillets,  who  had  been 
authorized  to  publish  the  doctrines  and  duties  of  Christianity 
among  the  Indians. 

In  behalf  of  the  French  in  Canada,  and  the  christianized  Indians 
in  Acadia,  they  petitioned  for  aid  against  the  Mohawks  and  war- 
riors of  the  six  nations.  They  urged,  that  the  war  was  just,  as 
the  Mohawks  had  violated  the  most  solemn  leagues,  and  were 
perfidious  and  cruel:  That  it  was  a  holy  war,  as  the  Acadians 
were  converted  Indians,  and  the  Mohawks  treated  them  barbar- 
ously, because  of  their  Christianity.  They  insisted,  that  it  was 
a  common  concern  to  the  French  and  English  nations,  as  the  war 
with  the  six  nations  interrupted  the  trade  of  both,  with  the  Indians 
in  general. 

Monsieur  DruiUets  appeared  to  be  a  man  of  address.  He 
opened  the  case  tc  tl.'e  best  advantage,  displaying  all  his  art,  and 
employing  his  utmost  ability  to  persuade  the  commissioners  to 
engage  in  the  war  agnnst  the  six  nations.  He  urged,  that,  if  they 
would  not  consent  to  join  in  the  war,  they  would  at  least,  permit 
the  enlistment  of  -"olunteers,  in  the  united  colonies,  for  the  French 
service;  and  grant  th<\n  a  free  passage  through  the  colonies,  by 
land  or  water,  as  the  case  might  require,  to  the  Mohawk  country. 
He  also  pleaded,  that  the  christianized  Indians  might  be  taken 
imder  the  protection  of  the  united  colonies.  He  made  fair  prom- 
ises of  the  ample  compensation  which  the  French  would  make  the 
colonies  for  these  services.    He  represented,  that,  if  these  points 


1651] 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


163 


could  be  gained,  they  would  enter  immediately  upon  a  treaty,  for 
the  establishment  of  a  free  trade  between  the  French  and  English 
in  all  parts- of  America. 

The  reply  of  the  commissioners  exhibits  policy  and  prudence; 
showing,  that  they  were  not  ignorant  of  men,  nor  of  the  arts  of 
negotiation.  They  answered,  that  they  looked  upon  such  Indians, 
as  had  received  the  yoke  of  Christ,  with  another  eye,  than  upon 
those  who  worshipped  the  devil:  That  they  pitied  the  Acadians, 
but  saw  no  way  to  help  them,  without  exposing  the  English  col- 
onies, and  their  own  neighbouring  Indians,  to  war:  and  that  some 
of  those  Indians  professed  Christianity  no  less  than  the  Acadians. 
They  observed,  that  it  was  their  desire,  by  all  just  means,  to  keep 
peace  with  all  men,  even  with  these  barbarians;  and  that  they 
had  no  occasion  for  war  with  the  Mohawks,  who,  in  the  war 
with  the  Pequots,  had  shown  a  real  respect  to  the  English  colonies, 
and  had  never  since  committed  any  hostility  against  them.  They 
declared  their  readiness  to  perform  all  offices  of  righteousness, 
peace,  and  good  neighbourhood  towards  the  French  colony;  yet, 
that  they  could  not  permit  the  enlisting  of  volunteers,  nor  the 
marching  of  the  French  and  their  Indians  through  the  colonies, 
without  giving  grounds  of  oflfence  and  war  to  the  Mohawks,  and 
exposing  both  themselves  and  the  Indians,  whom  they  ought  to 
protect.  They  observed,  that  the  English  engaged  in  no  war, 
until  they  were  f  tisfied  that  it  was  just,  nor  until  peace  had  been 
oflfered  on  reasonable  terms,  and  had  been  refused :  that  the  Mo- 
hawks were  neither  in  subjection  to  the  English,  nor  in  league 
with  them;  so  that  they  had  no  means  of  informing  themselves 
what  they  could  say  in  their  own  vindication.  They,  also,  assured 
the  French  ambassadors,  that  they  were  exceedingly  dissatisfied 
with  that  mischievous  trade,  which  the  French  and  Dutch  had 
carried  on,  and  still  continued,  with  the  Indians,  in  vending  them 
arms  and  ammunition,  by  which  they  were  encouraged,  and  made 
insolent,  not  only  against  the  christian  Indians  and  catechumens, 
but  against  all  christians  in  Europe,  as  well  as  America.  But  if 
all  other  difficulties  were  removed,  they  represented,  they  had  no 
such  short  and  convenient  passage,  by  land  or  water,  as  might 
be  had  by  Hudson's  river  to  fort  Aurania  and  beyond,  in  the  pos- 
session of  the  Dutch.  They  concluded,  by  observing,  that  the 
honoured  French  deputies,  as  they  conceived,  had  full  powers  to 
settle  a  free  trade  between  the  English  and  French  colonies;  but 
if,  for  reasons  best  known  to  themselves,  it  was  designed  to  limit 
the  English,  by  the  same  restraints  and  prohibitions  to  which  the 
unprivileged  French  were  subjected,  not  suffering  them  to  trade, 
until  they  had  obtained  a  particular  license  from  the  governor 
and  company  of  New  France,  they  must  wait  a  more  favourable 
opportunity  for  negotiation.  Such  an  opportunity,  whenever  it 
should  offer,  they  intimated  they  should  readily  embrace.^ 

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1165a 


The  commissioners,  apprehending  that  there  was  little  prospect 
of  obtaining  a  redress  of  their  grievances  from  the  Dutch,  by 
remonstrance  and  negotiation,  wrote  to  Mr.  Winslow,  agent  for 
Massachusetts  in  England,  on  the  subject.  They  represented 
the  claims  and  rights  of  the  colonies,  and  the  injuries  which  they 
suffered  from  the  Dutch.  They  insisted,  that  their  conduct  was 
a  high  affront,  not  only  to  the  colonies,  but  to  the  honour  of  the 
English  nation.  They  desired  Mr.  Winslow  to  inquire  how  the 
parliament  and  council  of  state  esteemed  the  ancient  patents,  and 
how  any  engagements  of  the  colonies  against  the  Dutch,  for  the 
defence  of  their  rights,  would  be  viewed  by  the  parliament.  It 
was  desired,  that  he  would  give  them  the  earliest  information  on 
the  subject. 

The  people  at  New-Haven  persisted  in  their  purpose  of  making, 
if  possible,  a  permanent  settlement  upon  their  lands  at  Delaware. 
They  were  sensible,  that  such  was  the  situation  of  their  affairs, 
that  a  leader,  who  was  not  only  a  politician,  but  a  man  of  known 
courage,  military  skill  and  experience,  would  be  of  great  impor- 
tance to  the  enterprise.  They,  therefore,  made  application  to  cap- 
tain Mason,  to  remove  with  them  to  Delaware,  and  take  on  him 
the  management  of  the  company.  They  made  him  such  offers, 
that  it  seems  he  had  a  design  of  leaving  the  colony,  and  putting 
himself  at  the  head  of  the  English  settlements  in  those  parts.  But 
the  general  court  at  Connecticut,  would  by  no  means  consent. 
They  unanimously  desired  him  to  entertain  no  thoughts  of  chang- 
ing his  situation.  This  appears  to  have  prevented  his  going,  and 
to  have  frustrated  the  design. 

The  grand  list  of  the  colony  appears  this  year,  for  the  first  time, 
upon  the  records.  There  are  the  lists  of  seven  towns  only.  The 
others  either  paid  no  taxes,  or  their  lists  were  not  completed  and 
returned.  The  amount  of  the  whole,  was  75,4921.  los.  6d.  It  ap- 
pears that  the  towns,  at  this  period,  were  not,  upon  an  average, 
more  than  equal  to  our  common  parishes  at  this  day. 

At  the  general  election  in  Connecticut,  in  1652,  the  former 
magistrates  were  re-elected. 

The  commencement  of  hostilities,  the  last  year,  between  Eng- 
land and  Holland,  the  perfidious  management  of  the  Dutch  gov- 
ernor, with  apprehensions  of  the  rising  of  the  Indians,  spread  a 
general  alarm  through  the  colony. 

The  assembly  convened  on  the  30tli  of  June,  and  adopted  sev- 
eral measures  for  the  common  safety.  Orders  were  given,  that 
the  cannon  at  Saybrook  should  be  well  mounted  on  carriages; 
that  the  fort  should  be  supplied  with  ammunition ;  and  that  the  in- 
habitants, who  were  scattered  abroad,  should  collect  their  families 
into  it,  and  hold  themselves  in  the  best  state  of  readiness  for  their 
common  defence. 

In  April,  1653,  the  Indians  in  the  vicinity  of  the  several  planta- 


l653l 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


i«5 


tions,  within  the  colony,  were  required  to  give  testimony  of  their 
friendship  and  fidelity  to  the  English,  by  delivering  up  their  arms 
to  the  governor  and  magistrates.  Those  who  refused,  were  to  be 
considered  as  enemies. 

Stuyvesant,  the  Dutch  governor,  made  no  satisfaction  for  past 
injuries;  but  added  new  insults  and  grievances  to  those  which 
were  past.  He  again  revived  the  claims  which  he  had  renounced 
at  Hartford ;  and  though  he  restrained  the  Dutch  from  open  hos- 
tility, yet  he  used  all  his  arts  with  the  Indians  to  engage  them  to 
massacre  the  English  colonists. 

A  discovery  was  made  in  March,  that  he  was  confederate  with 
the  Indians,  in  a  plot  for  the  extirpation  of  the  English  colonies. 
An  extraordinary  meeting  of  the  commissioners  was  called  upon 
the  occasion  April  19th.  It  consisted  of  Governor  Endicott,  Mr. 
William  Hawthorne,  William  Bradford,  Esq'r.  Mr.  John  Brown, 
Mr.  Ludlow,  Captain  Cullick,  Governor  Eaton,  and  Captain  John 
Astwood.    Gov.  Endicott  was  chosen  president. 

Upon  a  close  attention  to  the  reports  which  had  been  spread, 
and  a  critical  examination  of  the  evidence,  all  the  commissioners, 
except  those  of  the  Massachusetts,  were  of  the  opinion,  that  there 
had  been  a  horrid  and  execrable  plot,  concerted  by  the  Dutch 
governor  and  the  Indians,  for  the  destruction  of  the  English 
colonies.  Ninigrate,  it  appeared,  had  spent  the  winter  at  the  Man- 
hadoes,  with  Stuyvesant,  on  the  business.  He  had  been  over 
Hudson's  river,  among  the  western  Indians;  procured  a  meeting 
of  the  sachems;  made  ample  declarations  against  the  English; 
and  solicited  their  aid  against  the  colonies.  He  was  brought 
back  in  the  spring,  in  a  Dutch  sloop,  with  arms  and  ammunition 
from  the  Dutch  governor.  The  Indians,  for  some  hundreds  of 
miles,  appeared  to  be  disaffected  and  hostile.  Tribes,  which  be- 
fore had  been  always  friendly  to  the  EngHsh,  became  inimical; 
and  the  Indians  boasted,  that  they  were  to  have  goods  from  the 
Dutch,  at  half  the  price  for  which  the  EngHsh  sold  them,  and 
powder  as  plenty  as  the  sand.  The  Long-Island  Indians  testified 
to  the  plot.  Nine  sachems,  who  lived  in  the  vicinity  of  the  Dutch, 
sent  their  united  testimony  to  Stamford,  "  that  the  Dutch  govern- 
or had  solicited  them,  by  promising  them  guns,  powder,  swords, 
wampum,  coats,  and  waistcoats,  to  cut  oflf  the  English."  The 
messengers  who  were  sent,  declared  "  they  were  as  the  mouth  of 
the  nine  sagamores  who  all  spake,  they  would  not  lie."  One  of 
the  nine  sachems,  afterwards,  came  to  Stamford,  with  other  Ind- 
ians, c-nd  testified  the  same.  The  plot  was  confessed  by  a  Wam- 
peag  ind  a  Narraganset  Indian,  and  was  confirmed  by  Indian 
testimonies  from  all  quarters.^  It  was  expected,  that  a  Dutch 
fleei  wculd  arrive,  and  that  the  Dutch  and  Indians  would  unite  in 
the  destruction  of  the  EngHsh  plantations.  It  was  rumoured, 
'  Records  of  the  united  colonies. 


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HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


[1653 


that  the  time  for  the  massacre  was  fixed  upon  the  day  of  the  public 
election,  when  the  freemen  would  be  generally  irom  homo. 

The  country  was  exceedingly  alarmed;  especially  Connecticut 
and  New-Haven.  They  were  greatly  hindered  in  their  ploughing, 
sowing,  planting,  and  in  all  their  affairs.  They  were  worn  down 
with  constant  watching  and  guarding,  and  put  to  great  expense 
for  the  common  safety. 

Six  o';'  the  commissioners  were  satisfied,  that  they  had  just 
groJind.s  of  war  with  the  Dutch.  They  drew  up  a  general  declara- 
tion of  their  grievances,  for  the  satisfaction  of  the  people.  They 
also  stated  the  evidence  they  had  of  the  conspiracy,  which  they 
supposed  was  then  in  hand.  They  determined,  nevertheless,  be- 
fore they  commenced  hostilities  against  the  Dutch,  to  acquaint 
the  governor  with  the  discovery  which  they  had  made,  and  to  give 
him  an  opportunity  of  answering  for  himself. 

In  the  mean  time  letters  arrived  from  the  Dutch  governor,  in 
which  he  appeared,  with  great  confidence,  absolutely  to  deny  the 
plot  which  had  been  charged  upon  him.  He  offered  to  go  or  send 
to  Boston  to  clear  his  innocence;  or  desired  that  some  persons 
might  be  deputed  and  sent  to  the  Manhadoes,  to  examine  the 
charges  and  receive  his  answers.  Other  leHors  arrived  at  the 
same  time  confirming  the  evidence  of  the  conspiracy,  and  repre- 
senting, that  the  Indians  were  hastened  to  carry  it  into  execution. 

The  commissioners  determined  to  send  agents  to  the  governor; 
and  with  the  utmost  dispatch  made  choice  of  Francis  Newman, 
one  of  the  magistrates  of  New-Haven,  captain  John  Leveret,  aiter- 
wards  governor  of  Massachusetts,  and  Mr.  William  Davis.  They 
vested  them  with  plenary  powers  to  examine  the  whole  affair,  and 
to  receive  the  governor's  answer,  according  to  his  own  proposals. 

Stuyvesant,  in  his  Ltters,  pretended  to  express  his  admiration, 
that  the  English  should  give  credit  to  Indian  testimony.  The 
commissioners,  therefore,  in  their  reply,  charged  him  with  making 
use  of  heathen  testimony  against  New-Haven:  and  observed,  that 
Kieft,  his  predecessor,  had  used  Indian  testimonies  against  the 
English  in  a  strange  manner,  in  a  case  of  treason,  and  life  or  death. 
They  also  acquainted  him  with  the  bloody  use  which  the  Dutch 
governor  and  his  council  had  made  of  the  confession  of  the  Japa- 
nese, against  captain  Towerson  and  the  English  christians  at  Am- 
boyna,  though  it  was  extorted  by  torture. 

They  wrote  to  Monsieur  Montague  and  captain  Newton,  who 
were  of  the  Dutch  governor's  council,  that  his  protestations  of  in- 
nocence gave  them  no  satisfaction.  They  charged  the  fiscal,^  as 
well  as  the  governor,  with  the  plot.  They  stated  their  grievances, 
demanded  satisfaction  for  past  injuries,  and  security  for  the  future. 

While  their  agents  were  employed  at  the  Manhadoes,  they  de- 
termined on  the  number  of  men  to  be  raised,  in  case  of  a  war. 

'  That  is,  the  treasurer. 


i653] 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


167 


For  the  first  expedition  they  resolved  to  send  out  five  hundred; 
and  appointed  captain  Leveret  tfj  the  chief  command.  They  also 
determined,  that,  should  they  enjrage  in  war  with  thf  Dutch,  the 
commissioners  of  the  united  colonies  should  meet  at  New-Haven, 
to  give  all  necessary  directions  respecting  the  expedition,  and  to 
order  the  war  in  general. 

Notwithstanding  the  fair  proposals  which  governor  Stuyvesant 
had  made,  he  would  submit  to  no  examination,  by  the  agents,  any 
further  than  a  conunittec  of  his  own  appointing  should  consent. 
Two  of  the  com  nittee  were  persons  who  had  been  complained 
of  for  misdemeanors,  at  Hartford;  and  one  of  them  had  been  laid 
under  bonds  for  his  crimes.  The  agents  conceived,  that  the  very 
proposal  of  such  persons  as  a  comniittee  was  a  high  affront  to 
them,  to  the  united  colonies,  and  to  the  Englisii  nation.  Besides, 
the  Dutch  governor  would  not  suffer  the  witnesses  tu  speak  unless 
they  were  j)revions!y  laid  under  such  restraints  as  would  prevent 
all  benefit  from  their  evidence.  The  ^ents  not  only  objected  to 
the  committee,  and  declined  all  connection  with  them,  but  re- 
monstrated against  the  restraints  'Toposed  to  be  laid  on  the  wit- 
nesses. Finding  th;it  nothing  could  be  effected  with  respect  to  the 
desigfn  of  their  agency,  they,  in  a  spirited  manner,  denianded  sat- 
isfaction fox  insults  and  injuries  past,  and  security  against  future 
abuse,  and  took  leave  of  the  Manhadoes. 

As  they  returned,  they  took  various  testimonies  respecting  the 
plot;  some  from  the  Indians,  and  others  from  the  English,  sworn 
before  proper  authority.  Before  their  return,  the  commissioners 
were  dispersed,  and  the  general  elections  were  finished.  The 
courts  at  Connecticut  and  New-Haven  voted  their  respective 
quotas  of  men,  appointed  their  officers,  and  gave  orders,  that  all 
necessary  preparations  should  be  made  for  the  designed  expe- 
dition. 

On  the  election  at  Hartford,  the  former  officers  were  rechosen. 
The  time  of  election,  at  New-Haven,  had  been  changed  from  Oc- 
tober to  May;  and  this  year  was  on  the  25th  of  the  month.  The 
governors  were  the  same  as  they  had  been  for  several  years,  Eaton 
and  Goodyear.  The  magistrates  were,  Mr.  William  Fowler,  Mr. 
John  Astwood,  William  Leet,  Esquire,  Mr.  Joshua  Atwater,  and 
Mr.  Francis  Newman.  Mr.  Atwater  was  treasurer,  and  Mr.  New- 
man secretary. 

Immediately,  on  the  return  of  the  agents,  from  the  Manhadoes, 
the  general  court  of  Massachusetts  summoned  another  extraor- 
dinary meeting  of  the  commissioners,  at  Boston,  about  the  last  of 
May.  The  commissioners  were  all  the  same  who  composed  the 
last  meeting,  except  Mr.  Bradstreet  in  the  room  of  governor  En- 
dicott,  who  was  obliged  to  attend  the  general  court. 

The  agents  made  report  of  the  treatment  which  they  had  re- 
ceived from  the  Dutch,  and  of  such  evidence  as  they  had  taken 


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of  the  plot  on  their  return.  The  commissioners  were  also  certi- 
fied, that  the  Indians,  on  Long-Island,  had  charged  the  fiscal  with 
the  plot;  and  that  captain  Underhill,  having  reported  what  the 
Indians  declared,  was  seized  and  carried  by  a  guard  of  soldiers, 
from  Flushing  to  the  Manhadoes,  where  he  was  confined  by  the 
fiscal,  until  what  he  had  reported,  was  affirmed  to  his  face;  then 
he  was  dismissed,  without  trial,  and  all  his  charges  borne.  No 
sooner  had  the  agents  taken  their  departure  from  the  Manhadoes, 
than  the  captain,  because  he  had  been  active  in  exhibiting  the  evi- 
dence of  the  Dutch  and  Indian  conspiracy,  notwithstanding  all 
the  important  services  he  had  rendered  the  Dutch,  was  ordered  to 
depart  The  commissioners  received  a  letter  from  him.  May  24th, 
representing  the  extreme  danger  in  which  he  and  all  the  English 
were^  assuring  them,  that  as  necessity  had  no  law,  he  had,  like  Jep- 
thah,  put  his  life  in  his  hand,  to  save  English  blood;  and  that  he 
was  waiting  their  orders,  with  loyalty  to  them  and  the  parliament, 
to  vindicate  the  rights  of  the  nation.  The  Dutch  demanded,  that 
all  the  English  among  them  should  take  an  oath  of  fidelity  to 
them.  This,  in  case  of  war,  might  have  induced  them  to  fight 
against  their  own  nation. 

The  people  of  Hampstead,  at  the  same  time,  represented  that 
they  were  in  the  utmost  danger,  and  wrote,  in  the  most  pressing 
manner,  for  arms  and  ammunition,  to  defend  themselves.  Letters 
were  also  sent  from  Connecticut  and  New-Haven,  with  intelli- 
gence, that  the  Dutch  governor,  by  presents  of  wampum,  coats, 
and  other  articles,  was  exciting  tlie  Mohawks,  and  various  Indian 
tribes,  to  rise  and  attack  the  English,  both  on  Long-Island,  and 
on  the  main. 

A  long  letter  from  the  Dutch  governor  was  also  received,  in 
which,  in  general  terms,  he  excused  himself  relative  to  the  plot; 
but  he  gave  no  encouragement  of  the  least  satisfaction,  in  a  single 
instance;  or  that  the  colonies  should  be  more  safe  from  injury  and 
insult,  for  the  future.  Indeed,  he  still  insulted  them,  renewing  the 
claims,  both  to  Connecticut  and  New-Haven,  which  he  had  given 
up  at  Hartford. 

All  the  commissioners,  excepting  Mr.  Bradstreet,  voted  for  war 
against  the  Dutch.  He  was  under  the  influence  of  tlie  general 
court  of  Massachusetts,  who  were  using  all  their  arts  to  oppose 
the  commissioners,  and  prevent  open  hostility.  The  commis- 
sioners, however,  so  strenuously  urged  the  justice  and  necessity 
of  an  immediate  war  with  the  Dutch,  and  so  spiritedly  remon- 
strated against  the  conduct  of  the  court,  as  violators  of  the  articles 
of  union,  that  they  appointed  a  committee  of  conference  with 
them.  They  desired,  that  a  statement  of  the  case  might  be  made, 
and  the  advice  of  the  elders  taken  on  the  subject.  The  conunit- 
tee  of  the  court  were  major  Denison  and  captain  Leveret. 

The  commissioners  replied,  that  their  former  declaration,  their 


i653] 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


169 


their 


letter  to  the  Dutch  governor,  and  the  evidence  before  them,  af- 
forded dear  and  sufficient  light  in  the  affair.  Nevertheless,  they 
appointed  captain  Hawthorne,  Mr.  Bradford,  and  governor  Ea- 
ton, a  committee  to  confer  with  the  gentlemen  appointed  by  the 
court  Governor  Eaton  drew  a  statement  of  the  case,  in  behalf  of 
the  committee  of  the  conmiissioners.  The  committee  from  the 
general  court  would  not  consent  to  it,  but  drew  a  statement  of 
their  own.  Under  the  influence  of  the  general  court,  and  the  dif- 
ferent representation  which  their  committee  had  made,  the  elders 
gave  their  opinion: 

"  That  the  proofs  and  presumptions  of  the  execrable  plot,  tend- 
ing to  the  destruction  of  so  many  of  the  dear  saints  of  God,  im- 
puted to  the  Dutch  governor  and  the  fiscal,  were  of  such  weight 
as  to  induce  them  to  believe  the  reality  of  it;  yet  they  were  not  so 
fully  conclusive,  as  to  clear  up  a  present  proceeding  to  war  before 
the  world;  and  to  bear  up  their  hearts  with  that  fulness  of  per- 
suasion, which  was  meet  in  commending  the  case  to  God,  in 
prayer,  and  to  the  people  in  exhortations;  and  that  it  would  be 
safest  for  the  colonies  to  forbear  the  use  of  the  sword;  but  advised 
to  be  in  a  posture  of  defence,  and  readiness  for  action,  until  the 
mind  of  God  should  be  more  clearly  known,  either  for  a  more 
settled  peace,  or  manifest  grounds  of  war." 

It  seems,  that  the  affair  was  very  partially  referred  to  the  min- 
isters, whether  the  evidence  of  the  plot  was  so  clear  as  to  warrant 
a  war;  whereas,  this  was  but  one  circumstance  among  many, 
which  might  render  it  just  and  necessary.  These  ought  to  have 
been  considered,  no  less  than  the  other.  The  deputies  of  the  court 
concurred  with  the  clergy. 

In  the  mean  time,  all  the  commissioners,  except  Mr.  Bradstrect, 
continued  determined  for  war.  Governor  Eaton  insisted,  that  the 
Dutch  had,  for  many  years,  during  a  succession  of  governors, 
multiplied  injuries  and  hostile  affronts,  with  treachery  and  false- 
hood, against  the  English,  to  their  very  gieat  damage:  That  these 
injuries  had  been  fully  and  repeatedly  represented  to  them,  and 
satisfaction  demanded;  yet  that  nothing  had  been  received  in  re- 
turn, but  dilatory,  false,  and  offensive  answers.  He  observed, 
that  the  governor  and  his  associates  had  been  formerly  suspected 
and  accused  of  instigating  the  Indians  against  the  English;  and 
that  now  a  treacherous  and  bloody  plot  had  been  discovered,  and 
charged  upon  him  and  his  fiscal,  by  more  witnesses  than  could 
have  been  expected;  that  by  it  the  peace  of  the  country  had  been 
disturbed,  their  own  lives,  Uie  lives  of  their  children,  and  all  their 
connexions,  had  been  in  constant  jeopardy:  That  though  they 
had  allowed  the  Dutch  governor  a  fair  opportunity  of  clearing 
himself,  of  making  satisfaction,  and  securing  the  colonies  for  the 
f^tu/e;  yet  that,  by  his  conduct,  he  had  increased  the  evidence  of 
his  guilt;  and  that  he  had  given  the  colonies  no  security  for  their 


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170 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


[1653 


future  peace  and  safety;  nor  had  they  the  least  reason  to  expect 
them.  He  insisted,  that  the  English,  under  the  jurisdiction  of  the 
Dutch,  were  in  the  most  immediate  danger,  not  only  from  them, 
but  the  Indians,  through  their  instigation ;  because  they  would  not 
submit  to  an  oath  to  join  with  them  in  fighting  against  their  own 
nation.  He  urged,  that  the  insolence,  treachery,  and  bitter  en- 
mity, which  the  Dutch  had  manifested  against  the  nation  of  Eng- 
land, and  all  the  English  abroad,  as  they  had  importunity,  were 
sufficient  to  assure  them  that,  as  soon  as  the  States  General  should 
be  able  to  send  a  small  fleet  to  the  Manhadoes,  the  colonies 
could  not  be  safe,  either  in  their  persons  or  property,  by  land  or 
sea.  He  further  insisted,  that  the  state  of  the  commonwealth  of 
England,  and  of  the  colonies,  was  such  as  called  for  war;  and 
that,  if  either  of  thie  colonies  should  refuse  to  join  in  it,  against  the 
common  enemy,  and  if  any  of  the  plantations,  through  such  re- 
fusal, should  be  destroyed,  the  guilt  of  such  blood  would  lie  upon 
them.* 

Some  faithful  people  in  the  Massachusetts  were  entirely  op- 
posed to  the  conduct  of  their  general  court,  and  ventured  to  ex- 
press their  opinion.  The  Rev.  Mr.  Norris,  of  Salem,  sent  a  writ- 
ing to  the  commissioners,  representing  the  necessity  of  a  war.  He 
urged,  that  if  the  colonies,  in  their  then  present  circumstances, 
should  neglect  to  engage  in  it,  it  would  be  a  declaration  of  their 
neutrality  in  the  contest;  might  be  viewed  in  that  light  by  the 
parliament;  and  be  of  great  and  general  disservice  to  their  inter- 
ests :  That  the  spending  of  so  much  time  in  parleys  and  treaties, 
after  all  the  injuries  they  had  received,  and  while  the  enemy  was 
insulting  them,  and  fortifying  against  them,  would  make  them 
contemptible  among  the  Indians:  That  it  was  dishonoring  God, 
in  whom  they  professed  to  trust,  and  bringing  a  scandal  among 
themselves.  He  insisted  that,  as  their  brethren  had  sent  their 
moan  to  them,  and  desired  their  assistance,  if  they  should  refuse, 
the  curse  of  the  angel  of  the  Lord  against  Meroz  would  come 
upon  them.  This,  he  said,  he  presented  in  the  name  of  many  pen- 
sive hearts.' 

But  nothing  could  induce  the  Massachusetts  to  unite  with  their 
brethren,  in  a  war  against  the  Dutch.  The  general  court,  in  direct 
violation  of  the  articles  of  confederation,  resolved,  that  no  deter- 
mination of  the  commissioners,  though  they  should  all  agree, 
should  bind  the  general  court  to  join  in  an  offensive  war,  which 
should  appear  to  such  general  court  to  be  unjust.  This  declara- 
tion gave  great  uneasiness  to  the  commissioners,  and  to  the  sister 
colonies.   Indeed,  it  nearly  effected  a  dissolution  of  their  union. 

The  commissioners,  finding  that  the  Massachusetts  would  not 
submit  to  their  determination,  nor  afford  any  assistance  to  her 
confederates,  dissolved. 

'  Record*  of  the  united  colonies.  "  Records  of  the  united  colonies. 


1653] 


1653] 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


171 


her 


In  this  important  crisis,  governor  Haynes  called  a  special  court, 
on  the  25th  of  June.  The  court  resolved,  that  the  fears  and  dis- 
tresses of  the  English,  bordering  upon  the  Dutch,  and  the  dam- 
ages which  they  had  sustained,  should  be  forthwith  represented  to 
the  magistrates  in  Massachusetts:  That  the  opinion  of  the  court, 
respecting  the  power  of  the  commissioners  to  make  war,  and  the 
reasons  of  their  opinion,  should  be  ccmimunicated.  They  also  de- 
termined, that  their  messengers  should  humbly  pray,  that  war 
might  be  carried  on  against  the  Dutch,  according  to  the  deter- 
mination of  the  commissioners.  The  messengers  were  instructed, 
to  use  their  influence,  that  three  magistrates  might  have  power  to 
call  a  meeting  of  the  commissioners,  at  Hartford  or  New-Haven, 
to  conduct  the  affairs  of  the  war,  as  occasion  might  require.  If 
this  could  not  be  obtained  they  were  to  desire  that  liberty  might  be 
given  to  enlist  volunteers,  in  the  Massachusetts,  for  the  defence  of 
the  colonies. 

Governor  Haynes  and  Mr.  Ludlow,  were  appointed  to  confer 
with  governor  Eaton  and  his  council  on  the  subject.  The  court 
at  New-Haven  were  no  less  clear  and  unanimous,  in  the  opinion 
of  the  power  of  the  commissioners  to  declare  war  and  make  peace, 
than  the  general  court  at  Connecticut;  and  that  all  tlte  colonies 
were  absolutely  bound  by  their  determination.  Both  colonies 
united  in  sending  the  messengers,  and  in  the  purport  of  their  mes- 
sage. But  nothing  more  could  be  obtained,  than  the  calling  of  an- 
other meeting  of  the  commissioners,  at  Boston. 

They  met  on  the  nth  of  September.  The  resolutions  of  the 
generd  courts  of  Connecticut  and  New-Haven  were  produced, 
expressing  their  entire  approbation  of  the  determination  of  the 
commissioners,  and  remonstrating  against  the  declaration  of  the 
general  court  of  Massachusetts,  and  the  sense  which  they  had  put 
on  the  articles  of  confederation. 

The  general  court  of  Massachusetts  returned  an  answer  to  this 
effect:  that  since  their  brethren  of  the  other  colonies  had  appre- 
hensions different  from  theirs,  they  judged  it  might  conduce  most 
to  peace  to  waive  the  point  in  controversy.  At  the  same  time,  they 
intimated  they  had  no  occasion  to  answer  them. 

The  commissioners  refused  to  accept  this  as  an  answer.  They 
insisted,  that  they  had  ample  powers,  from  all  the  other  colonies, 
to  determine,  in  all  affairs  of  peace  and  war ;  and  that  this  was  con- 
sistent with  the  grammatical,  and  true  sense  of  the  articled  of  con- 
federation. They  insisted,  that  it  was  totally  inconsistent,  not  only 
with  the  articles  of  union,  but  with  the  welfare  of  the  colonies,  that 
they  should  be  at  so  much  expense  and  trouble,  to  meet  and  delib- 
erate on  the  general  interests  of  the  confederates,  if  their  deter- 
minations were  to  be  annulled  by  one  court  and  another. 

The  general  court,  on  their  part,  insisted,  that  the  determina- 
tions of  the  commissioners,  could  not  bind  them  to  a  war  which 


I     '. 


I  fi! 


'iji- 


U'» 


173 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


[1653 


1653] 


■ 


■Ml 
■i|! 


m 


I 


they  could  not  see  to  be  just;  and  that  it  was  inconsistent  with  the 
liberties  of  the  colonies,  that  their  decisions  should  compel  them  to 
action. 

The  commissioners  repHed,  that  no  power  could  bind  men  to  do 
that  which  was  absolutely  unlawful;  but  that  their  authority  was 
as  absolute,  with  respect  to  war  and  peace,  as  any  authority  could 
be ;  and  that  it  was  their  province  only  to  judge  of  the  justice  of  the 
cause.  They  maintained,  that  it  could  be  no  infringement  of  the 
rights  of  the  colonies,  to  be  bound  by  the  acts  of  their  own  agents, 
vested  with  plenary  powers  for  those  very  acts.  They  represented 
the  religious  and  solemn  manner  in  which  the  confederation  was 
made;  that,  by  its  express  words,  it  was  a  perpetual  league  for 
them  and  their  posterity,  in  which  their  eight  commissioners,  or 
any  six  of  them,  should  have  full  power  to  determine  all  affairs 
of  war  and  peace,  leagues,  aids,  &c:  That  every  article  had  been 
examined,  not  only  by  a  committee  of  the  four  general  courts,  but 
by  the  whole  court  of  Massachusetts,  at  the  time  when  it  was  com- 
pleted: That  many  prayers  were  addressed  to  heaven  for  its  ac- 
complishment, while  it  was  under  consideration;  and  that  the  car- 
rying of  it  into  execution,  had  been  an  occasion  of  abundant 
thanksgiving.  They  said,  that  after  practising  upon  it  for  ten 
years,  the  colonies  had  experienced  the  most  salutary  effects,  to 
the  great  and  general  advantage  of  all  the  confederates.  In  these 
views,  they  insisted,  that  the  violation  of  it  would  be  matter  of 
great  sin  in  the  presence  of  God,  and  of  scandal  before  men. 
They  referred  it  to  the  serious  consideration  of  the  general  court, 
whether  they  would  not,  in  his  sight  who  knew  all  hearts,  be 
guilty  of  this  sin  and  scandal? 

The  general  court  earnestly  requested,  that  they  would  drop  the 
dispute,  and  enter  upon  business.  Their  commissioners  also 
pressed  the  same.  But,  with  a  spirit  of  magnanimity  and  firmness, 
becoming  their  character,  they  utterly  refused ;  determining,  to  a 
man,  after  drawing  a  remonstrance  against  the  Massachusetts,  to 
return  to  their  respective  colonies,  and  leave  the  event  with  the 
supreme  ruler. 

No  sooner  had  the  general  court  intelligence  of  what  was  trans- 
acting, than  they  dispatched  a  writing  to  the  commissioners,  ap- 
parently retracting  all  which  they  had  before  advanced  in  oppo- 
sition to  them.  It  was,  however,  expressed  artfully  in  doubtful 
language.   Upon  the  reception  of  this,  they  proceeded  to  business. 

Ninigrate,  ever  since  the  Pequot  war,  had  been  the  common 
pest  of  the  colonies.  He  had  violated  all  his  contracts  with  them ; 
had  fallen  on  the  Long-Island  Indians,  who  were  in  alliance  with 
the  English,  and  slain  many  of  them;  and  carried  others,  men, 
women,  and  children,  into  captivity.  By  his  hostilities,  he  gave 
alarm  and  trouble  to  the  English  plantations,  oh  the  island,  in  the 
neighbourhood  of  the  Indians.    When  messengers  had  been  sent 


i6$3l 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


173 


to  him,  demanding  that  he  would  return  the  captives,  and  desist 
from  war,  he  absolutely  refused;  and  would  give  no  account  of 
his  conduct.  He  had  now  spent  the  winter  with  the  Dutch  gov- 
ernor, in  concerting  measures  against  the  English  colonies;  and 
had  been  beyond  Hudson's  river,  spiriting  up  the  Indians  there, 
as  well  as  in  other  quarters,  to  a  general  rising  against  them. 
The  commissioners  therefore  declared  war  against  him,  and  ap- 
pointed the  number  of  men  and  officers  for  the  service.  They 
also  again  resolved  upon  war  against  the  Dutch.  All  the  com- 
missioners joined  in  these  resolutions,  except  Mr.  Bradstreet. 
But  they  were  to  no  purpose.  The  general  court  refused  to  bear 
any  part  in  the  war  against  either. 

The  commissioners  protested  against  the  members  of  the  court 
of  Massachusetts,  as  violators  of  the  confederation.  They  pressed 
it  as  an  indispensable  duty,  to  avenge  the  blood  of  innocents,  who 
had  depended  on  them  for  safety,  and  had  suffered  on  the  account 
of  their  faithfulness  to  the  colonies;  to  recover  their  wives  and 
children  from  captivity;  to  protect  their  friends  from  the  insults  of 
barbarous  and  bloody  men;  and  to  vindicate  the  honor  of  them- 
selves, and  of  the  nation.^ 

The  Massachusetts  nevertheless  persisted  in  their  opposition  to 
the  commissioners,  and  would  bear  no  part  in  the  war.  Their  de- 
sertion of  their  confederates  was  matter  of  great  injury  and  dis- 
tress to  them;  especially  to  Connecticut  and  New-Haven.  They 
were  not  only  obliged  to  put  up  with  all  former  insults  and  dam- 
ages from  the  Dutch;  but  after  they  had  been  at  great  expense 
already,  in  fortifying  and  guarding  against  the  Dutch  and  Ind- 
ians, and  had  been  worn  down  with  anxiety  and  watching,  from 
the  very  opening  of  the  spring,  they  were  still  left  to  their  fears, 
and  obliged  to  combine  together  for  mutual  defence,  in  the  best 
manner  of  which  they  were  capable. 

Few  instances  occur  in  history,  of  so  flagrant  and  obstinate  a 
violation  of  a  covenant,  so  solemnly  made,  as  this  of  the  general 
court  of  Massachusetts;  especially,  of  a  covenant  made  between 
christians  of  the  same  nation,  and  all  professed  brethren  of  the 
same  faith.  What  interest  the  Massachusetts  made  by  thus  favor- 
ing the  Dutch,  is  not  known;  but  surely  it  is  painful  to  relate  the 
indelible  stain,  which  the  legislature  of  so  ancient  and  respectable 
a  colony  have  left,  by  this  conduct^  upon  their  honor,  as  men,  and 
upon  their  morals,  as  christians. 

The  general  courts  of  Connecticut  and  New-Haven  were  con- 
voked soon  after  the  return  of  the  commissioners.  Thai  at  New- 
Haven  convened  on  the  12th  of  October,  and  the  court  at  Con- 
necticut, on  the  25th  of  November.  Both  considered  the  court  of 
Massachusetts  as  having  wilfully  violated  the  articles  of  union. 
The  general  court  at  New-Haven  expressly  resolved,  "  that  the 
'  Records  of  the  united  colonies,  in  which  this  controversy  is  recorded  at  large- 


t   >* 


?*'• 


■1.;  I 


■■■U 


174 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


It693 


Massachusetts  had  broken  their  covenant  with  them,  in  acting 
directly  contrary  to  the  articles  of  confederation." 

Both  colonies  therefore  determined  to  seek  redress  from  the 
commonwealth  of  England.  Captain  Astwood  was  appointed 
agent  to  the  lord  protector  and  parliament,  to  represent  their 
state,  and  to  solicit  ships  and  men  for  the  reduction  of  the  Dutch. 
Connecticut  and  New-Haven  conferred  together,  by  their  com- 
mittees, and  letters  were  sent,  in  the  name  of  both  the  general 
courts,  containing  a  complete  statement  of  their  circumstances. 
It  was  agreed,  that  the  address  to  lord  Cromwell  should  be  con- 
cluded in  the  words  following: 

"  That  unless  the  Dutch  be  either  removed,  or  so  far,  at  least, 
subjected,  that  the  colonies  may  be  free  from  injurious  affronts, 
and  secured  against  the  dangers  and  mischievous  effects,  which 
daily  grow  upon  them,  by  their  plotting  with  the  Indians,  and 
furnishing  them  with  arms  against  the  English;  and  that  the 
league  and  confederation  between  the  four  united  English  colo- 
nies, be  confirmed  and  settled  acc(Mrding  to  the  true  sense,  and,  till 
this  year,  the  continued  interpretation  of  the  articles,  the  peace 
and  comfort  of  these  smaller,  western  colonies,  will  be  much  haz- 
arded, and  more  and  more  impaired.  But  as  they  conceive  it  their 
duty,  thus  fully  to  represent  their  afHicted  condition  to  your  excel- 
lency, so  they  humbly  leave  themselves,  with  the  remedies,  to  your 
consideration  and  wisdom." 

As  governor  Hopkins  was  now  in  England,  he  was  desired  to 
give  all  assistance  in  his  power,  to  the  agent  whom  they  had 
agreed  to  send.  Connecticut  dispatched  letters  to  the  parliament, 
to  general  Monk,  and  Mr.  Hopkins. 

As  Stamford  was  a  frontier  town,  a  guard  of  men  was  dis- 
patched for  its  defence.  Connecticut  and  New-Haven  provided 
a  frigate  of  ten  or  twelve  guns,  with  forty  men,  to  defend  the  coast 
against  the  Dutch,  and  to  prevent  Ninigrate  and  his  Indians  from 
crossing  the  sound,  in  prosecution  of  his  hostile  designs  against 
the  Indians  in  alliance  with  the  colonies.^ 

The  towns  bordering  upon  the  Dutch,  on  Long-Island,  were 
in  great  distress  and  alarm.  Captain  Underhill  sent  to  his  friends 
at  Rhode-Island,  for  assistance;  and,  with  such  Englishmen  as  he 
could  obtain,  made  the  best  defence  in  his  power.  However, 
Hampstead  and  some  other  towns  were  continually  harassed,  and 
suffered  much  damage  and  insult  from  the  Dutch. 

Indeed,  this  was  a  year  of  uncommon  alarm,  expense,  and  dis- 
tress to  Connecticut  and  New-Haven.  Early  in  the  spring  they 
were  filled  with  the  most  terrible  apprehensions  of  a  sudden  and 
general  massacre.  A  great  proportion  of  time  was  employed,  by 
the  magistrates  and  principal  men,  in  meetings  of  the  general 
courts,  of  the  commissioners,  of  committees  and  officers  to  con- 
'  RecOTda  of  Connecticut  and  New-Haven. 


[t6s3 


t6s3] 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


175 


con- 


sult and  provide  for  the  general  safety;  in  raising  men  and  making 
preparations  for  war.  The  common  people,  at  the  same  time, 
were  called  oR  from  their  labors  and  worn  down  with  watching 
and  guarding  by  night  and  day. 

The  Dutch,  at  New-Netherlands,  waited  only  for  a  reinforce- 
ment from  Holland  to  attack  and  reduce  the  English  colonies. 
Of  this,  both  they  and  the  English  were  in  constant  expectation. 
It  was  reported,  and  feared,  that  when  the  sigiuils  should  be  given 
from  the  Dutch  ships,  the  Indians  would  rise,  fire  the  English 
buildings,  and  begin  their  work  of  destruction. 

Providence,  however,  combined  a  number  of  circumstances  for 
the  preservation  of  the  exposed  colonies.  The  defeat  of  the  Dutch 
fleet  by  the  EngUsh,  and  the  spoil  which  they  made  upon  their 
trade,  prevented  the  arrival  of  the  expected  reinforcements;  the 
Indians  could  not  be  united;  many  of  the  sachems  said,  the  Eng- 
lish had  done  them  no  injury,  and  Uiey  would  not  fight  them.  The 
early  intelligence,  received  by  the  colonies,  of  the  plans  which 
they  and  the  Dutch  were  concerting,  and  the  constant  watch  and 
guard  which  the  plantations  maintained  disconcerted  them.  By 
these  means,  a  general  attack  upon  them  was  prevented. 

Another  mischief  however  arose.  Some  of  the  towns,  and  many 
of  the  people,  in  the  colonies  of  Connecticut  and  New-Haven,  were 
so  dissatisfied  that  the  war  was  not  prosecuted  against  the  Dutch, 
according  to  the  resolution  of  the  commissioners,  that  they  were 
with  great  difficulty  restrained  from  open  mutiny  and  rebellion. 
They  imagined,  that  Connecticut  and  New-Haven  were  sufficient 
to  subdue  the  Dutch,  and  ought  to  have  undertaken  an  expedition 
against  them. 

Stamford  and  Fairfield,  in  particular,  became  very  disorderly. 
The  former  complained,  that  the  government  was  bad,  apd  the 
charges  unreasonable;  and  that  they  were  neglected,  an  '  de- 
prived of  their  just  privileges.  They  pretended  to  set  up  for  !  'le 
government  of  England,  for  their  liberties,  as  they  called  them, 
in  opposition  to  the  government  of  the  colony.  They  sent  to  the 
general  court  at  New-Haven  desiring  them  to  prosecute  the  war 
against  the  Dutch;  resolved  to  raise  a  number  of  men  among 
themselves;  and  prayed  for  permission  to  enlist  volunteers  in  the 
several  towns. 

The  town  of  Fairfield  held  a  meeting  on  the  subject,  and  deter- 
mined to  prosecute  the  war.  They  appointed  Mr.  Ludlow  com- 
mander in  chief.  He  was  in  the  centre  of  the  evidence  against  the 
Dutch;  had  been  one  of  the  commissioners,  at  the  several  meet- 
ings relative  to  the  affair;  had  been  zealous  and  active  for  the  war ; 
and  conceiving  himself  and  the  town  in  imminent  danger,  unless 
the  Dutch  could  be  removed  from  the  neighbourhood,  too  hastily 
accepted  of  the  appointment.  Robert  Basset  and  John  Chap- 
man were  the  heads  of  this  party.    They  attempted  to  foment  in- 


^^%. 


170 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


tl654 


i' 


I' 


h 


<■ 


Kurrectioni,  and,  without  any  initructiont  from  authority,  to  raise 
volunteers,  for  an  expedition  against  the  Netherlands. 

The  general  court,  at  New-Haven,  judged  that  the  season  was 
too  far  advanced  to  undertake  the  enterprise.  They  nevertheless 
determined  to  consult  Connecticut,  and  to  proceed  or  not,  as  the 
council  there  should  judge  most  expedient. 

It  was  now  the  latter  part  of  November,  and  it  was  the  general 
opinion,  that  ships  and  men  could  not  be  seasonably  provided. 

Deputy  governor  Goodyear  and  Mr.  Newman  were  dispatched 
to  Stamford  to  compose  the  minds  of  the  people.  They  called  a 
meeting  of  the  town,  and  labored  to  quiet  them;  but  could  make 
no  considerable  impressions  upon  them,  until  they  read  an  order 
of  the  committee  of  parliament,  requiring,  that  the  plantations 
should  be  in  subjection  to  the  authority  of  their  respective  juris- 
dictions. This  appeared  to  have  some  good  effect.  But  as  the  in- 
habitants had  been  at  great  expense,  not  only  in  watching  and 
guarding  the  town,  but  in  erecting  fortifications  about  the  meet- 
ing house,  they  insisted,  that  the  colony  should  bear  a  part  of  the 
expense,  and  provide  a  guard  during  the  winter. 

The  public  burthens  this  year  were  great.  The  expenses  of  the 
colony  of  New-Haven  were  about  400  pounds.  The  court  made 
some  abatements  in  favour  of  Stamford;  but  Basset  and  Chapman 
were  punished  for  attempting  to  make  an  insurrection  in  the  colo- 
ny, and  others  were  bound,  in  large  bonds,  to  their  good  be- 
haviour.^ 


CHAPTER  XI. 

THE  colony  sustained  a  great  loss  this  year,  in  the  death  of 
Governor  Hay nes.  He  had  been  a  father  to  it  from  the  beginning ; 
employed  his  estate,  counsels,  and  labours,  for  its  emolument,  and 
bore  a  large  share  in  its  hardships  and  dangers.  He  was  a  gentle- 
man from  the  county  of  Essex,  in  England,  where  he  had  an  ele- 
gant seat,  called  Copford  Hall,  worth  a  thousand  pounds  sterling 
a  year.  He  came  into  New-England  with  the  Rev.  Mr.  Hooker, 
in  1632,  and  settled  with  him,  first  at  Cambridge,  in  Massachu- 
setts. His  distinguished  abilities,  prudence,  and  piety,  so  recom- 
mended him  to  the  people,  that,  in  1635,  he  was  chosen  governor 
of  Massachusetts.  He  was  not  considered,  in  any  respect,  inferior 
of  Governor  Winthrop.  His  growing  popularity,  and  the  fame 
of  Mr.  Hooker,  who,  as  to  strength  of  genius,  and  his  lively  and 
powerful  manner  of  preaching,  rivalled  Mr.  Cotton,  were  sup- 

'  Records  of  New-  Haven.  The  eencnl  court  of  Connecticut,  at  their  session  in 
November,  ordered  that  ao  pounds  should  be  paid  to  the  support  of  a  fellowship  in 
Cambridge  Collese. 


I(>S4] 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


177 


poied  to  have  had  no  imall  influence  upon  the  general  court,  in 
their  granting  liberty  to  Mr.  Hooker  and  hit  company  to  remove 
to  Connecticut.  There,  it  was  judged,  they  would  not  10  much 
eclipse  the  fame,  nor  stand  in  the  way  ot  the  promotion  and  honour 
of  themselves  or  their  friends.  Upon  his  removal  to  Connec- 
ticut, he  was  chosen  governor  of  this  colony.  He  appeared  to 
be  a  gentleman  of  eminent  piety,  strict  morals,  and  sound  judg- 
ment. He  paid  attention  to  family  government,  instruction,  and 
religion.  His  great  integrity,  and  wise  management  of  all  affairs, 
in  private  and  public,  so  raised  and  fixed  his  character,  in  the 
esteem  of  the  people,  that  they  always,  when  the  constitution 
would  permit,  placed  him  in  the  chief  seat  of  government,  and  con- 
tinued him  in  it  until  his  death.* 

Mr.  Hopkins  was  in  England,  and  the  colony  had  neither  gov- 
ernor nor  deputy  governor  present,  to  act  in  its  behalf.  The  free- 
men, therefore,  in  February,  convened  at  Hartford,  and  elected 
Mr.  Thomas  Wells  moderator  of  the  general  court,  until  a  gov- 
ernor should  be  chosen. 

About  this  time,  there  happened  a  great  controversy  between 
Uncas  and  the  inhabitants  of  New-London,  relative  to  their  re- 
spective limits.  It  seems  that  the  inhabitants  carried  the  dispute 
so  far,  as  to  rise  and  take  possession  of  his  forts  and  many  of  his 
wigwams.  The  assembly  interposed,  and  gave  orders,  that  the 
Indians  should  not  be  injured,  and  that  the  people  should  be  ac- 
countable for  all  damages  which  they  had  done  them.  A  com- 
mittee was  appointed,  March'  ist,  to  fix  the  boundaries  between 
New-London  and  Uncas,  and  to  compose  all  differences  between 
the  parties. 

Nearly  at  the  same  time,  the  colony  received  an  order  from  the 
parliament,  requiring  that  the  Dutch  should  be  treated,  in  all  re- 
spects, as  the  declared  enemies  of  the  commonwealth  of  England. 
In  conformity  to  this  order,  the  general  court  was  convened,  and 
an  act  passed  sequestering  the  Dutch  house,  lands,  and  property 

'  The  governor,  by  two  wivei,  had  eight  children  ;  five  ions  and  three  daughtew« 
By  hit  Ant,  he  had  Robert,  Heiekiah,  John,  Roger,  and  Mary ;  and  byhiasecond, 
Joseph,  Roth,  and  Mal)cl.  When  he  came  into  New-England,  he  left  hit  lont, 
Robert  and  Hezekiah,  and  hit  daughter  Mary,  at  Copford  Hall.    Upon  the  com- 


mencement of  the  civil  wart  in  England,  Robert  etpouted  the  roval  caute ;  but 
Hezekiah,  declaring  for  the  parliament,  waa,  afterwards,  promoted  to  the  rank  of 
major-general,  under  Cromwell.  Upon  the  ruin  of  the  king't  affairt,  Robert  was 
put  under  confinement,  and  died  without  itsue.  Hezekiah  enjoyed  Copford  Hall, 
under  hit  father,  until  his  decease.  He  then  poiietted  it  at  a  paternal  inheritance, 
and  it  detcended  to  his  heirs.  John  and  Roger,  who  came  into  this  country  with 
their  father,  tome  time  before  his  death  retun.^ed  to  England.  Roger  died  on  his 
passage,  or  toon  after  hit  arrival.  John  tettled  ^n  the  minittry,  at  or  near  Colchet- 
ter,  in  the  county  of  Ettex,  in  England,  where  nt  left  ittue.  Joseph  wat  ordained 
pastor  of  the  first  church  in  Hartford.  Mary  manned  Mr.  Joteph  Cook,  in  Eng- 
land ;  Ruth,  Mr.  Samuel  Wyllyt,  of  Hartford ;  and  Mabel,  Mr.  Jau.:<  Kuttell,  of 
Charlettown,  in  Mattachutettt ;  and  all  had  issue.  The  Rev.  Mr.  Hayu«»,  of 
Hartford,  had  one  ton,  John,  a  gentleman  of  reputation,  for  tome  yeart  one  of  the 
magiatratea  of  the  colony.  He  had  tont,  but  they  died  without  iwue,  and  the 
name  became  extinct  in  thit  country. 


m  ':M 


'mt  I 


f! 


178 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


[1654 


I 


fi  |i'*'i 


of  all  kinds,  at  Hartford,  for  the  benefit  of  the  commonwealth ;  and 
the  court,  alio,  prohibited  all  persons  whatsoever  from  improving 
the  premises,  by  virtue  of  any  former  claim,  or  title,  had,  made,  or 
given,  by  any  of  the  Dutch  nation,  or  any  other  person^  without 
their  approbation. 

In  the  proclamation  for  a  general  fast,  this  spring,  the  great 
breach  made  in  the  colony,  by  the  death  of  the  governor;  the 
alienation  of  the  colonies,  on  account  of  the  violation  of  the  ar- 
ticles of  confederation ;  the  spreading  of  erroneous  opinions  ia  the 
churches;  the  mortality  which  had  been  among  the  people  of 
Massachusetts;  and  the  calamitous  state  of  the  English  nation; 
were  particularized  as  matters  of  humiliation. 

The  colony  was,  this  year,  deprived  of  Mr.  Ludlow,  one  of  its 
chief  magistrates.  He  was  one  of  the  most  zealous  for  prosecut- 
ing the  war  against  the  Dutch,  and  no  man  was  more  displeased, 
that  the  colonies  did  not  follow  the  determinations  of  the  commis- 
sioners. He  might  apprehend  himself  to  be  particularly  iu  danger 
at  Fairfield.  Besides,  he  had  taken  a  very  hasty  and  unadvised 
step,  in  accepting  the  command  of  men  to  go  against  the  Dutch, 
without  any  legal  appointment.  He  had,  doubtless,  apprehen- 
sions of  trouble  on  that  account,  or,  at  least,  that  the  freemen 
would  neglect  him.  For  some,  or  all  of  these  reasons,  about  this 
time,  he  removed  with  his  family  to  Virginia.^  He  was  clerk  of 
the  town  of  Fairfield,  and  carried  off  their  records,  and  other 
public  writings.  He  came  from  the  west  of  England,  with  Mr. 
Warham  and  his  company.  In  1630,  he  was  chosen  into  the  mag- 
istracy of  the  Massachusetts  company;  and  in  1634,  deputy  gov- 
ernor of  that  colony.  He  was  twice  elected  deputy  governor  of 
Connecticut,  and  was  every  year  magistrate  or  deputy  governor, 
from  his  first  coming  Hto  the  colony,  in  1635,  ^"^'^  ^^^  ^i"^^  ^^  ^^^ 
departure.  He  appears  to  have  been  distinguished  for  his  abil- 
ities, especially  his  knowledge  of  the  law,  and  the  rights  of  man- 
kind. He  rendered  most  essential  services  to  this  commonwealth ; 
was  a  principal  in  forming  its  original  civil  constitution,  and  the 
compiler  of  the  first  Connecticut  code,  printed  at  Cambridge,  in 
1672.  For  jurisprudence,  he  appears  to  have  been  second  to  none 
who  came  into  New-England  at  that  time.  Had  he  possessed  a 
happier  temper,  he  would,  probably,  have  been  the  idol  of  the  peo- 
ple, and  shared  in  all  the  honours  which  they  could  have  given 
him. 

Nearly  at  the  same  time,  an  affair  happened,  in  which  the  peo- 
ple of  Milford  exhibited  a  noble  spirit  of  zeal  and  enterprise.  One 
captain  Manning,  master  of  a  ten  gun  ship,  had  been  apprehended 
for  an  unlawful  trade  with  the  Dutch,  at  the  Manhadoes.  While 
the  affair  was  upon  trial  before  the  court  at  New-Haven,  his  men 

>  By  the  records  of  New-Haven,  it  appears,  that  he  was  shippirg  his  family  and 
effects  on  the  26th  of  April. 


(654] 


peo- 

One 

kended 

jWhile 

Is  men 

nily  and 


1654I 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


179 


ran  off  with  the  ship  from  Milford  harbour.  The  people  com< 
pletely  armed  and  manned  a  vessel,  with  so  much  dispatch,  that 
they  pressed  hard  upon  the  ship  before  she  could  reach  the  Dutch 
island.  The  men,  perceiving  they  must  be  taken,  unless  they  im< 
mediately  abandoned  the  ship,  made  their  escape  in  their  boat. 
The  ship,  thus  left  adrift,  was  recovered,  and  brought  into  Milford 
harbour,  and,  with  all  her  goods,  condemned  as  a  lawful  prize. 

At  the  general  election,  May  i8th,  Mr.  Hopkins,  though  in 
England,  was  chosen  governor.  Mr.  Wells  was  appointed  deputy 
governor.  Mr.  Webster,  Mr.  Mason,  Mr.  Winthrop,  Mr.  Cullick, 
Mr.  Wolcott,  Mr.  Clark,  Mr.  Wyllys,  son  of  George  Wyllys,  and 
Mr.  John  Talcott,  were  elected  magistrates.  Mr.  Cullick  was  sec- 
retary, and  Mr.  Talcott  treasurer. 

At  this  court,  the  freemen  passed  the  following  resolution,  as 
an  addition  to  the  fundamentals  of  their  constitution: — '^That 
the  major  part  of  the  magistrates,  in  the  absence  of  the  governor 
and  deputy  governor,  shall  have  power  to  call  a  general  court;  and 
that  any  general  court,  being  legally  called  and  met,  the  major 
part  of  the  magistrates  and  deputies  then  met,  in  the  absence  of 
the  governor  and  deputy  governor,  shall  have  power  to  choose 
unto,  and  from  among  themselves,  a  moderator,  which  being 
done,  they  shall  be  deemed  as  legal  a  general  court,  as  if  the  gov- 
ernor, or  deputy  governor  were  present." 

At  the  election  in  New-Haven,  May  31st,  the  only  alteration  in 
public  officers,  was  the  addition  of  Mr.  Samuel  Eaton,  of  New- 
Haven,  to  the  magistrates,  and  the  choice  of  Mr.  Benjamin  Fenn, 
in  the  room  of  captain  John  Astwood. 

About  the  same  time,  in  answer  to  the  petitions  of  Connecticut 
and  New-Haven,  major  Sedgwick  and  captain  Leveret  arrived  at 
Boston,  with  a  fleet  of  three  or  four  ships,  and  a  small  number  of 
land  forces,  sent  by  Oliver  Cromwell,  lord  protector,  for  the  re- 
duction of  the  Dutch.  On  the  8th  of  June,  governor  Eaton  re- 
ceived a  letter  from  his  highness,  certifying,  that  he  had  sent  ships 
and  ammunition  for  the  assistance  of  the  colonies.  With  this  came 
a  letter  from  major  Sedgwick  and  captain  Leveret,  requesting,  that 
commissioners  might  be  sent  immediately  from  each  of  the  gov- 
ernments, to  consult  with  them  on  the  objects  of  the  designed  ex- 
pedition. Mr.  William  Leet  and  Mr.  Jordan  were  appointed  com- 
missioners for  New-Haven.  They  were  authorised  to  engage,  in 
behalf  of  that  jurisdiction,  to  furnish  all  the  men  and  provisions 
which  it  could  spare.  An  embargo  was  laid  on  all  provisions,  and 
every  measure  adopted,  that  the  utmost  assistance  might  be  given, 
in  the  enterprise.  Such  was  the  zeal  of  the  general  court,  that  they 
instructed  their  commissioners  to  engage  the  assistance  of  that 
colony,  though  no  other,  except  Connecticut,  should  join  with 
them. 

On  the  13th  of  June,  the  general  court  of  Connecticut  con- 


i''  m 


■  ,1 


m 


ill  !|i 


111;  I 


ih.' 


i8o 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


[1654 


vened,  at  Hartford,  and  appointed  major  John  Mason  and  Mr. 
Cullick  commissioners.  They  were  directed  to  proceed  with  the 
utmost  dispatch  to  Boston;  and,  in  behalf  of  Connecticut,  to  en- 
gage any  number  of  men,  not  exceeding  two  hundred,  but  rather 
than  the  expedition  should  fail,  four  or  five  hundred. 

The  general  court  of  Massachusetts  was  convoked  on  the  9th 
of  June,  but  did  not  agree  to  raise  any  men  themselves.  They 
granted  liberty,  nevertheless,  for  major  Sedgwick  and  captain 
Leveret  to  raise  five  hundred  volunteers.  The  commissioners 
finally  agreed  upon  800  men,  as  sufficient  for  the  enterprise.  The 
ships  were  to  furnish  two  hundred  soldiers;  three  hundred  volun- 
teers were  to  be  raised  in  Massachusetts;  two  hundred  men  were 
to  be  sent  from  Connecticut;  and  a  hundred  and  thirty  three  from 
New-Haven.  But  while  preparations  were  making  with  vigor  and 
dispatch,  the  news  of  peace,  between  England  and  Holland,  pre- 
vented all  further  proceedings  relative  to  the  affair. 

The  total  defeat  of  the  Dutch  fleet,  the  loss  of  admiral  Tromp 
and  a  great  number  of  their  merchantmen,  made  the  Dutch  in 
earnest  for  peace;  and  it  was  expeditiously  concluded,  on  the  5th 
of  April.  The  news  of  it  arrived  in  America,  almost  as  soon  as  the 
fleet.  The  commander  in  chief  therefore  employed  his  forces,  with 
the  Massachusetts  volunteers,  in  dispossessing  the  French  from 
Penobscot,  St.  John's,  and  the  adjacent  coast.  This  was  doubt- 
less one  object  of  the  expedition,  and  not  undertaken  without 
orders  from  the  protector. 

It  was  not  expected,  that  there  would  have  been  any  meeting 
of  the  commissioners  this  year.  Massachusetts  had  violated  the 
articles  of  union,  and  the  colonies  had  protested  against  them,  as 
breakers  of  the  most  solemn  confederation.  The  general  court  of 
Massachusetts  had  also  represented,  to  the  other  colonies,  that  the 
articles  needed  explanation  and  emendation,  that  they  might  be 
consistent  with  the  rights  of  the  several  general  courts.  Indeed, 
it  had  proposed  a  meeting  of  the  commissioners  for  that  purpose. 
The  other  colonies  viewed  the  articles  as  perfectly  intelligible,  and 
consistent  with  the  rights  of  the  confederates.  They  therefore 
rejected  the  motion.  The  general  court  of  New-Haven  had  voted, 
that  there  was  no  occasion  for  appointing  commissioners  that 
year. 

But  on  the  5th  of  July,  governor  Eaton  received  a  letter  from 
the  general  court  of  the  Massachusetts,  waiving  an  answer  to  the 
letter  jointly  written  from  the  general  courts  of  Connecticut  and 
New-Haven,  and  lamely  excusing  their  non-compliance  with  the 
resolution  of  the  commissioners,  on  the  account  of  their  not  be- 
ing able  to  apprehend  the  justice  of  the  war  with  the  Dutch  and 
Ninigrate.  They  complained  of  the  other  colonies,  for  treating 
them  as  violators  of  the  confederacy.  They  professed  themselves 
to  be  passionately  desirous  of  its  continuance,  according  to  the 


ti654 


1654] 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


181 


genuine  construction  of  the  articles.  They  gave  information,  that 
they  had  chosen  commissioners,  and  had  determined  to  empower 
them  as  had  been  usual 

The  general  court,  at  New-Haven,  replied,  that  they  and  the 
other  colonies  had  justly  charged  them  with  a  violation  of  their 
covenant,  and  urged,  that,  according  to  their  own  interpretation 
of  the  articles,  they  stood  responsible  to  them  for  the  infraction; 
and  that,  according  to  the  eleventh  article  of  the  confederation, 
they  were  to  be  treated  by  them  according  to  the  magnitude  of 
their  fault.  They  observed,  that  her  sister  colonies  had  not  only 
condemned  their  conduct,  but  had  sent  messengers  and  taken 
proper  pains  to  inform  them,  and  adjust  the  difference  between 
them;  but  that  they  had  treated  them  in  a  very  disagreeable  man- 
ner, and  their  endeavours  had  been  to  no  good  purpose.  They 
declared,  nevertheless,  that,  if  the  combination  might  be  again 
firmly  settled,  according  to  the  original  intention  and  grammatical 
sense  of  the  articles,  they  would,  without  further  satisfaction,  for- 
getting what  was  past,  cheerfully  renew  their  covenant,  and  send 
their  commissioners  to  meet,  at  any  time  and  place,  for  that  end. 
This  was  subscribed  by  the  secretary,  and  sent  to  Hartford,  to  be 
subscribed  by  the  general  court  of  Connecticut;  and  to  be  trans- 
mitted, in  the  name  of  each  of  the  colonies,  to  the  Massachusetts. 
This,  it  seems,  was  harmoniously  done. 

As  the  general  court  of  the  Massachusetts  would  not  join  with 
her  confederates,  against  Ninigrate,  he  prosecuted  the  war  against 
the  Long-Island  Indians,  and  it  was  supposed,  that  his  design  was 
to  destroy,  both  those  Indians  and  the  Mohcagans.  For  this  pur- 
pose he  had  hired  the  Mohawks,  Pocomtocks,  and  Wampanoags, 
afterwards  called  Philip's  Indians,  to  assist  him.  By  a  collection 
of  such  numbers  of  Indians,  from  the  westward,  northward,  and 
eastward,  the  general  peace  of  the  country  would  have  been 
greatly  endangered,  and  the  Long-Island  Indians,  who  had  put 
themselves  under  the  protection  of  the  English,  exposed  to  a  total 
extirpation.  They  had  been  obliged,  not  only  to  fortify  them- 
selves, and  to  use  every  precaution  for  their  own  defence,  but  to 
suffer  the  loss  ol  many  of  their  people,  who  had  been  already 
either  slain  or  captivated. 

The  deputy  governor,  and  council,  of  Connecticut,  judged  it  an 
affair  of  such  importance,  to  defend  their  allies,  and  provide  for 
their  own  safety,  that  they  determined  to  dispatch  major  Mason, 
with  ammunition,  and  a  number  of  men,  to  the  assistance  of  the 
Indians  upon  the  Island.  The  deputy  governor  and  Mr.  Clark  ac- 
quainted governor  Eaton  with  their  views  and  determination,  and 
desired  that  the  colony  of  New-Haven  would  send  lieutenant 
Seely,  with  a  detachment  of  men,  and  with  supplies  of  ammuni- 
tion, to  second  their  design.  The  court  of  New-Haven  complied 
with  the  desire  of  Connecticut.    Lieutenant  Seely  had  orders  to 


fm 


;!:'•• 


"vNl.., 


^^•4 


n 


f\ 


\i 


^f'i 


1 82 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


[1654 


1654] 


^;i 


§v 


Ifli 


jiiiii 
lit!  ill 


i^'ip'fi'^'' 


join  major  Mason  at  Saybrook.  They  were  instructed  to  acquaint 
the  Montauket  Indians,  that  the  colonies  made  them  that  present 
of  ammunition,  wholly  for  their  own  defence,  and  not  to  enable 
them  to  injure  Ninigrate,  or  any  other  Indians,  unless  they  should 
make  an  attack  upon  them:  and  that,  while  they  continued  faith- 
ful to  tlie  English,  they  would  be  their  friends.  It  was  ordered 
that,  if  Ninigrate  should  invade  the  Long-Island  Indians,  the 
English  officers  should  use  their  endeavours  to  persuade  them  to 
peace,  and  to  refer  their  differences  to  the  decision  of  the  com- 
missioners. But  if  he  would  fight,  they  were  commanded  to  de- 
fend themselves,  and  the  Indians  in  alliance  with  the  colonies,  in 
the  best  manner  they  could.^ 

On  September  7th,  the  commissioners  convened  at  Hartford. 
They  consisted  of  the  following  gentlemen,  M".  Simon  Bradstreet, 
major  Denison,  Mr.  Thomas  Prince,  Mr.  John  Brown,  major 
Mason,  Mr.  John  Webster,  governor  Eaton,  and  Mr.  Francis 
Newman.  Governor  Eaton  was  chosen  president.  They  imme- 
diately dispatched  messengers  to  Ninigrate,  demanding  his  ap- 
pearance at  Hartford,  and  the  payment  of  the  tribute  so  long  due 
for  the  Pequots  under  him.  On  the  i8th,  Mr.  Jonathan  Gilbert 
returned,  and  made  a  report  of  Ninigrate's  answer,  in  the  words 
following: 

"  Concerning  the  Long-Island  Indians,  he  answered,  wherefore 
should  he  acquaint  the  commissioners,  as  the  Long-Island  Ind- 
ians began  with  him,  and  had  slain  a  sachem's  son,  and  sixty  of 
his  men;  and  therefore  he  will  not  make  peace  with  the  Long- 
Islanders;  but  doth  desire  that  the  English  will  let  him  alone; 
and  that  the  commissioners  would  not  request  him  to  go  to  Hart- 
ford; for  he  hath  done  no  hurt.  What  should  he  do  there?  If  our 
governor's  son  were  slain,  and  several  other  men,  would  you  ask 
counsel  of  another  nation,  how  and  when  to  right  yourselves? 
And  added,  that  he  would  neither  go  nor  send  to  Hartford.  Con- 
cerning the  upland  Indians,'  his  answer  was,  that  they  were  his 
friends,  and  came  to  help  him  against  the  Long-Islanders,  who 
had  killed  several  of  his  men.  Wherefore  should  he  acquaint  the 
commissioners  of  it?  He  did  but  right  his  own  quarrel,  which  the 
Long-Islanders  began  with  him."  With  respect  to  the  tribute  due 
for  the  Pequots,  though  he  had  never  paid  it,  yet  he  pretended 
there  was  none  due. 

The  commissioners,  considering  his  perfidious  conduct,  the  last 
year,  his  present  answer,  and  that  lenity  and  forbearance  had 
been  an  encouragement  of  his  insolence  and  barbarity,  ordered 
forty  horsemen,  and  two  hundred  and  seventy  infantry  to  be 
raised,  to  chastise  his  haughtiness.  The  Massachusetts  were  to 
raise  the  forty  horsemen,  and  a  hundred  and  fifty-three  footmen; 

'  Records  of  Connecticut  and  New  Haven. 

°  Thus  he  called  the  Pocomtocks  and  Wampanoags. 


■X:  !■  ..'■; 


[i654 


1654] 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


183 


Connecticut  forty-five,  and  New-Haven  thirty-one.  Orders  were 
given,  that  twenty  horse,  from  Massachusetts,  twenty-four  men 
from  Connecticut,  and  sixteen  from  New-Haven,  should  be  im- 
mediately dispatched  into  the  Nehantick  country.  The  commis- 
sioners nominated  major  Gibbons,  major  Denison,  or  captain 
Atherton,  to  the  chief  command;  leaving  it,  in  complaisance,  to 
the  general  court  of  Massachusetts,  to  appoint  which  of  the  three 
should  be  most  agreeable  to  them.  But  rejecting  these,  who  were 
men  of  known  spirit  and  enterprise,  they  appointed  major  Wil- 
lard.  The  commissioners  instructed  him  to  proceed  with  such 
troops,  as  should  be  found  at  the  place  of  general  rendezvous,  by 
the  13th  of  October,  directly  to  Ninigrate's  quarters,  and  demand 
of  him  the  Pequots,  who  had  been  put  under  him,  and  the  tribute 
which  was  due.  If  Ninigrate  should  not  deliver  them,  and  pay 
the  tribute,  he  was  required  to  take  them  by  force.  He  was  in- 
structed to  demand  of  Ninigrate,  a  cessation  from  all  further  hos- 
tilities against  the  Long-Islanders.  If  he  would  not  comply  with 
these  demands,  he  had  express  orders  to  subdue  him.  If  a  greater 
number  of  men  should  be  found  necessary,  his  instructions  were 
to  send  for  such  a  number,  as  he  should  judge  sufficient  to  carry 
the  expedition  into  effect.  The  place  of  rendezvous  was  at 
Thomas  Stanton's,  in  the  Narraganset  country.  When  he  ar- 
rived at  the  place  appointed,  he  found  that  Ninigrate  had  fled 
into  a  swamp,  at  fourteen  or  fifteen  miles  distance  from  the  army. 
He  had  left  his  country,  corn,  and  wigwams,  without  defence,  and 
they  might  have  been  laid  waste,  without  loss  or  danger.  Never- 
theless, he  returned,  without  ever  advancing  from  his  head  quar- 
ters, or  doing  the  enemy  the  least  damage. 

About  a  hundred  Pequots  took  this  opportunity  to  renounce  the 
government  of  Ninigrate,  and  come  off  with  the  army.  They  put 
themselves  under  the  protection  and  government  of  the  English. 

The  commander  pleaded,  in  excuse,  that  his  instructions  were 
equivocal,  and  the  season  for  marching  unfavorable.  The  com- 
missioners, however,  were  entirely  unsatisfied.  They  observed 
to  him,  "  That,  while  the  army  was  in  the  Narraganset  country, 
Ninigrate  had  his  mouth  in  the  dust;  and  that  he  would  have  sub- 
mitted to  any  reasonable  terms,  which  might  have  been  imposed 
upon  him."  They  charged  the  major  with  neglecting  an  oppor- 
tunity of  humbling  his  pride;  and  they  referred  it  to  his  considera- 
tion, what  satisfaction  ought  to  be  expected  from  him,  and  those 
of  his  council,  who  advised  and  joined  with  him  in  his  measures.* 

Governor  Hutchinson  has  observed,  that  major  Willard  was  a 
Massachusetts  man,  and  although  that  colony  had  so  far  com- 
plied with  the  rest,  as  to  join  in  sending  out  the  forces,  yet  they 
were  still  desirous  of  avoiding  an  open  war.  This  was  the  second 
time  of  their  preventing  a  general  war,  contrary  to  the  minds  of  six 
of  the  commissioners  of  the  other  colonies.* 


•^%, 


>.. 


5 


^^"'J'  m 


'  ?i 


'.■      IS 


'  RecoidB  of  the  united  colonies. 


*  Hutchinson,  vol.  i.  p.  186,  187. 


■1*' 


M 


If  ' 


'If, 


184 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


[1655 


h 

nt 


> 


The  general  court  of  Massachusetts  had  receded  from  their  ex- 
planation of  the  articles  of  confederation,  and  the  commissioners 
had  a  most  amicable  meeting.  They  were  unanimous  in  the  war 
against  Ninigrate,  and  yet  the  Massachusetts,  by  private  intrigue, 
defeated  their  designs.  In  which  instance  they  acted  the  most 
honorable  and  consistent  part,  when,  by  an  open  infraction  of  the 
articles  of  union,  they  prevented  a  war,  or  when  they  supplanted 
their  brethren,  by  secret  treachery,  the  impartial  world  will  judge. 

The  whole  number  of  ratable  persons,  in  the  colony  of  Con- 
necticut this  year,  was  775,  and  the  grand  list  was  79,073  pounds.^ 

Upon  the  election  at  Hartford,  May  17th,  Thomas  Wells,  Esq'r. 
was  chosen  governor,  and  Mr.  John  Webster,  deputy-governor. 
The  magistrates  elected  were,  Mr.  Hopkins,  Mr.  Mason,  Mr. 
Winthrop,  Mr.  Wolcott,  Mr.  CuUick,  Mr.  Clark,  Mr.  Wyllys,  Mr. 
Talcott,  Mr.  John  Cosmore,  and  Mr.  Thomas  Tapping.  Mr.  Cul- 
lick  was  secretary,  and  Mr.  Talcott  treasurer. 

At  the  general  election  in  New-Haven,  this  year,  there  was  no 
alteration  of  their  officers. 

The  Pequots  persevering,  in  their  petitions,  to  be  taken  under 
the  protection  and  government  of  the  English,  the  commission- 
ers, this  year,  granted  their  request.  Places  of  residence  were 
afterwards  appointed  for  them,  by  the  general  court  of  Connecti- 
cut, about  Pawcatuck  and  Mistic  rivers.  They  were  allowed  to 
hunt  on  the  lands  west  of  the  latter.  They  were  collected  together 
in  these  two  places,  and  an  Indian  governor  was  appointed  over 
them  in  each  place.  General  laws  were  made  for  their  govern- 
ment. Blasphemy,  murder,  witchcraft,  and  conspiracy  against 
the  colonies,  were  prohibited  upon  pain  of  death.  Sabbath-break- 
ing, adultery,  and  drunkenness,  were  prohibited  under  proper 
penalties.  He  who  stole  was  required,  on  conviction,  to  pay  double 
damages.  They  were  prohibited  to  make  war  with  other  Indians, 
or  to  join  with  them  in  their  wars,  unless  it  were  in  their  own  just 
defence,  without  the  consent  of  the  commissioners  of  the  united 
colonies.  They  were  obliged  to  submit  to  the  Indian  governors, 
whom  they  should  appoint  over  them,  and  pay  them  the  same 
tribute  which  they  had  stipulated  to  pay  to  the  English.* 

>  Bjr  the  number  of  persons,  and  the  amount  of  the  lists  in  each  town,  an  idea 
may  be  formed  of  their  proportion  to  each  other. 

Towns.                             Persons.  Estates. 

Hartford,                                 177  ;f  19,609 

Windsor,                               165  »5»833 

Weathersfield,                       113  12,602 

Fairfield,                                 94  8,634 

Saybrook,                                M  4,437 

Stratford,                            .    f»  7,9S8 

Farmington,                          ..M  5,519 

Middletown,                            ff  2,172 

Norwalk,                                 34  2,309 


*  Records  of  the  colonies. 


775 


79.073 


[lans, 

just 

lited 

lors. 

same 


1655I 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


185 


After  the  return  of  maJOT  Willard  and  the  troops  under  his  com- 
mand, from  the  Narraganset  country,  Ninigrate  assumed  his  for- 
mer haughtiness,  and  continued  the  war  against  the  Indians  upon 
Long-Island.  Mr.  Thomas  James,  minister  of  Easthampton,  cap- 
tain Tapping  of  Southampton,  captain  Underhill  and  others,  wrote 
to  the  commissioners,  that  both  the  English  and  Indians  on  the 
Island  were  in  a  calamitous  and  distracted  condition ;  and  in  im- 
minent danger,  on  the  account  of  his  constant  hostilities.  They 
assured  them,  that  the  Indians,  upon  the  Island,  could  not  hold 
out  much  longer,  but  must  submit  themselves  and  their  country 
to  the  Narragansets,  unless  they  should  have  some  speedy  as- 
sistance. They  intreated  them  to  consult  some  effectual  meas- 
ures to  prevent  such  calamity. 

In  consequence  of  this  intelligence,  they  ordered,  that  a  vessel, 
well  armed  and  manned,  should  lie  in  the  road  between  Neanticut 
and  the  Island,  to  watch  the  motions  of  Ninigrate;  and,  if  he 
should  attempt  to  pass  the  sound,  to  stave  and  destroy  his  canoes, 
and  to  make  all  the  slaughter  and  destruction  upon  him,  which 
should  be  in  their  power.  Captain  John  Youngs  was  appointed 
to  command  this  vessel  of  observation.  He  was  authorised  to 
draught  men  from  Saybrook  and  New-London,  as  emergencies 
might  require.  An  encouraging  message  was  sent  to  the  Mon- 
tauket  sachem,  acquainting  him  with  the  measures  the  English 
were  taking  for  his  defence.  The  commissioners  sent  him  a  sup- 
ply of  ammunition.  Provision  was  also  made,  that  South  and 
East-Hampton,  with  all  the  adjacent  towns,  should  be  completely 
furnished  with  all  articles  necessary  for  war.  Orders  were  given, 
that  if  the  Indians  could  not  maintain  their  ground,  in  any  as- 
sault, they  should  flee  towards  some  of  the  neighbouring  towns ; 
and  that,  if  the  enemy  should  pursue  them  within  two  miles  of 
any  of  the  settlements,  the  inhabitants  should  immediately  repair 
to  their  assistance.  Intelligence  of  these  resolutions  was  dis- 
patched to  the  Narragansets,  as  well  as  the  Long-Islanders.  All 
the  united  colonies  were  exceedingly  offended  at  the  conduct 
of  major  Willard,  except  the  Massachusetts,  under  whose  influ- 
ence he  was  supposed  to  act.  The  general  court  at  New-Haven, 
resolved,  that  he  had  not  followed  his  instructions,  in  the  expedi- 
tion against  Ninigrate ;  but  that  they  were  willing  to  suspend  their 
judgment,  with  respect  to  the  measures  to  be  taken  with  him, 
until  they  should  be  certified  of  the  opinions  of  the  other  confed- 
erates. Whatever  their  opinions  or  wishes  were,  major  Willard 
was  safe  under  the  wing  of  the  Massachusetts;  and  Connecticut 
and  New-Haven  had  principally  to  bear  the  unhappy  conse- 
quences of  his  perfidious  conduct.  They  were  obliged,  the  next 
year,  at  their  own  expense,  to  continue  the  commission  of  cap- 
tain Youngs  to  cruise  between  the  main  and  Long-Island,  to 
prevent  the  designs  of  Ninigrate.    They  also  found  it  necessary 


>.p 


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1 86 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


[1655 


m''^ 


to  furnish  both  men  and  provisions,  for  the  defence  of  the  Isl- 
anders. 

Governor  Eaton  had  been  desired  to  perfect  a  code  of  laws  for 
the  colony  of  New-Haven.  For  his  assistance  in  the  compilation, 
he  was  requested,  by  the  general  court,  to  consult  the  Rev.  Mr. 
Cotton's  discourse  on  civil  government  in  a  new  plantation,  and 
the  laws  of  Massachusetts.  Having  accomplished  the  work,  and 
the  laws  having  been  examined  and  approved,  by  the  elders  of 
the  jurisdiction,  they  were  presented  to  the  general  court.  They 
ordered  that  500  copies  should  be  printed.  The  copy  was  sent 
to  England,  that  the  impression  might  be  made  under  the  inspec- 
tion of  governor  Hopkins.  He  procured  the  printing  of  the  laws, 
at  his  own  expense,  and  sent  them  the  number  proposed,  with 
some  other  valuable  books,  as  a  present.  The  laws  were  distrib- 
uted to  the  several  towns  in  the  jurisdiction. 

This  year,  died  Henry  Wolcott,  Esq'r.  in  the  78th  year  of  his 
age.  He  was  the  owner  of  a  good  estate  in  Somersetshire,  in  Eng- 
land. His  youth,  it  is  said,  was  spent  in  gaiety  and  country  pas- 
times; but  afterwards,  under  the  instructions  of  Mr.  Edward  El- 
ton, his  mind  was  entirely  changed,  and  turned  to  the  sincere  love 
and  practice  of  religion.  As  the  puritans  were  then  treated  with 
great  severity,  he  sold  about  8,000  pounds  worth  of  estate  in  Eng- 
land, and  prepared  for  a  removal  into  America.  He  came  into 
New-England  with  Mr.  Warham,  in  May,  1630,  and  settled  first 
at  Dorchester,  in  Massachusetts.  In  1636,  he  removed  to  Wind- 
sor, and  was  one  of  the  principal  planters  of  that  town.  He  was 
chosen  into  the  magistracy  in  1643,  and  continued  in  it  until  his 
death.  He  left  an  estate  in  England,  which  rented  at  about  sixty 
pounds  a  year,  which  the  family,  for  some  time,  enjoyed;  but  it 
was  afterwards  sold.  After  his  decease,  some  one  of  his  descend- 
ants was  annually  chosen  into  the  magistracy,  for  a  term  of  nearly 
eighty  years,  until  the  year  1754,  when  governor  Wolcott  left 
the  chair.* 

At  the  election  in  Connecticut,  Mr.  John  Webster  was  chosen 
governor,  and  Mr.  Wells  deputy  governor.  This  was  the  only 
alteration  in  the  magistracy. 

At  New-Haven,  in  May,  1656,  the  former  governors  and  magis- 
trates were  rechosen.    Mr.  John  Wakeman  was  appointed  treas- 

'  Manuscripts  from  Windsor,  found  in  the  collection  of  the  Rev,  Mr.  Prince,  at 
Boston. 

The  family  have  kept  up  the  monument  of  their  ancestor,  and  preserved  their 
dignity  to  the  present  time.  His  Excellency,  Oliver  Wolcott,  Esq'r.  one  of  the  sons 
of  the  former  governor,  Roger  Wolcott,  Esq'r.  is  the  present  governor  of  the  state. 
His  brother,  the  Hon.  Erastus  Wolcott,  Esq'r.  was,  for  some  years,  one  of  the 
magistrates  of  Connecticut,  and,  afterwards,  one  of  the  judges  of  the  superior 
court.  Oliver  Wolcott,  Esq'r.  one  of  the  sons  of  the  present  governor  Wolcott,  is 
secretary  of  the  treasury  of  the  United  States.  Some  of  the  family  have  been  mem- 
bers of  the  assembly,  judges  of  the  superior  court,  or  magistrates,  from  the  first 
settlement  of  the  colony  to  this  time,  during  the  term  of  more  than  a  century  and 
a  half. A.  D.  1797. 


1656] 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


187 


ice,  at 

their 
eions 
itate. 
}{  the 
perior 
ott,  is 
mem- 
e  first 
and 


urer.  The  general  court  at  New-Haven,  took  great  pains  to  put 
the  colony  in  a  state  of  defence.  Orders  were  given  for  the  raising 
of  a  troop  of  sixteen  horse,  in  the  five  towns  upon  the  sea  coast, 
with  complete  arms  and  furniture.  For  their  encouragement, 
they  were  exempted  from  taxation,  and  from  training  with  the 
foot,  and  were  to  enjoy  all  the  privileges  of  troopers  in  Massachu- 
setts. This  was  the  first  troop  in  any  part  of  Connecticut.  It 
was  ordered,  that  all  the  common  soldiers  should  be  trained  to 
shooting  at  a  mark;  that  they  should  be  furnished  with  ammuni- 
tion for  that  purpose,  at  the  public  expense;  and  that  prizes  should 
be  prepared  for  the  best  marksmen.  The  soldiers  were  directed 
to  play  at  cudgels,  and  at  the  broad  sword,  that  they  might  know 
how  to  defend  themselves  and  their  country. 

The  protector,  Oliver  Cromwell,  having  conquered  Jamaica, 
made  it  a  favourite  object  to  remove  the  people  of  New-England 
to  that  island.  He  artfully  represented,  that  they  had  as  clear 
a  call  for  transporting  themselves  from  New-England  to  Jamaica, 
as  they  had  for  emigrating  from  Old  England  to  New,  for  the 
advancement  of  their  interests;  as  the  Lord's  people  were  to  be 
the  head,  and  not  the  tail.  He  likewise  represented,  that  it  would 
have  a  tendency  to  the  destruction  of  the  man  of  sin.  He  wrote 
particularly  to  New-Haven  on  the  subject,  and  sent  them  a  copy 
of  his  instructions  relative  to  the  affair.  These  he  had  given  to 
one  captain  Gookins,  whom  he  had  employed  in  the  several  plan- 
tations, to  promote  this,  his  favourite  design.  He  and  major  Sedg- 
wick dispatched  letters  also  to  New-Haven,  on  the  same  business. 

Governor  Eaton  had,  some  time  before  this,  laid  them  before 
the  general  court.  The  several  plantations  in  the  colony  had  been 
made  acquainted  with  their  contents,  and  the  deputies  had  been 
desired  to  return  their  opinion  to  the  court.  After  a  long  and 
serious  debate,  the  court  resolved,  "  That,  though  they  could  not 
but  acknowledge  the  love,  care,  and  tender  respect  of  his  highness, 
the  Lord  Protector,  to  New-England  in  general,  and  to  this  colony, 
in  particular,  yet,  for  divers  reasons,  they  cannot  conclude  that 
God  calls  them  to  a  present  remove  thither." 

The  governor  was  desired  to  write  to  the  lord  protector,  ac- 
knowledging his  great  care  and  love  towards  the  colony. 

The  commissioners  of  the  united  colonies,  September  4th,  held 
their  meeting  at  Plymouth.  They  received  a  very  plausible  letter 
from  Stuyvesant,  the  Dutch  governor.  He  wrote  with  a  great 
show  of  religion,  expressing  his  joy  that  God  had  quenched  the 
bloody  war  between  the  Dutch  and  the  English,  in  Europe;  and 
his  warm  desires,  that  it  might  redound  to  the  great  advantage  of 
the  subjects  of  the  two  nations,  in  these  remote  parts  of  the  earth. 
He  solicited  a  nearer  union  between  the  Dutch  and  the  united  col- 
onies. At  the  same  time,  he  certified  them,  that  he  had  received 
a  ratification  of  the  agreement  made  at  Hartford,  in  1650,  under 


'W 


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!■'    j' 


i88 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


[1656 


k 


the  seal  of  the  High  and  Mighty  States  of  the  United  Belgick 
Provinces;  and  desired  that  time  and  place  might  be  appointed 
for  delivering  and  interchanging  the  ratifications. 

The  governor  was  so  well  known  to  the  commissioners,  that 
neither  the  plausibility  of  his  letter,  nor  the  very  christian  manner 
in  which  it  was  written,  made  any  deep  impressions  upon  them. 
They  replied,  in  short,  that  the  peace  was  matter  of  joy  to  them, 
and  they  wished  the  continuance  of  it  in  Europe,  and  in  all  the 
plantations  abroad.  They  gave  assurances,  that  the  preservation 
of  it  should  be  their  constant  endeavour.  Nevertheless,  they  gave 
no  intimations  that  they  desired  a  nearer  union,  or  to  ratify  the 
agreement.  The  Dutch  governor  had  not  observed  it  himself; 
they  considered  the  Dutch  as  mere  intruders,  and  were  growing 
daily  more  able  to  defend  themselves  against  their  encroachments : 
they  were,  therefore,  determined  to  do  nothing  further  relative 
to  the  affair. 

They  observed  to  the  governor,  that  he  had  made  no  reparation 
of  the  damages  he  had  done  the  colonies,  and  that  they  had  not 
heard  that  he  designed  to  make  any:  that  they  heard  he  yet  laid 
claim  to  Oyster  bay,  and  that  he  had  made  no  proper  resignation 
of  Greenwich.    They  desired  him  to  be  explicit  on  these  points.^ 

The  last  year,  complaints  were  made  to  the  court  at  New-Haven, 
that  the  inhabitants  of  Greenwich  were  under  little  government, 
and  demeaned  themselves  in  a  lawless  manner.  They  admitted 
of  drunkenness  among  themselves,  and  among  the  Indians,  by 
reason  of  which,  damages  were  done  to  themselves  and  to  the 
towns  in  the  vicinity,  and  the  public  peace  was  disturbed.  They 
received  children  and  servants,  who  fled  from  the  correction  of 
their  parents  and  masters,  and  unlawfully  joined  persons  in  wed- 
lock, with  other  misdemeanors. 

Upon  this,  the  general  court  asserted  their  right  to  Greenwich, 
and  ordered  the  inhabitants  to  submit  to  their  jurisdiction.  But 
they  continued  much  in  the  same  state,  and  sent  a  letter  to  the 
court  in  May,  denying  their  jurisdiction,  and  refusing  any  sub- 
jection to  the  colony,  unless  they  should  be  compelled  to  it,  by 
the  parliament.  The  court,  therefore,  resolved,  that,  unless  they 
should  appear  before  the  court,  and  make  their  submission,  by 
the  25th  of  June,  Richard  Crab  and  others,  who  were  the  most 
stubborn  among  them,  should  be  arrested  and  punished,  according 
to  law.  They,  therefore,  some  time  after,  subjected  their  persons 
and  estates  to  the  government  of  New-Haven. 

Uncas,  though  friendly  to  the  English,  appears  to  have  been 
a  proud,  mischievous  sachem,  who,  by  his  haughty  carriage  and 
provoking  language,  was  often  embroiling  the  country,  and  bring- 
ing trouble  upon  himself  and  the  colonies.  He  made  an  assault 
upon  the  Podunk  Indians,  at  Hartford.  He,  or  his  brother,  in- 
'  Records  of  the  united  colonies. 


I 


16571 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


189 


vaded  the  Norwootucks.  He  upbraided  the  Narragansets  of  their 
dead  sachems,  and  challenged  them  to  fight.  Among  other  in- 
stances of  misconduct,  he  proved  treacherous  to  the  Montauket 
sachem,  and  joined  with  Ninigrate,  in  his  perfidious  practices. 
By  these  means,  the  country  was  so  disquieted,  that  it  was  with 
great  difficulty  the  commissioners  maintained  the  general  peace. 
They  interposed,  and  obliged  Uncas  to  make  restitution  to  the 
Indians,  whom  he  had  injured.  They  prohibited  his  making  war, 
without  their  consent  and  advice.  They  endeavored  to  quiet  and 
conciliate  the  natives;  but  they  found  them,  whether  they  were 
friends  or  foes,  to  be  a  troublesome  people.  After  all  their  pre- 
cautions, the  country  was  still  more  alarmed  the  next  year. 

In  April,  1657,  the  Indians  committed  a  horrid  murder  at  Far- 
mington,  and  besides  Mesapano,  who  was  the  principal  actor,  the 
Norwootuck  and  Pocomtock  Indians  were  supposed  to  be  ac- 
complices. 

The  Montaukets,  after  all  the  trouble  and  expense,  which  the 
English  had  been  at  for  their  defence,  became  tumultuous,  and 
did  great  damage  to  the  inhabitants  of  Southampton. 

The  general  court  at  Hartford,  April  9th,  gave  orders  that  the 
Indians,  who  perpetrated  the  murder  at  Farmington,  should  be 
apprehended,  and  that  the  sachems  of  the  Pocomtock  and  Nor- 
wootuck Indians  should  deliver  up  the  delinquents  among  them. 

Major  Mason  was  ordered,  with  a  detachment,  to  Long-Island, 
to  bring  the  Indians  there  to  a  just  and  peaceable  conduct,  and 
adjust  affairs  between  them  and  the  English.^ 

At  the  general  election  in  Connecticut,  May  21st,  1657,  Mr. 
John  Winthrop  was  elected  governor,  and  Mr.  Thomas  Wells 
deputy-governor.  Mr.  Webster  was  chosen  the  first  magistrate. 
The  other  officers  were  the  same  who  had  been  appointed  the  last 
year.  The  freemen,  at  the  election  in  New-Haven,  May  27tb, 
made  no  alteration  in  their  magistrates. 

The  general  court  at  Hartford,  this  year,  was  uncommonly  thin, 
consisting  of  twenty-two  members  only.  The  danger  of  the  plan- 
tations, and  of  particular  families,  from  the  hostile  state  of  the  Ind- 
ians, appears  to  have  been  the  reason.  The  Montaukets,  Mohea- 
gans,  Narragansets,  and  Norwootucks,  engaged  in  implacable 
wars  with  each  other.  They  would  pursue  one  another  into  the 
English  plantations,  and  even  into  their  houses,  and  kill  each  other 
in  the  presence  of  the  families,  to  their  great  alarm  and  astonish- 
ment. Uncas  was  so  pressed  by  the  Narragansets,  that  Connecti- 
cut was  obliged  to  send  men  to  his  fortress,  to  assist  him  in  defend- 
ing himself  against  them.  The  Narragansets,  in  several  instances, 
threatened  and  plundered  the  inhabitants  of  Connecticut. 

Therefore,  when  the  commissioners  met,  in  September,  they 
sent  messengers  to  them,  demanding  that  they  should  cease  from 

'■  Records  of  Connecticut. 


III* 


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HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


[1657 


war,  until  their  grievances,  and  the  grounds  of  their  contentions, 
should  be  heard.  They  assured  them,  that  they  would  hear  and 
determine  impartially,  without  favoring  any  of  the  parties.  They 
represented  to  them  the  covenants  which  they  had  made  with 
the  English,  and  the  entire  inconsistency  of  their  conduct,  with 
those  engagements.  They  also  prohibited  all  fighting  in  the  Eng- 
lish plantations. 

This  year,  the  colony  of  New-Haven,  and  indeed  all  the  New- 
England  colonies,  sustained  a  heavy  loss  in  the  death  of  governor 
Eaton.^  He  was  a  minister's  son,  born  at  Stony  Stratford,  in  Ox- 
fordshire; was  educated  an  East  India  merchant,  and  was  some- 
time deputy-governor  of  the  company,  trading  to  the  East  Indies.' 
For  several  years,  he  was  agent  for  the  king  of  England  at  the 
court  of  Denmark.  After  his  return,  he  was  a  merchant  of  great 
business  and  respectability,  in  the  city  of  London. 

Upon  the  Laudean  persecution,  he  left  his  native  country,  and 
came  into  New-England  with  Mr.  Davenport,  his  minister,  in 
1637.  He  was  one  of  the  original  patentees  of  the  Massachusetts, 
and  soon  after  his  arrival  was  chosen  one  of  the  magistrates  of 
that  colony.  Upon  the  settlement  of  New-Haven,  he  was  chosen 
governor  of  the  colony,  and  was  annually  re-elected  until  his 
death.  He  is  represented  as  comely  and  personable,  and  is  said 
to  have  appeared  upon  the  bench  with  a  dignity  and  majesty, 
which  admit  of  no  description.  The  impartiality  with  which  he 
administered  justice,  was  most  exemplary,  and  his  authority  was 
not  to  be  opposed.  The  wisdom,  gravity,  and  integrity  of  his  ad- 
ministration, were  viewed  with  universal  admiration.  In  honor 
to  his  memory,  and  the  good  services  which  he  had  rendered  the 
colony,  his  funeral  charges  were  borne,  and  a  handsome  monu- 
ment erected  at  the  public  expense.' 

Nearly  at  the  same  time,  died  his  son-in-law,  Edward  Hopkins, 
Esquire,  for  a  number  of  years  governor  of  Connecticut.  He  con- 
ducted the  affairs  of  government  with  great  wisdom  and  integrity, 
and  was  universally  beloved.    He  was  a  gentleman  of  exemplary 

>  He  died  January  7th,  1657,*  in  the  67th  year  of  his  age. 

^  This  statement  is  corrected  by  Savage  (Winthrop,  i  t2j2),  who  explains  the 
error  by  inferring  that  the  term  East  country  used  by  Mather  referred  at  the  time  to 
countries  bordering  on  the  Baltic.  This  should  also  apply  to  the  statement  on  p. 
74  regarding  Eaton. — J.  T. 

'  His  private  was  not  less  amiable  than  his  public  character.  In  conversation, 
he  was  affable,  courteous,  and  generally  pleasant ;  but  always  grave  and  cautious. 
He  was  pious  and  strictly  moral.  His  meekness,  patience,  and  fortitude,  were  sin- 
gular. 

In  the  conduct  of  his  family,  he  was  strict,  prudent,  and  happy.  Though  it 
sometimes  consisted  of  not  less  than  thirty  persons,  yet  they  were  under  the  most 
perfect  order  and  government.  They  were  all  assembled  morning  and  evening, 
and  the  governor,  after  reading  t.ie  scriptures,  and  making  devout  and  useful  ob- 
servations upon  them,  prayed  with  great  reverence  and  pertinency.  On  the  sab- 
bath, and  other  days  of  public  devotion,  he  spent  an  hour  or  two  with  his  family, 
in  instructing  them  in  the  duties  of  faith  and  practice ;  and  in  recommending  to 

*  Old  ityle.  The  date  used  in  the  official  record  nuke*  this  confusing,  although  it  is  correct.— J.  T. 


1657 


he 


1657I 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


191 


piety,  righteousness,  and  charity.  In  his  family  and  secret  devo- 
tions, he  followed  the  example  of  governor  Eaton.  His  charity 
was  great  and  extensive.  Besides  the  relief  he  dispensed  to  the 
poor,  with  his  own  hands,  he  gave  considerable  sums  of  money 
to  others,  to  be  disposed  of  to  charitable  purposes.  When  he  went 
into  England,  on  the  occasion  of  his  brother's  death,  who  had  been 
warden  of  the  English  fleet,  he  designed  to  return  again  to  his 
family  and  friends,  in  New- England;  but  he  was  very  soon  par- 
ticularly noticed,  and  made  first  warden  of  the  fleet,  in  the  room 
of  his  brother.  He  was  then  chosen  commissioner  of  the  admi- 
ralty and  navy;  and  finally  member  of  parliament.  These  unex- 
pected preferments  altered  his  designs,  and  determined  him  to 
send  over  for  his  family,  and  to  spend  the  remainder  of  his  days 
in  his  native  country.  He  had  been  a  consumptive  man,  attended 
with  a  cough,  and  spitting  of  blood,  for  more  than  thirty  years. 
His  constitution  was  now  entirely  wasted,  and  he  died  in  the  58th 
year  of  his  age. 

His  last  will  was  highly  expressive  of  that  public  spirit  and 
charity,  which  had  so  distinguished  him  in  life.  His  whole  estate, 
in  New-England,  was  given  away  to  charitable  purposes.  He 
manifested  his  peculiar  friendship  to  the  family  of  Mr.  Hooker, 
his  pastor,  at  Hartford,  by  giving  his  relict,  Mrs.  Hooker,  all  the 
debts  due  from  the  family,  to  him;  by  giving  to  Mrs.  Wilson,  of 
Boston,  Mr.  Hooker's  eldest  daughter,  his  farm  at  Farmington, 
with  all  the  houses,  out-houses,  and  buildings  upon  it;  and  by 
legacies  to  several  others  of  his  descendants.  All  the  remainder 
of  his  estate,  in  New-England,  he  bequeathed  to  his  "  father,  The- 
ophilus  Eaton,  Esquire,  master  John  Davenport,  master  John  Cul- 
lick,  and  master  William  Goodwin,  in  full  assurance  of  their  trust 
and  faithfulness,  in  disposing  of  it  according  to  the  true  intent  and 
purpose  of  him,  the  said  Edward  Hopkins,  which  was  to  give 
some  encouragement,  in  those  foreign  plantations,  for  the  breed- 
ing up  of  hopeful  youths,  in  a  way  of  learning,  both  at  the  gram- 
mar school  and  college,  for  the  public  service  of  the  country,  in 
future  times."  He  also  made  a  donation  of  five  hundred  pounds 
more,  out  of  his  estate  in  England,  to  the  said  trustees,  in  further 
prosecution  of  the  same  public  ends,  "  for  the  upholding  and  pro- 
moting the  kingdom  of  the  Lord  Jesus  Christ,  in  those  parts  of 
the  earth."    This  last  donation  was  considered  as  made  to  Har- 

them  the  reading  and  study  of  the  scriptures,  secret  devotion,  the  sanctification  of 
the  sabbath,  and  a  devout  and  constant  attendance  on  all  divine  institutions.  On 
these  days  he  sang  praises,  as  well  as  prayed  with  his  family.  He  was  greatly  be- 
loved  by  his  domestics,  as  well  as  by  the  commonwealth.  Indeed,  there  was  no 
man,  among  the  first  planters  of  New-England,  who  had  a  more  general  acquaint- 
ance with  public  business,  or  who  sustained  a  fairer  character.  His  monument  is 
kept  up  to  the  present  time.  Upon  it  are  these  expressive  lines  : 
"  Eaton,  so  meek,  so  wise,  so  fam'd,  so  just. 
The  Phcenix  of  our  world  here  hides  his  dust :  -<- -" 

This  name  forget,  New-England  never  must." 


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192 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


[1658 


vard  college,  and,  by  virtue  of  a  decree  in  chancery,  was  paid  in 
1710.  The  interest  given  in  New-England,  was  estimated  at  about 
I, cool,  sterling;  and  was  appropriated  to  the  support  of  the  gram- 
mar schools  in  New-Haven,  Hartford,  and  Hadley.  The  money 
originally  belonged  to  New-Haven  and  Hartford ;  but  as  a  con- 
siderable number  of  the  people  of  Hartford  afterwards  removed 
to  Hadley,  and  were  principal  settlers  of  that  town,  they  received 
their  proportion  of  the  donation. 

At  a  general  court  in  Hartford,  March  nth,  1658,  a  troop  of 
thirty  horsemen  was  established  in  Connecticut,  and  Richard  Lord 
was  appointed  captain.    This  was  the  first  in  the  colony. 

May  20th  there  was  a  very  considerable  alteration  with  respect 
to  governors  and  the  council,  both  in  Connecticut  and  New- 
Haven.  At  the  election  in  Connecticut,  Thomas  Wells,  Esquire, 
was  elected  governor,  and  John  Winthrop,  Esquire,  deputy  gov- 
ernor. To  the  magistrates  last  year,  who  were  again  re-chosen, 
there  was  an  addition  of  Mr.  Matthew  Allen,  Mr.  Phelps,  Mr.  John 
Wells,  Mr.  Treat,  Mr.  Baker,  Mr.  Mulford,  and  Mr.  Alexander 
Knowles.  There  appears  to  have  been  sixteen  magistrates,  and 
twenty-six  deputies;  in  the  whole,  forty-two  members. 

On  the  election  at  New-Haven,  Mr.  Francis  Newman  was 
chosen  governor,  and  William  Leet,  deputy  governor.*  Mr.  Jas- 
per Crane  was  added  to  the  magistrates,  and  Mr.  William  Gibbard 
was  appointed  secretary. 

This  year  a  considerable  settlement  was  made  between  Mistic 
and  Pawcatuck  rivers.  This  tract  was  called  Pequot,  and  origi- 
nally belonged  to  New-London.  The  first  man  who  settled  upon 
this  tract,  was  William  Cheesebrough,  from  Rehoboth,  in  1649. 
A  complaint  was  exhibited  against  him  for  carrying  on  an  illicit 
trade  with  the  Indians,  for  repairing  their  arms,  and  endangering 
the  public  safety.  The  general  court  of  Connecticut  declared,  that 
they  had  a  clear  title  to  those  lands,  and  summoned  him  before 
them.  They  reprimanded  him  for  settling  upon  them  without 
their  approbation ;  for  withdrawing  himself  from  Christian  society 
and  ordinances;  and  for  unlawfully  trading  with  and  assisting  the 
Indians.  He  confessed  his  faults;'  but  pleaded,  in  excuse,  that 
he  had  been  encouraged  by  Mr.  Winthrop,  who  claimed  a  right 
at  Pawcatuck.  He  gave  bonds  for  his  good  conduct,  and  was  al- 
lowed to  continue  upon  the  land.    The  court  promised  him,  that 

'  Mr.  Stephen  Goodyear,  who  had  been  deputy  governor,  with  governor  Eaton, 
through  almost  hii  whole  administration,  died  this  year,  in  London,  and  was  either 
there,  or  on  his  passage,  at  this  election.  He  appeals  to  have  been  a  worthy  man, 
and  left  a  respectable  family. 

'  Cheesebrough  does  not  appear  to  have  confessed  to  any  illicit  trade  with  the 
Indians  at  Pawcatuck.  The  official  record  says  "he  acknowledged  his  former 
transgression,"  which  must  have  been  some  transactions  with  the  Indians  at  Reho- 
both, his  former  residence.  After  the  jurisdiction  of  Connecticut  was  settled, 
Cheesebrough  appears  to  have  been  a  man  of  good  standing,  and  a  deputy  to  the 
general  court. — J.  T.  i  ^     _ 


1658] 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


193 


if  he  would  procure  a  sufficient  nuniber  of  planters,  they  would 
give  them  all  proper  encouragenient,  in  nuk.ng  a  permanent  set- 
tlement. About  ten  or  t//elve  families,  this  year,  made  settlements 
in  that  quarter;  and,  finding  'hat  there  was  a  controversy  between 
Connecticut  and  the  Massachusetts,  with  respect  both  to  title  and 
jurisdiction,  they,  on  the  30th  of  June,  entered  into  a  vcluntary 
contract  to  govern  themselves,  and  conduct  their  affairs  in  peace, 
until  it  should  be  determined  to  which  colony  they  should  submit. 
The  principal  planters  were  George  Denison,  Thomas  Stanton, 
Thomas  Shaw,  William,  Elisha,  and  Samuel  Cheesebrough,  and 
Moses  and  Walter  Palmer.  These,  with  some  others,  were  signers 
of  the  voluntary  compact. 

At  the  meeting  of  the  commissioners,  the  Massachusetts 
claimed  that  tract  of  country,  by  virtue  of  the  assistance  which 
they  aflforded  Connecticut  in  the  conquest  of  the  Pequots.  The 
commissioners  resolved,  "  That  the  determination  did  arise  only 
from  the  several  rights  of  conquest,  which  were  not  greatly  diflfer- 
ent;  yet  that  being  tender  of  any  inconvenience  which  might  arise 
to  those  who  were  already  possessed,  either  by  commission  from 
Massachusetts  or  Connecticut,  in  any  part  thereof,  should  they  be 
put  off  their  improvements;  also,  upon  inquiry,  finding,  that  the 
Pequot  country,  which  extented  from  Nehantick  to  Wekapaug, 
about  ten  miles  eastward  from  Mistic  river,  may  conveniently 
accommodate  two  plantations,  did,  respecting  things  as  they  then 
stood,  conclude,  that  Mistic  river  be  the  bounds  between  them, 
as  to  propriety  and  jurisdiction,  so  far  as  conquest  may  give  title. 
Always  provided,  that  such  as  are  already  accommodated,  by 
commission  of  either  of  the  said  governments,  or  have  grants  of 
any  tracts  of  land,  on  either  side  of  the  Mystic  river,  be  not  mo- 
lested in  any  of  their  possessions  or  rights,  by  any  other  grants." 

Upon  the  petition  of  the  planters,  October  19th,  the  general 
court  of  the  Massachusetts  made  them  a  grant  of  eight  miles  from 
the  mouth  of  Mystic  river  towards  Wekapaug,  and  eight  miles 
northward  into  the  country,  and  named  the  plantation  Southerton. 
It  continued  under  the  government  of  Massachusetts  until  after 
Connecticut  obtained  a  royal  charter. 

This  was  a  year  of  great  sickness  and  mortality  in  Connecticut, 
and  in  New-England  in  general.  Religious  controversies,  at  the 
same  time,  ran  high,  and  gave  great  trouble  to  church  and  com- 
monwealth. The  Indians  continued  their  wars  with  implacable 
animosity.  The  commissioners  employed  all  their  wisdom  and 
influence  to  make  peace ;  but  they  could  not  reconcile  those  blood- 
thirsty barbarians.  The  crops  were  light,  and  it  was  a  year  of 
fear,  perplexity,  and  sorrow.* 

'  In  a  proclamation  for  a  general  fast,  the  intemperate  xeason,  thin  harvest,  sore 
visitation  by  sickness,  and  the  sad,  prolonged  difierences  in  the  churches,  are  par- 
ticularized  as  matters  of  humiliation. 


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194 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


ri66o 


1660] 


If' 


John  Winthrop,  Esq'r.  was  cho«en  governor  of  Connnecticut 
for  the  year  1659,  and  Thomas  Wells,  Esq'r.  deputy  governor. 
Captain  Tapping  and  Mr.  Robert  Bond  were  elected  magistrates, 
in  the  room  of  Mr.  Knowles  and  Mr.  Mulford. 

At  the  election  in  New-Haven,  the  same  governor  and  council 
were  rechosen.  Indeed,  little  alteration  was  made  with  respect 
to  them,  until  the  union  of  that  colony  with  Connecticut. 

At  the  October  session,  Cromwell  bay,  or  Setauket,  on  Long- 
Island,  at  the  desire  of  the  inhabitants,  was  admitted  as  a  member 
of  the  jurisdiction  of  Connecticut. 

On  May  17th,  1660,  Mr.  John  Winthrop  was  rechosen  gover- 
nor. This  was  the  first  time  that  any  governor  had  been  elected 
to  that  office  more  than  once  in  two  years.  Major  Mason  was 
advanced  to  the  place  of  deputy  governor.  The  magistrates  were 
Mr.  Henry  Clark,  Mr.  Wyllys,  Mr.  Phelps,  Mr.  Allen,  Mr.  Treat, 
Mr.  Gould,  Mr.  Tapping,  Mr.  Ogden,  Mr.  Bond,  Mr.  Daniel 
Clark,  and  Mr.  Talcott.  Mr.  Daniel  Qark  was  secretary,  and 
Mr.  Talcott  treasurer. 

Mr.  Webster  and  Mr.  Wells  appear  now  to  be  no  more.  They 
had  been  annually  chosen  into  the  magistracy,  for  about  twenty 
years,  and  both  had  the  honour  of  the  chief  seat  of  government.* 

At  this  election,  the  freemen,  having  found  by  long  experience, 
that  the  clause  in  the  third  fundamental  article,  incapacitating 
any  person  to  be  chosen  governor  more  than  once  in  two  years, 
was  prejudicial,  rather  than  advantageous  to  the  colony,  resolved, 
that  there  should  be  liberty  for  the  annual  choice  of  the  same 
person  governor,  or  of  any  other  whom  they  should  judge  best 
qualified  to  serve  the  commonwealth. 

During  the  wars  between  Uncas  and  the  Narragansets,  they 
besieged  his  fort,  near  the  bank  of  the  Thames,  until  his  provi- 
sions were  nearly  exhausted,  and  he  found  that  he,  and  his  men, 
must  soon  perish,  by  famine  or  sword,  unless  he  could  obtain 
speedy  relief.  In  this  crisis,  he  found  means  of  communicating 
his  danger  to  the  scouts,  who  had  been  sent  out  from  Saybrook 
fort.  By  his  messengers,  he  represented  the  great  danger  the 
English,  in  those  parts,  would  be  in  immediately,  if  they  should 
suffer  the  Moheagans  to  be  destroyed. 

Upon  this  intelligence,  one  Thomas  Leffingwell,  an  ensign  at 
Saybrook,  an  enterprising,  bold  man,  loaded  a  canoe  with  beef, 
corn,  and  pease,  and,  under  cover  of  the  night,  paddled  from  Say- 
brook into  the  Thames,  and  had  the  address  to  get  the  whole  into 
the  fort.    The  enemy  soon  perceiving  that  Uncas  was  relieved, 

•  Four  or  five  governors  of  Connecticut,  governor  Haynes,  governor  Wyl'ys, 
governors  Weill  and  Webster,  lie  buried  at  Hartford,  without  a  monument.  Will- 
iam Leet,  Esq.  governor  of  New-Haven  and  Connecticut,  also  lies  interre'  '>:here, 
in  the  same  obscure  manner.  Considering  their  many  and  important  public  ser- 
vices, this  is  remarkable ;  but  their  virtues  have  embalmed  their  names,  and  will 
render  them  venerable  to  the  latest  posterity. 


i66o] 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


195 


raised  the  siege.  For  this  service,  Uncas  gave  said  Leffingwell  a 
deed  of  a  great  part,  if  not  of  the  whole  town  of  Norwich.  In 
June,  1659,  Uncas,  with  his  two  sons,  Owaneco  and  Attawanhood, 
by  a  more  formal  and  authentic  deed,  made  over  unto  said  Lef< 
fingwell,  John  Mason,  Esq.  the  Rev.  James  Fitch,  and  others, 
consisting  of  thirty-five  proprietors,  the  whole  township  of  Nor- 
wich, which  is  about  nine  miles  square.  The  company,  at  this 
time,  gave  Uncas  and  his  sons  about  seventy  pounds,  as  a  further 
compensation  for  so  large  and  fine  a  tract. 

Preparations  were  immediately  made  for  its  settlement;  and, 
this  spring,  the  Rev.  James  Fitch,  with  the  principal  part  of  his 
church  and  congregation,  removed  from  Saybrook,  and  planted 
the  town  of  Norwich.  Three  or  four  planters  joined  them  from 
New-London,  and  two  or  three  from  the  towns  of  Plymouth  and 
Marshiield,  in  Massachusetts.  In  1663,  the  general  assembly 
ordered  that  the  deed  should  be  recorded.  The  limits  were  after- 
wards ascertained,  and  the  town  received  a  patent  of  the  whole. 

The  Moheagans  were  a  great  defence,  and  of  essential  service 
to  the  town  for  many  years.  They  kept  out  their  scouts  and 
spies,  and  so  constantly  watched  their  enemies,  that  they  gave 
the  earliest  notice  of  their  approach,  and  were  a  continual  de- 
fence against  them.  For  this  purpose,  in  times  of  danger,  they 
often  moved  and  pitched  their  wigwams  near  the  town,  and  were 
a  great  terror  to  the  enemy.  Once  the  hostile  Indians  came  near 
to  the  town,  upon  the  sabbath,  with  a  design  to  make  a  descent 
upon  it;  but,  viewing  it  from  an  eminence,  and  seeing  the  Mo- 
heagan  huts,  they  were  intimidated,  and  went  oflf  without  doing 
the  least  damage.^ 

This  year,  the  town  of  Huntington,  upon  Long-Island,  was  re- 
ceived as  a  member  of  the  Connecticut  jurisdiction. 

This  general  court  ordered,  that  grand  jurors  should  be  ap- 
pointed in  every  town,  to  make  presentment  of  all  breaches  of 
law,  in  their  respective  towns.  The  law  required  that  the  pre- 
sentments should  be  made  to  the  particular  court,  in  May  and 
October. 

The  accounts  with  the  heirs  of  George  Fenwick,  Esq.  had  not 
been  closed,  nor  discharges  given,  relative  to  the  purchase  made 
of  the  fort  at  Saybrook,  and  the  old  patent  of  Connecticut.  This 
was  an  occasion  of  great  uneasiness  among  the  people.  The 
three  towns  of  Hartford,  Windsor,  and  Weathersfield,  presented 
petitions  to  the  general  court,  praying  that  the  accounts  might 
be  adjusted,  and  the  colony  discharged.  In  consequence  of  these, 
a  large  committee  was  appointed  to  make  a  complete  settlement 
with  the  said  heirs.  They  having  prepared  the  accounts  for  a  final 
adjustment,  the  general  court,  at  their  session  in  October,  author- 
ised them,  in  their  behalf,  to  perfect  and  confirm  the  writings. 
'  Manuscripts  from  Norwich,  and  Records  of  Connecticut 


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[1660 


The  governor  was  authorised,  in  their  name,  to  affix  the  public 
seal  of  the  colony  to  those  which  were  to  be  delivered  to  captain 
Cullick,  and  Elizabeth,  his  wife,  heirs  of  the  said  George  Fen- 
wick,  Esq.  and  to  receive  of  them  the  writings,  to  be  delivered 
to  the  court,  in  favour  of  the  colony. 

Accordingly,  on  the  7th  of  October,  the  colony  discharged 
Mr.  John  Cullick,  and  Elizabeth,  his  wife,  their  heirs,  &c.;  and 
the  said  John,  and  Elizabeth,  his  wife,  gave  an  ample  discharge  to 
the  colony  of  Connecticut,  from  all  sums  of  money  due  to  the 
said  Fenwick,  his  heirs  or  assigns,  by  virtue  of  the  agreements 
made  with  Mr.  Fenwick,  or  purchase  of  the  river's  mouth.* 

Thus,  after  the  term  of  sixteen  years,  from  the  first,  and  four- 
teen from  the  second  agreement  with  Mr.  Fenwick,  the  colony 
completed  a  settlement  respecting  the  fort  and  lands  holden  by 
him;  and  became  legally  possessed  of  the  tract  conveyed  to  the 
lords  and  gentlemen  severally  named  in  the  patent. 

Upon  a  final  adjustment  of  the  accounts,  it  appeared,  that  Mr. 
Cullick  and  the  heirs  of  Mr.  Fenwick "  were  indebted  500  pounds 
sterling  to  the  colony,  which  had  been  paid  them,  more  than  what 
was  due  according  to  the  original  agjreements  with  Mr.  Fenwick. 

John  Mason,  Esq.  now  deputy  governor,  had  some  time  since 
been  authorised,  in  behalf  of  the  colony,  to  purchase  of  Uncas  all 
the  lands,  which  he  had  reserved  for  himself  and  the  Moheagans, 
in  the  deed  of  1640,  under  the  name  of  planting  grounds.  Having 
effected  the  purchase,  he  made  a  surrender  of  the  lands,  in  the 
presence  of  the  general  court.  The  following  is  a  minute  of  the 
transaction. 

"  Hartford,  session  of  the  general  court,  March  14, 1660.' 

"The  jurisdiction  power  over  that  l4nd,  which  Uncas  and 
Wawequa  have  made  over  to  major  Mason,  is  by  him  surrendered 
to  this  colony.  Nevertheless,  for  the  laying  out  of  those  lands 
to  farms,  or  plantations,  the  court  doth  leave  it  in  the  hands  of 
major  Mason.  It  is  also  ordered  and  provided,  with  the  consent 
of  major  Mason,  that  Uncas  and  Wawequa,  and  their  Indians  and 
successors,  shall  be  supplied  with  suflficient  planting  ground  at  all 
times,  as  the  court  sees  ca'.se,  out  of  that  land.  And  the  major 
doth  reserve  to  himself  a  <-cnipetency  to  make  a  farm." 

For  want  of  form,  and  a  more  legal  manner  of  conveyance,  with 
respect  to  those  lands,  originated  the  memorable  Mason  case,  or 
controversy,  as  it  was  called.  It  continued  about  seventy  years, 
and  was  an  occasion  of  great  trouble  and  expense  to  the  colony. 
A  statement  of  it  will  be  made  in  the  progress  of  this  history. 

'  Mr.  Cullick,  who,  for  several  years,  had  been  one  of  the  magistrates  of  Con- 
necticut, and  secretary  of  the  colony,  had  now  removed  his  residence  to  Boston. 

'  Tliis  does  not  appear  to  have  been  money  reclaimed  by  the  colony  for  over> 
payment,  but  was  a  forced  compromise  by  the  General  Court  of  a  claim  against 
Fenwick's  estate  for  money  alleged  to  have  been  paid,  as  "  Fort  rate,"  without  valid 
consideration.  See  Public  Records  of  the  Colony  of  Conn,,  i :  573 ;  see,  also,  note 
p.  II9.-J.  T. 

^  This  according  to  the  present  mode  of  dating  was  March  14,  1661. 


i66ij  HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT.  197 


CHAPTER  XII. 

THE  colony  having  purchased  the  patent,  and  the  government 
of  England  having  been  settled  in  the  king  and  parliament,  the 
general  court  determined  to  make  application  for  a  charter  under 
the  royal  signature.  1  iicy  avowed  their  allegiance  to  his  majesty, 
king  Charles  the  second;  dechred  that  all  the  inhabitants  of  this 
colony  were  his  faithful  subjects;  and  that  it  was  necessary  to 
petition  him  for  his  grace,  and  the  continuance  and  confirmation 
of  their  rights  and  privileges.  The  court  resolved,  that  the  500 
pounds  due  from  Mr.  CuUick  should  be  appropriated  to  the  prose- 
cution of  their  address,  and  application  to  his  majesty  for  a  patent. 

At  the  session  in  May,  a  petition  to  his  majesty  was  presented 
by  the  governor,  and  approved  by  the  general  court.  That  it 
might,  however,  be  made  as  perfect  as  possible,  the  governor  and 
deputy  governor,  Mr.  Wyllys,  Mr.  Allen,  Mr.  Warham,  Mr.  Stone, 
Mr.  Hooker,  Mr.  Whiting,  and  the  secretary,  were  appointed  a 
committee  for  its  emendation.  They  were  authorised  to  method- 
ize and  make  all  such  alterations,  as  they  should  judge  expedient, 
provided  the  substance  of  it  were  retained.  They  were  directed 
to  write  letters  to  any  noble  personages  in  England,  to  whom  it 
might  be  expedient  to  make  application,  and  to  transact  whatever 
might  be  necessary,  respecting  the  petition  and  the  procurement 
of  a  patent. 

Governor  Winthrop  was  appointed  agent  to  present  the  peti- 
tion to  his  majesty,  and  to  transact  all  affairs  in  England,  respect- 
ing the  general  welfare  of  the  colony.  He  had  particular  instruc- 
tions from  the  general  court  for  the  management  of  the  business 
of  his  agency.  He  was  especially  directed  to  obtain  the  consent, 
and  take  the  advice  of  the  nobles  and  gentlemen,  who  had  been 
interested  in  the  old  patent  of  Connecticut;  and  to  engage  the 
friendship  and  influence  of  all  those,  who  might  be  active  and 
serviceable,  with  respect  to  the  interests  of  the  colony. 

In  the  petition  to  his  majesty,  it  was  represented,  that  the  great- 
est part  of  the  colony  had  been  purchased  and  obtained  by  great 
and  valuable  considerations;  that  some  other  part  thereof  had 
been  obtained  by  conquest;  and  that  it  had,  with  great  difficulty, 
at  the  sole  endeavours,  expense  and  charges  of  themselves  and 
their  associates,  under  whom  they  claimed,  been  subdued  and 
improved,  and  thereby  become  a  considerable  enlargement  and 
addition  to  his  majesty's  dominions  and  interests  in  New-Eng- 
land.^ These  were  pleaded  as  reasons,  with  his  majesty,  to  grant 
the  tract  and  privileges  for  which  the  petitioners  prayed. 

At  the  same  time,  a  letter  was  addressed  to  lord  Say  and  Seal, 

'  Appendix  No.  VII. 


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HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


[1661 


representing  the  encouragements  which  their  fathers,  and  some 
of  their  surviving  associates,  received  from  him,  to  transplant 
themselves  into  the  inland  parts  of  this  vast  wilderness,  and  their 
assurances  of  his  patronage  and  favor.  They  also  complained, 
that  Mr.  George  Fenwick,  several  years  after  he  had  taken  pos- 
session of  the  entrance  of  Connecticut  river,  determining  to  re- 
turn to  England,  proposed  to  sell  the  fort,  at  Saybrook,  with  all 
the  buildings  and  appurtenances  there,  together  with  all  the  lands 
upon  the  river,  as  far  eastward  as  Narraganset  bay,  with  the  right 
of  jurisdiction,  to  the  colony.  They  represented,  that  this,  at  first, 
was  strenuously  opposed,  by  many  of  the  inhabitants,  as  they 
imagined  his  lordship,  and  the  other  noble  patentees,  had  very 
bountiful  intentions  towards  them;  and  that  such  a  procedure 
would  be  extremely  contrary  to  their  designs.  Nevertheless,  that 
afterwards,  as  some  of  those  gentlemen,  who  had  the  greatest 
interest  in  the  affections  of  their  lordships,  were  removed  by 
death;  and  as  Mr.  Fenwick  pretended  to  be  the  only  patentee; 
and  threatened,  that  unless  the  colony  would  purchase  the  lands, 
on  his  own  terms,  he  would  either  impose  duties  upon  the  people, 
or  sell  the  premises  to  the  Dutch,  they  finally  agreed  with  him, 
and  paid  him  1,600  pounds  for  them.  They  intimated  that  this 
was  the  only  way  in  which  the  peace  and  safety  of  the  community 
could  have  been  preserved.  As  a  further  matter  of  grievance, 
they  complained,  that,  besides  this  great  abuse,  Mr.  Fenwick  had 
given  them  nothing  under  his  hand,  to  oblige  himself  or  his  heirs 
to  fulfil  his  engagements;  and  that  they  had  nothing  to  secure 
them,  in  the  enjoyment  of  their  just  rights  and  privileges,  as  a 
distinct  commonwealth.  They  further  made  complaint  of  en- 
croachments made  upon  them,  on  the  north  by  the  Massachusetts, 
and  by  them  and  others  towards  the  Narragansets ;  and  that  they 
knew  not  how  to  support  their  claims,  or  ascertain  their  boun- 
daries, without  a  patent.  They  intreat  his  lordship  to  consider 
their  circumstances,  counsel  and  assist  their  agent,  and  counte- 
nance their  designs.^ 

The  only  alteration  which  had  been  made,  at  the  election,  this 
year,  in  Connecticut,  was  the  choice  of  Mr.  Thurston  Rayner  into 
the  magistracy;  but  at  New-Haven  the  alteration  was  very  con- 
siderable. 

Francis  Newman,  Esq.  who  had  succeeded  governor  Eaton,  in 
the  chief  seat  of  government,  was  now  no  more.  He  had  been 
for  many  years  secretary,  under  the  administration  of  governor 
Eaton,  and  was  well  acquainted  with  the  affairs  of  the  colony. 
He  is  represented  as  a  gentleman  of  piety  and  unblemished  mor- 
als, happily  imitating  his  predecessor  both  in  public  and  private 
life. 

Upon  the  election  in  May,  William  Lee,  Esq.  was  chosen  gov- 
'  Letter  to  his  lordship,  No.  VIII. 


i66i] 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


199 


ernor,  and  Mr.  Matthew  Gilbert,  deputy  governor.  Mr.  Benja- 
min Fenn,  Mr.  Robert  Treat,  Mr.  Jasper  Crane,  Mr.  John  Wake- 
man,  and  Mr.  William  Gibbard,  were  elected  magistrates.  The 
spirit  of  republicanism  however  was  so  high,  at  New-Haven,  that 
several  of  them  would  not  accept  their  appointments  and  take  the 
oaths  prescribed.  Mr.  Wakeman  and  Mr.  Gibbard  utterly  re- 
fused. Mr.  Fenn  was  hardly  prevailed  with  to  accept  his  office. 
He  at  last  took  the  oath,  with  this  previous  explanation,  that  it 
was  only  with  reference  to  the  particular  laws  of  that  colony;  and 
that  if  any  thing  foreign  should  present,  it  should  give  no  offence 
if  he  should  decline  acting.  Mr.  James  Bishop  was  chosen  secre- 
tary, and  Mr.  Robert  Allen,  treasurer. 

An  affair  had  happened  at  New-Haven,  a  few  months  before 
this,  which  now  began  to  alarm  the  country,  and  soon  gave  great 
anxiety  and  trouble  to  that  colony. 

Very  soon  after  the  restoration,  a  large  number  of  the  judges 
of  king  Charles  the  first,  commonly  termed  regicides,  were  ap- 
prehended and  brought  upon  their  trials,  in  the  Old  Baily.  Thirty 
nine  were  condemned,  and  ten  executed  as  traitors.  Some  others, 
apprehensive  of  danger,  fled  out  of  the  kingdom  before  king 
Charles  II.  was  proclaimed.  Colonels  Whalley  and  Goffe  made 
their  escape  to  New-England.  They  were  brought  over  by  one 
captain  Cooking,  and  arrived  at  Boston,  in  July,  1660.  Gov- 
ernor Endicott  and  gentlemen  of  character,  in  Boston  and  its 
vicinity,  treated  them  with  peculiar  respect  and  kindness.  They 
were  gentlemen  of  singular  abilities,  and  had  moved  in  an  exalted 
sphere.  Whalley  had  been  a  lieutenant  general,  and  Goffe,  a 
major  general,  in  Cromwell's  army.  Their  manners  were  elegant, 
and  their  appearance  grave  and  dignified,  commanding  universal 
respect.  They  soon  went  from  Boston  to  Cambridge,  where  they 
resided  until  February.  They  resorted  openly  to  places  of  public 
worship  on  the  Lord's  day,  and  at  other  times  of  public  devotion. 
They  were  universally  esteemed,  by  all  men  of  character,  both  civil 
and  religious.  But  no  sooner  was  it  known,  that  the  judges  had 
been  condemned  as  traitors,  and  that  these  gentlemen  were  ex- 
cepted from  the  act  of  pardon,  than  the  principal  gentlemen  in  the 
Massachusetts  began  to  be  alarmed.  Governor  Endicott  called 
a  court  of  magistrates  to  consult  measures  for  apprehending  them. 
However,  their  friends  were  so  numerous  that  a  vote  could  not, 
at  that  time,  be  obtained  to  arrest  them.  Some  of  the  court  de- 
clared that  they  would  stand  by  them,  others  advised  them  to 
remove  out  of  the  colony. 

Finding  themselves  unsafe  at  Cambridge,  they  came,  by  the 
assistance  of  their  friends,  to  Connecticut.  They  made  their  route 
by  Hartford,  but  went  on  directly  to  New-Haven.  They  arrived 
about  the  27th  of  March,  and  made  Mr.  Davenport's  house  the 
place  of  their  residence.    They  were  treated  with  the  same  marks 


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[1661 


of  esteem  and  generous  friendship,  at  New-Haven,  which  they 
had  received  in  the  Massachusetts.  The  more  the  people  became 
acquainted  with  them,  the  more  they  esteemed  them,  not  only 
as  men  of  great  minds,  but  of  unfeigned  piety  and  religion.  For 
some  time,  they  appeared  to  apprehend  themselves  as  out  of  dan- 
ger, and  happily  situated  among  a  number  of  pious  and  agreeable 
friends.  But  it  was  not  long  before  the  news  of  the  king's  proc- 
lamation against  the  regicides  arrived,  requiring,  that  wherever 
tliey  might  be  found,  they  should  be  immediately  apprehended. 
The  governor  of  Massachusetts,  in  consequence  of  the  royal 
proclamation,  issued  his  warrant  to  arrest  them.  As  they  were 
certified,  by  their  friends,  of  all  measures  adopted  respecting  them, 
they  removed  to  Milford.  There  they  appeared  openly  in  the 
day  time,  but  at  night  often  returned  privately  to  New-Haven, 
and  were  generally  secreted  at  Mr.  Davenport's,  until  about  the 
last  of  April. 

In  the  mean  time,  the  governor  of  Massachusetts  received  a 
royal  mandate  requiring  him  to  apprehend  them ;  and  a  more  full 
and  circumstantial  account  of  the  condemnation  and  the  execu- 
tion of  the  ten  regicides,  and  of  the  disposition  of  the  court  to- 
wards them,  and  the  republicans  and  puritans  in  general,  arrived 
in  New-England.  This  gave  a  more  general  and  thorough  alarm 
to  the  whole  country.  A  feigned  search  had  been  made  in  the 
Massachusetts,  in  consequence  of  the  former  warrant,  for  the 
colonels  Whalley  and  Gof¥e;  but  now  the  governor  and  magis- 
trates began  to  view  the  affair  in  a  more  serious  point  of  light ;  and 
appear  to  have  been  in  earnest  to  secure  them.  They  perceived, 
that  their  own  personal  safety,  and  the  liberties  and  peace  of  the 
country,  were  concerned  in  the  manner  of  their  conduct  towards 
those  unhappy  men.  They  therefore  immediately  gave  a  commis- 
sion to  Thomas  Kellond  and  Thomas  Kirk,  two  zealous  young 
royalists,  to  go  through  the  colonies,  as  far  as  the  Manhadoes, 
and  make  a  careful  and  universal  search  for  them.  They  pursued 
the  judges,  with  engagedness,  to  Hartford;  and,  repairing  to 
governor  Winthrop,  'vere  nobly  entertained.  He  assured  them, 
that  the  colonels  ma».  <;  no  stay  in  Connecticut,  but  went  directly 
to  New-Haven.  He  gave  them  a  warrant  and  instructions  similar 
to  those  which  they  had  received  from  the  governor  of  Massachu- 
setts, and  transacted  every  thing  relative  to  the  affair  with  dis- 
patch. The  next  day  they  arrived  at  Guilford,  and  opened  their 
business  to  deputy  governor  Leet.  They  acquainted  him  that,  ac- 
cording to  the  intelligence  which  they  had  received,  thr  regicides 
were  then  at  New-Haven.  They  desired  immediately  to  be  fur- 
nished with  powers,  horses,  and  assistance  to  arrest  them. 

But  here  they  were  very  unwelcome  messengers.  Governor 
Leet,  and  the  principal  gentlemen  in  Guilford  and  New-Haven, 
had  no  ill  opinion  of  the  judges.    If  they  had  done  wrong  in  the 


i66i] 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


201 


part  they  had  acted,  they  viewed  it  as  an  error  in  judgment,  and 
as  the  fault  of  great  and  good  men,  under  peculiar  and  extraordi- 
nary circumstances.  They  were  touched  with  compassion  and 
sympathy,  and  had  real  scruples  of  conscience  with  respect  to 
delivering  up  such  men  to  death.  They  viewed  them  as  the  ex- 
cellent in  the  earth,  and  were  afraid  to  betray  them,  lest  they 
should  be  instrumental  in  shedding  innocent  blood.  They  saw  no 
advantage  in  putting  them  to  death.  They  were  not  zealous 
therefore  to  assist  in  apprehending  them.  Governor  Leet  said, 
he  had  not  seen  them,  in  nine  weeks,  and  that  he  did  not  believe 
they  were  at  New-Haven.  He  read  some  of  the  papers  relative 
to  the  affair  with  an  audible  voice.  The  pursuivants  observed  to 
him,  that  their  business  required  more  secrecy,  than  was  con- 
sistent with  such  a  reading  of  their  instructions.  He  delayed  fur- 
nishing them  with  horses  until  the  next  morning,  and  utierly  de- 
clined giving  them  any  powers,  until  he  had  consulted  with  his 
council,  at  New-Haven.  They  complained,  that  an  Indian  went 
off,  from  Guilford  to  New-Haven,  in  the  night,  and  that  the  gov- 
ernor was  so  dilatory,  the  next  morning,  that  a  messenger  went 
on  to  New-Haven,  before  they  could  obtain  horses  for  their  as- 
sistance. The  judges  were  apprised  of  every  transaction  respect- 
ing them,  and  they,  and  their  friends,  took  their  measures  accord- 
ingly. They  changed  their  quarters,  from  one  place  to  another 
in  the  town,  as  circumstances  required;  and  had  faithful  friends 
to  give  them  information,  and  to  conceal  them  from  their  enemies. 

On  the  13th  of  March,  the  pursuivants  came  to  New-Haven, 
and  governor  Leet  arrived  in  town,  soon  after  them,  to  consult 
his  council.  They  acquainted  him,  that,  from  the  information 
which  they  had  received,  they  were  persuaded,  that  the  judges 
were  yet  in  the  town,  and  pressed  him  and  the  magistrates  to  give 
them  a  warrant  and  assistance,  to  arrest  them,  without  any  fur- 
ther delay.  But  after  the  governor  and  his  council  had  been  to- 
gether five  or  six  hours,  they  dispersed,  without  doing  any  thing 
relative  to  the  af]Fair.  The  governor  declared,  that  they  could  not 
act  without  calling  a  general  assembly  of  the  freemen.  Kellond 
and  Kirk  observed  to  him,  that  the  other  governors  had  not  stood 
upon  such  niceties;  that  the  honor  and  justice  of  his  majesty 
were  concerned,  and  that  he  would  highly  resent  the  concealment 
and  abetting  of  such  traitors  and  regicides.  They  demanded 
whether  he,  and  his  council,  would  own  and  honour  his  majesty? 
The  governor  replied,  we  do  honour  his  majesty,  but  have  tender 
consciences,  and  wish  first  to  know  whether  he  will  own  us.* 

The  tradition  is,  that  the  pursuivants  searched  Mr.  Davenport's 
house,  and  used  him  very  ill.  They  also  searched  other  houses, 
where  they  suspected  that  the  regicides  were  concealed.    The 

■  Report  of  Kellond  and  Kirk  to  governor  Endicott ;  to  which  they  gave  oath, 
in  the  presence  of  the  governor  and  his  council. 


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HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


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report  is,  that  they  went  into  the  house  of  one  Mrs.  Eyers,  where 
they  actually  were;  but  she  conducted  the  affair  with  such  com- 
posure and  address,  that  they  imagined  the  judges  had  just  made 
their  escape  from  the  house,  and  they  went  off  without  making 
any  search.  It  is  said,  that  once,  when  the  pursuers  passed  the 
neck  bridge,  the  judges  concealed  themselves  under  it.  Several 
times  they  narrowly  escaped,  but  never  could  be  taken. 

These  zealous  royalists,  not  finding  the  judges  in  New-Haven, 
prosecuted  their  journey  to  the  Dutch  settlements,  and  made  in- 
terest with  Stuyvesant,  the  Dutch  governor,  against  them.  He 
promised  them,  that,  if  the  judges  should  be  found  within  his 
jurisdiction,  he  would  give  them  immediate  intelligence,  and  that 
he  would  prohibit  all  ships  and  vessels  from  transporting  them. 
Having  thus  zealously  prosecuted  the  business  of  their  commis- 
sion, they  returned  to  Boston,  and  reported  the  reception  which 
they  had  met  with  at  Guilford  and  New-Haven. 

Upon  this  report,  a  letter  was  written  by  secretary  Rawson, 
in  the  name  of  the  general  court  of  Massachusetts,  to  governor 
Leet  and  his  council,  on  the  subject.  It  represented,  that  many 
complaints  had  been  exhibited  in  England  against  the  colonies, 
and  that  they  were  in  great  danger.  It  was  observed,  that  one 
great  source  of  complaint,  was  their  giving  such  entertainment 
to  the  regicides,  and  their  inattention  to  his  majesty's  warrant  for 
arresting  them.  This  was  represented  as  an  affair  which  haz- 
arded the  liberties  of  all  the  colonies,  and  especially  those  of  New- 
Haven.  It  was  intimated,  that  the  safety  of  particular  persons, 
no  less  than  that  of  the  colony,  was  in  danger.  It  was  insisted, 
that  the  only  way  to  expiate  their  offence,  and  save  themselves 
harmless,  was,  without  delay,  to  apprehend  the  delinquents.  In- 
deed, the  court  urged,  that  not  only  their  own  safety  and  welfare, 
but  the  essential  interests  of  their  neighbours,  demanded  their 
indefatigable  exertions  to  exculpate  themselves. 

Colonels  Whalley  and  Goffe,  after  the  search  which  had  been 
made  for  them  at  New-Haven,  left  Mr.  Davenport's,  and  took 
up  their  quarters  at  Mr.  William  Jones's,  son  in  law  to  gover- 
nor Eaton,  and,  afterwards,  deputy  governor  of  New-Haven  and 
Connecticut.  There  they  secreted  themselves  until  the  nth  of 
May.  Thence  they  removed  to  a  mill  in  the  environs  of  the  town. 
For  a  short  time,  they  made  their  quarters  in  the  woods,  and  then 
fixed  them  in  a  cave  in  the  side  of  a  hill,  which  they  named  Provi- 
dence Hill.  They  had  some  other  places  of  resort,  to  which  they 
retired  as  occasion  made  it  necessary;  but  this  was,  generally, 
the  place  of  their  residence  until  the  19th  of  August.*    When  the 

'  About  this  time  they  removed  to  Milford,  where  they  continued  about  two 
years.  On  the  arrival  of  the  king's  commissioners  in  New-England,  they  retired 
again  to  their  cave  for  a  short  time,  and  about  the  13th  of  Octo^r,  1664,  removed 
to  Hadley.  As  the  late  Rev.  President  Stiles  has  written  their  history,  no  notice 
will  be  taken  of  it  in  this  work,  further  than  it  is  connected  with  the  affairs  of  the 
colony. 


i66i] 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


203 


weather  was  bad,  they  lodged,  at  night,  in  a  neighbouring  house. 
It  is  not  improbable,  that,  sometimes,  when  it  could  be  done  with 
safety,  they  made  visits  to  their  friends  at  New-Haven. 

Indeed,  to  prevent  any  damage  to  Mr.  Davenport,  or  the  col- 
ony, they  once,  or  more,  came  into  the  town  openly,  and  oflfered 
to  deliver  up  themselves  to  save  their  friends.  It  seems  it  was 
fully  expected,  at  that  time,  that  they  would  have  done  it  volun- 
tarily. But  their  friends  neither  desired,  nor  advised  them,  by 
any  means,  to  adopt  so  dangerous  a  measure.  They  hoped  to 
save  themselves  and  the  colony  harmless,  without  such  a  sacrifice. 
The  magistrates  were  greatly  blamed  for  not  apprehending  them, 
at  this  time  in  particular.  Secretary  Rawson,  in  a  letter  of  his  to 
governor  Leet,  writes,  "  How  ill  this  will  be  taken,  is  not  difficult 
to  imagine;  to  be  sure  not  well.  Nay,  will  not  all  men  condemn 
you  as  wanting  to  yourselves? "  The  general  court  of  Massachu- 
setts further  acquainted  governor  Leet,  that  the  colonies  were 
criminated  for  making  no  application  to  the  king,  since  his  res- 
toration, and  for  not  proclaiming  him  as  their  king.  The  court, 
in  their  letter,  observed,  that  it  was  highly  necessary  that  they 
should  send  an  agent  to  answer  for  them  at  the  court  of  England. 

On  the  reception  of  this  intelligence,  governor  Leet  convoked 
the  general  court  August  ist,  and  laid  the  letters  before  them. 
After  much  debate,  it  was  concluded  to  address  a  letter  to  the 
general  court,  exculpating  the  colony.  With  respect  to  the  regi- 
cides, they  declared,  that  they  had  neither  disowned  nor  slighted 
the  king  nor  his  authority;  and  that  the  apprehending  of  them 
was  not  defeated  by  any  delay  of  theirs,  as  they  had  made  their 
escape  before  the  king's  warrant  arrived  in  the  colony.  They 
alleged,  that  the  pursuers  neglected  their  business,  to  attend 
upon  the  governor  and  his  council,  for  which  they  had  no  author- 
ity. Besides,  they  pleaded  scruples  of  conscience,  and  fear  of 
unfaithfulness  to  the  people,  who  had  given  them  all  their  power, 
and  to  whom  they  were  bound  by  solemn  oath.  Further,  they 
insisted,  that  acting  upon  the  warrant  would  have  been  owning  a 
general  governor,  and  dangerous  to  the  liberties  of  the  people. 
To  him  they  said  the  warrant  was  directed,  and  though  other 
magistrates  were  mentiond,  yet  they  were  considered  only  as 
officers  under  him. 

With  reference  to  the  magistrates  not  arresting  the  judges, 
when  they  appeared  openly  in  the  town,  they  said,  it  was  owing 
to  a  full  persuasion  that  they  would  certainly  surrender  them- 
selves, according  to  their  promise.  They  affirmed,  that  they  had 
used  all  diligence  with  those  who  had  shown  them  kindness,  to 
persuade  them  to  deliver  them  up ;  that  they  were  ignorant  where 
they  were,  and  that  they  did  not  believe  that  they  were  in  the 
colony.  They  promised,  that  they  would  exert  themselves  to 
arrest  and  secure  them,  if  an  opportunity  should  present. 


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HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


[1661 


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They  excused  themselves  for  not  making  an  address  or  ap- 
plication to  his  majesty,  because  it  was  to  them  a  new  and  un- 
precedented affair,  and  they  were  ignorant  of  the  proper  form. 
Indeed,  they  said  they  could  not  agree  in  one  which  might  be  ac- 
ceptable. These  they  avowed  to  be  the  reasons  of  their  omission, 
and  not  any  disloyalty  to  his  majesty.  As  the  form  in  which  the 
colony  of  Massachusetts  made  their  submission  to  the  king,  had 
been  laid  before  them,  they  declared,  that  it  was  to  their  satisfac- 
tion, and  that,  from  their  hearts,  they  acknowledged  and  said  the 
same.  They  promised  full  subjection  and  entire  allegiance  to  his 
majesty,  king  Charles  II.  Upon  this  submission  and  declaration, 
they  supplicated  for  the  same  immunities  and  privileges  with  their 
sister  colonies,  and  declared  their  expectations  of  the  full  enjoy- 
ment of  them. 

At  the  same  time,  they  declined  the  making  of  any  particular 
address  to  the  king,  on  account  of  their  inability  to  procure  a 
proper  agent  to  present  it  to  his  majesty.  In  their  great  dist*  jss, 
they  desired  the  general  court  of  Massachusetts  to  represent  ihem 
to  the  king  as  cordially  owning  and  complying  with  their  address, 
as  though  it  had  been  said  and  made  by  themselves.  They  ex- 
pressed their  opinion  of  the  necessity  of  a  general  agent  for  New- 
England,  to  supplicate  the  royal  favour,  to  defeat  the  designs  of 
their  enemies,  and  to  procure  for  them  all  acts  of  indemnity  and 
grace.  They  agreed  to  bear  their  proportionable  part  of  the  ex- 
pense. The  court  immediately  sent  an  agent  to  Boston,  on  this 
business.  One  great  matter  of  complaint,  agvi/st  the  colonies, 
had  been  their  not  proclaiming  the  king.  But  as  he  had  now  been 
proclaimed  in  all  the  other  colonies,  in  New-England,  the  gen- 
eral court  at  New-Haven  judged  it  expedient  formally  to  proclaim 
him  there,*  which  was  done  August  21. 

About  this  time,  it  seems,  governor  Winthrop  took  his  passage 
for  England.  Upon  his  arrival,  he  made  application  to  lord  Say 
and  Seal,  and  other  friends  of  the  colony,  for  their  countenance 
and  assistance. 

Lord  Say  and  Seal,  appears  to  have  been  the  only  nobleman 
living,  who  was  one  of  the  original  patentees  of  Connecticut.  He 
held  the  patent  in  trust,  originally,  for  the  puritanic  exiles.  He 
received  the  address  from  the  colony  most  favorably,  and  gave 
governor  Winthrop  all  the  assistance  in  his  power."    The  gov- 

'  The  form  wascurioui.    It  was  expreued  in  the  following  words. 

"Although  we  have  not  received  any  form  of  proclamation,  by  order  from  his 
majesty  or  council  of  state,  for  proclaiming  his  majesty  in  this  colony ;  yet,  the 
court  taking  encouragement  from  what  has  been  done  in  the  rest  of  the  united  col- 
onies,  hath  thought  fit  to  declare  publicly,  and  proclaim,  that  we  do  acknowledge 
his  royal  highness,  Charles  the  second,  king  of  England,  Scotland,  France,  and  Ire- 
land, to  be  our  sovereign  lord  and  king  ;  and  that  we  do  acknowledge  ourselves,  the 
inhabitants  of  this  colony,  to  be  his  majesty's  loyal  and  faithful  subjects." 

'  Letter  to  governor  Winthrop,  in  England,  No.  IX.  His  lordship  ever  retained 
his  friendship  u>r  the  colonies,  and  not  only  rendered  great  services  to  Connecticut, 
but  to  them  all,  in  vindicating  them  against  the  complaints  made  against  them,  and 


X 


i663] 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


205 


ernor  was  a  man  of  address,  and  he  arrived  in  England  at  a  happy 
time  for  Connecticut.  Lord  Say  and  Seal,  the  great  friend  of  the 
colony,  had  been  particularly  instrumental  in  the  restoration. 
This  had  so  brought  him  into  the  king's  favour,  that  he  had  been 
made  lord  privy  seal.  The  earl  of  Manchester,  another  friend 
of  the  puritans,  and  of  the  rights  of  the  colonies,  was  chamberlain 
of  his  majesty's  household.  He  was  an  intimate  friend  of  lord 
Say  and  Seal,  and  had  been  united  with  him  in  defending  the  col- 
onies, and  pleading  for  their  establishment  and  liberties.  Lord 
Say  and  Seal  engaged  him  to  give  Mr.  Winthrop  his  utmost  as- 
sistance. Mr.  Winthrop  had  an  extraordinary  ring,  which  had 
been  given  his  grand  father  by  king  Charles  the  first,  which  he 
presented  to  the  king.  This,  it  is  said,  exceedingly  pleased  his 
majesty,  as  it  had  been  once  the  property  of  a  father  most  dear 
to  him.  Under  these  circumstances,  the  petition  of  Connecticut 
was  presented,  and  was  received  with  uncommon  grace  and  fa- 
vor. 

Upon  the  20th  of  April,  1662,  his  majesty  granted  the  colony 
his  letters  patent,  conveying  the  most  ample  privileges,  under  the 
great  seal  of  England.  It  confirmed  unto  it  the  whole  tract  of 
country,  granted  by  king  Charles  the  first  unto  the  earl  of  War- 
wick, and  which  was,  the  next  year,  by  him  consigned  unto  lord 
Say  and  Seal,  lord  Brook  and  others.  The  patent  granted  the 
lands  in  free  and  common  socage.  The  facts,  stated  and  pleaded 
in  the  petition,  were  recognized  in  the  charter,  nearly  in  the  same 
form  of  words,  as  reasons  of  the  royal  grant,  and  of  the  ample 
privileges  which  it  conveyed. 

It  ordained,  that  John  Winthrop,  John  Mason,  Samuel  Wyllys, 
Henry  Clarke,  Matthew  Allen,  John  Tapping,  Nathan  Gould, 
Richard  Treat,  Richard  Lord,  Henry  Wolcott,  John  Talcott,  Dan- 
iel Clarke,  John  Ogden,  Thomas  Wells,  Obadiah  Bruen,  John 
Clark,  Anthony  Hawkins,  John  Deming,  and  Matthew  Canfield, 
and  all  such  others  as  then  were,  or  should  afterwards  be  admitted 
and  made  free  of  the  corporation,  should  forever  after  be  one  body 
corporate  and  politic,  in  fact  and  name,  by  tne  name  of  the  Gov- 
ernor AND  COMPANY  OF  THE  ENGLISH  COLONY  OF  CONNECTI- 
CUT IN  New-England  in  America;  and  that  by  the  same  name, 
they  and  their  successors  should  have  perpetual  succession.  They 
were  capacitated,  as  persons  in  law,  to  plead  and  be  impleaded, 
to  defend  and  be  defended,  in  all  suits  whatsoever:  To  purchase, 
possess,  lease,  grant,  demise,  and  sell  lands,  tenements,  and  goods, 
in  as  ample  a  manner,  as  any  of  his  majesty's  subjects  or  corpora- 
tions in  England.  The  charter  ordained,  that  there  should  be, 
annually,  two  general  assemblies;    one  holden  on  the  second 

in  conciliating  the  favor  of  the  king  and  his  court  towards  them.  In  a  letter  of  his, 
to  the  gOTemment  of  Massachusetts,  he  says,  "  I  have  not  been  wanting  both  to  the 
king  and  council  to  advance  your  interest ;  more  I  cannot  do,  but  pray  the  Lord  to 
stand  with  you  and  for  you," 


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HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


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Thursday  in  May,  and  the  other  on  the  second  Thursday  in  Oc> 
tober.  This  was  to  consist  of  the  governor,  deputy  governor, 
and  twelve  assistants,  with  two  deputies  from  every  town  or  city. 
John  Winthrop  was  appointed  governor,  and  John  Mason,  dep- 
uty governor,  and  the  gentlemen  named  above,  magistrates,  until 
a  new  election  should  be  made. 

The  company  were  authorised  to  have  a  common  seal,  to  ap- 
point judicatories,  make  freemen,  constitute  ofRcers,  establish 
laws,  impose  fines,  assemble  the  inhabitants  in  martial  array  for 
the  common  defence,  and  to  exercise  martial  law  in  all  cases,  in 
which  it  might  be  necessary. 

It  was  ordained  by  the  charter,  that  all  the  king's  subjects,  in 
the  colony,  should  enjoy  all  the  privileges  of  free  and  natural 
subjects  within  the  realm  of  England;  and  that  the  patent  should 
always  have  the  most  favorable  construction  for  the  benefit  of  the 
governor  and  company. 

The  charter  did  not  come  over  until  after  the  election.  This 
was  on  the  15th  of  May,  and  the  freemen  made  no  alteration  in 
their  officers. 

Many  of  the  colony  of  New-Haven  appear  to  have  been  exceed- 
ingly opposed  to  king  Charles,  and  to  the  royal  instructions 
which  they  had  received.  It  had  been  with  great  difficulty,  that 
the  governor  and  council  had  managed  the  government  in  such 
a  manner,  as  to  keep  peace  among  the  people,  and  not  incur  the 
displeasure  of  the  king  and  his  council.  Though  they  had  done 
as  little  as  possible,  consistent  with  loyalty,  in  conforming  to  his 
majesty's  orders,  yet  they  had  done  more  than  was  pleasing  to  all. 
There  had  been  some  insurrections  and  tumults,  and  the  author- 
ity, in  some  instances,  had  not  been  well  treated.  Some  com- 
plained, that  they  could  not  enjoy  their  privileges  more  amply; 
and  that  none  but  church  members  could  be  freemen  of  the  cor- 
poration. 

Governor  Leet,  therefore,  at  the  court  of  election.  May  28th, 
made  a  pacific  speech  to  the  freemen.  He  represented  to  them 
the  great  difficulties  and  dangers  of  the  year  past,  and  the  divine 
goodness  towards  them,  in  the  continuation  of  their  civil  and 
religious  privileges.  He  acknowledged  himself  to  be  subject  to 
many  imperfections,  yet  professed,  that,  in  his  office,  he  had  acted 
conscientiously,  consulting  the  common  safety  and  happiness. 
He  declared  his  readiness  to  give  the  reasons  of  his  conduct  to 
any  brother,  or  brethren,  who  would  come  to  him,  in  an  orderly 
manner.  He  acknowledged  their  kind  affection  and  patience  to- 
wards him,  in  covering  and  passing  by  his  infirmities. 

Upon  this,  the  election  proceeded,  and  he  was  chosen  gover- 
nor, and  Matthew  Gilbert  deputy  governor.  The  deputy  gov- 
ernor's not  apprehending  the  regicides,  did  not,  in  any  measure, 
injure  his  popularity.    No  objection  was  made  against  either  of 


1663] 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


207 


tlie  governors.  Mr.  William  Jones  and  Mr.  William  Gibbard 
were  chosen  magistrates,  for  New-Haven;  Mr.  Benjamin  Fenn 
and  Mr.  Robert  Treat,  for  Milford;  and  Mr.  Jasper  Crane,  for 
Uranford.  Several  of  the  magistrates  took  the  oath,  this  year, 
with  the  expl<  aations  and  exceptions  which  they  had  made  the 
last. 

Before  the  session  of  the  general  assembly  of  Connecticut,  in 
October,  the  charter  was  brought  over;  and  as  the  governors 
and  magistrates,  appointed  Ly  his  majesty,  were  not  authorised 
to  serve  after  this  time,  a  general  election  was  appointed  on  the 
yth  of  October.  John  Winthiop,  Esq.  was  chosen  governor,  and 
John  Mason,  Esq.  depuiy  governor.  The  magistrates  were, 
Matthew  Allen,  Samuel  Wyllys,  Nathan  Gould,  Richard  Treat, 
John  Ogden,  John  Tapping,  John  Talcott,  Henry  Wolcott,  Dan- 
iel Clarke,  and  John  Allen,  Esquir«;s,  Mr.  Baker,  and  Mr.  Sher- 
man. John  Talcott,  Esq.  was  treasurtr.  and  Daniel  Clarke,  Esq. 
secretary. 

Upon  the  day  of  the  election,  the  charter  was  puLlicly  read  to 
the  freemen,  and  declared  to  belong  to  them  and  thei.'  successors. 
They  then  proceeded  to  make  choice  of  Mr.  Wyllys,  Mr.  Talcott, 
and  Mr.  Allen,  to  receive  the  charter  into  their  custody,  and  to 
keep  it  in  behalf  of  the  colony.  It  was  ordered,  that  an  oath  should 
be  administered  by  the  court,  to  the  freemen,  binding  them  to  a 
faithful  discharge  of  the  trust  committed  to  them. 

The  general  assembly  established  all  former  officers,  civil  and 
military,  in  their  respective  places  of  trust;  and  enacted,  that 
all  the  laws  of  the  colouy  should  be  continued  in  full  force,  ex- 
cept such  as  should  be  found  contrary  to  the  tenor  of  the  char- 
ter. It  was  also  enacted,  that  the  same  colony  seal  should  be  con- 
tinued. 

The  major  part  of  the  inhabitants  of  Southhold,  several  of  the 
people  at  Guilford,  and  of  the  towns  of  Stamford  and  Greenwich, 
tendering  their  persons  and  estates  to  Connecticut,  and  petition- 
ing to  enjoy  the  protection  and  privileges  of  this  commonwealth, 
were  accepted  by  the  assembly,  and  promised  the  same  protection 
and  freedom,  which  was  common  to  the  inhabitants  of  the  colony 
in  general.  At  the  same  time,  it  was  enjoined  upon  them,  to  con- 
duct themselves  peaceably,  as  became  christians,  towards  their 
neighbours,  who  did  not  submit  to  the  jurisdiction  of  Connecticut ; 
and  that  they  should  pay  all  taxes  due  to  the  ministers,  with  all 
other  public  charges  then  due.  A  message  was  sent  to  the  Dutch 
governor,  certifying  him  of  the  charter,  granted  to  Connecticut, 
and  desiring  him,  by  no  means,  to  trouble  any  of  his  majesty's  sub- 
jects, within  its  limits,  with  impositions,  or  prosecutions,  from 
that  jurisdiction. 

The  assembly  gave  notice  to  the  inhabitants  of  Winchester,  that 
they  were  comprehended  within  the  limits  of  Connecticut;   and 


•'•I 


* 
i    m 


h     mm 


•1 


I  'U 


1:; 


l  .  Hi 


:•  i 


■ ) 


:*  n\ 


i 


fc'H 


■  > 
208 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


ri66a 


tl. 


ordered,  that,  as  his  majesty  had  thus  disposed  of  them,  they 
should  conduct  themselves  as  peaceable  subjects. 

The  assembly  resolved,  that  the  inhabitants  of  Mistic  and  Paw- 
catuck  should  no  more  exercise  any  authority,  by  virtue  of  com- 
missions from  any  other  colony,  but  should  elect  their  town 
officers,  and  manage  all  their  afiairs,  according  to  the  laws  of 
Connecticut.  It  was  also  resolved,  that  this,  and  some  other  towns, 
should  pay  twenty  pounds  each,  towards  defraying  the  expense  of 
procuring  the  charter.* 

Huntington,  Setauket,  Oyster-Bay,  and  all  the  towns  upon 
Long-Island,  were  obliged  to  submit  to  the  authority,  and  govern 
themselves  agreeably  to  the  laws  of  Connecticut.  A  court  was  in- 
stituted at  Southhold,  consisting  of  captain  John  Youngs,  and  the 
justices  of  South  and  East-Hampton.  The  assembly  resolved, 
that  all  the  towns,  which  should  be  received  under  their  jurisdic- 
tion, should  bear  their  equal  proportion  of  the  charge  of  the  col- 
ony, in  procuring  the  patent. 

As  the  charter  included  the  colony  of  New-Haven,  Mr.  Mat- 
thew Allen,  Mr.  Samuel  Wyllys,  and  the  Rev.  Messrs.  Stone  and 
Hooker,  were  appointed  a  committee,  to  proceed  to  New-Haven, 
and  to  treat  with  their  friends  there,  respecting  an  amicable  union 
of  the  two  colonies.* 

The  committee  proceeded  to  New-Haven,  and  after  a  conference 
with  the  governor,  magistrates,  and  principal  gentlemen  in  the 
colony,  left  the  following  declaration,  to  be  communicated  to  the 
freemer. 

"  We  declare,  that  through  the  providence  of  the  Most  High,  a 
large  and  ample  patent,  and  therein  desirable  privileges  and  im- 
munities from  his  majesty,  being  come  to  our  hand,  a  copy  where- 
of we  have  left  with  you,  to  be  considered,  and  yourselves,  upon 
the  sea  coast,  being  included  and  interested  therein,  the  king  hav- 
ing united  us  in  one  body  politic,  we,  according  to  the  commission 
wherewith  we  are  intrusted,  by  the  General  Assembly  of  Connec- 
ticut, do  declare,  in  their  name,  that  it  is  both  their  and  our  earnest 
desire,  that  there  may  be  a  happy  and  comfortable  union  between 
yourselves  and  us,  according  to  the  tenor  of  the  charter;  that  in- 
conveniences and  dangers  may  be  prevented,  peace  and  truth 
strengthened  and  established,  through  our  suitable  subjection  to 
the  terms  of  the  patent,  and  the  blessing  of  God  upon  us  therein." 

The  authority  of  New-Haven  made  the  following  reply. 

"  We  have  received  and  perused  your  writings,  and  heard  the 

'  It  appears,  from  the  appropriations  made,  and  taxes  imposed,  to  pay  the  charges 
of  governor  Winthrop's  agency,  that  the  charter  cost  the  colony  about  thirteen  hun- 
dred pounds  sterling. 

»  A  thanksgiving  was  appointed  by  this  assembly,  through  the  colony,  to  cele- 
brate the  divine  beneficence  ;  especially,  in  granting  them  such  a  favorable  reception 
with  his  majesty,  and  such  ample  civil  and  religious  privileges,  as  had  been  con- 
ferred  by  their  charter ;  and  for  God's  gracious  answer  to  the  prayers  of  his  people, 
in  abating  the  sickness  of  the  country,  and  giving  them  rain  in  the  time  of  drought. 


rein. 


d  the 


:o  cele* 
ception 
in  con- 
eople, 
fought. 


1662] 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


209 


copy  read  of  his  majesty's  letters  patent  to  Connecticut  colony; 
wherein,  though  we  do  not  find  the  colony  of  New-Haven  ex- 
pressly included,  yet  to  show  our  desire  that  matters  may  be  is- 
sued in  the  conserving  of  peace  and  amity,  with  righteousness  be- 
tween them  and  us,  we  shall  communicate  your  writing,  and  a 
copy  of  the  patent,  to  our  freemen,  and  afterwards,  with  conven- 
ient speed,  return  their  answer.  Only  we  desire,  that  the  issuing  of 
matters  may  be  respited,  until  we  may  receive  fuller  information 
from  Mr.  Winthrop,  or  satisfaction  otherwise;  and  that  in  the 
mean  time,  this  colony  may  remain  distinct,  entire,  and  uninter- 
rupted, as  heretofore:  which  we  hope  you  will  see  cause  lovingly 
to  consent  unto;  and  signify  the  same  to  us  with  convenient 
speed." 

On  the  4th  of  November,  the  freemen  of  the  colony  of  New- 
Haven,  convened  in  general  court.  The  governor  communicated 
the  writings  to  the  court,  and  ordered  a  copy  of  the  patent  to  be 
read.  After  a  short  adjournment,  for  consideration  in  an  affair  of 
so  much  importance,  the  freemen  met  again,  and  proceeded  to  a 
large  discussion  of  the  subject. 

The  Rev.  Mr.  Davenport  was  entirely  opposed  to  an  union  with 
Connecticut.  He  proceeded,  therefore,  to  offer  a  number  of  rea- 
sons, why  the  inhabitants  of  New-Haven  could  not  be  included 
in  the  patent  of  that  colony,  and  for  which  they  ought  by  no 
means,  voluntarily  to  form  an  union.  He  left  his  reasons  in  writ- 
ing for  the  consideration  of  the  freemen.  He  observed  that,  he 
should  leave  others  to  act  according  to  the  light  which  they  should 
receive. 

It  was  insisted,  that  New-Haven  had  been  owned  as  a  distinct 
government,  not  only  by  her  sister  colonies,  by  the  parliament, 
and  the  protector,  during  their  administration;  but  by  his  majes- 
ty, king  Charles  the  second:  That  it  was  against  the  express 
articles  of  confederation,  by  which  Connecticut  was  no  less  bound, 
than  the  other  colonies:  That  New-Haven  had  never  been  certi- 
fied of  any  such  design,  as  their  incorporation  with  Connecticut ; 
and  that  they  had  never  been  heard  on  the  subject.  It  was  further 
urged,  that,  had  it  been  designed  to  unite  them  with  Connecticut, 
some  of  their  names,  at  least,  would  have  been  put  into  the  patent, 
with  the  other  patentees;  but  none  of  them  were  there.  Hence  it 
was  maintained,  that  it  never  could  have  been  the  design  of  his 
majesty,  to  comprehend  them  within  the  limits  of  the  charter.  It 
was  argued,  that  for  them  to  consent  to  an  tmion  would  be  incon- 
sistent with  their  oath,  to  maintain  that  commonwealth,  with  all 
its  privileges,  civil  and  religious.  Indeed,  it  was  urged,  that  it 
would  be  incompatible  both  with  their  honor  and  most  essential 
interests. 

Governor  Leet  excused  himself  from  speaking  on  the  subject, 
desiring  rather  to  hear  the  freemen  speak  their  minds  freely,  and 
to  act  themselves,  with  respect  to  the  union. 


n- 


li 


■•• 


i^i^y 


fl«r 


pi 


h|: 


h 


B;i;,,i 


;: 


Vft- 


210 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


[i66s 


After  the  affair  had  been  fully  debated,  the  freemen  resolved, 
that  an  answer  to  Connecticut  should  be  drawn  up  under  the  fol- 
lowing heads. 

1.  "  Bearing  a  proper  testimony  against  the  great  sin  of  Con- 
necticut, in  acting  so  contrary  to  righteousness,  amity,  and  peace." 

2.  "  Desiring  that  all  further  proceedings,  relative  to  the  affair, 
might  be  suspended,  until  Mr.  Winthrop  should  return,  or  they 
might  otherwise  obtain  further  information  and  satisfaction." 

3.  "  To  represent,  that  they  could  do  nothing  in  the  affair,  until 
they  had  consulted  the  other  confederates."  * 

The  freemen  appointed  all  their  magistrates  and  elders,  with 
Mr.  Law,  of  Stamford,  a  committee  to  draw  up  an  answer  to  the 
General  Assembly  of  Connecticut.  They  were  directed  to  subjoin 
the  weighty  arguments,  which  they  had  against  an  union.  If  these 
should  not  avail,  they  were  directed  to  prepare  an  address  to  his 
majesty,  praying  for  relief. 

The  committee  drew  up  a  long  letter,  in  which  they  declared, 
that  they  did  not  find  any  command  in  the  patent,  to  dissolve 
covenants,  and  alter  the  orderly  settlement  of  New-England;  nor 
a  prohibition  against  their  continuance  as  a  distinct  government. 
They  represented,  that  the  conduct  of  Connecticut,  in  acting  at 
first  without  them,  confirmed  them  in  those  sentiments;  and  that 
the  way  was  still  open  for  them  to  petition  his  majesty,  and  ob- 
tain immunities,  similar  to  those  of  Connecticut.  They  declared, 
that  they  must  enter  their  appeal  from  the  construction  which 
Connecticut  put  upon  the  patent;  and  desired  that  they  might 
not  be  interrupted,  in  the  enjoyment  of  their  distinct  privileges. 
They  solicited,  that  proceedings  relative  to  an  union  might  rest, 
until  they  might  obtain  further  information,  consult  their  con- 
fedetates,  and  know  his  majesty's  pleasure  concerning  them. 

The  committee  then  proceeded  to  represent  the  unreasonable 
and  injurious  conduct  of  Connecticut  towards  them,  in  beginning 
to  exercise  jurisdiction  within  their  limits,  before  they  had  given 
them  any  intimations  that  they  were  included  in  their  charter;  be- 
fore they  had  invited  them  to  an  amicable  union;  and  before 
they  had  any  representation  in  their  assembly,  or  name  in  their 
patent.  They  urged,  that,  in  such  a  procedure,  they  had  encour- 
aged division,  and  g^ven  countenance  to  disaffected  persons :  that 
they  had  abetted  them  in  slighting  solemn  covenants  and  oaths,  by 
which  the  peace  of  the  towns  and  churches,  in  that  colony,  was 
greatly  disturbed.  Further,  they  insisted,  that,  by  this  means,  his 
majesty's  pious  designs  were  counteracted,  and  his  interests  dis- 
served :  that  great  scandal  was  brought  upon  religion  before  the 
natives,  and  the  beauty  of  a  peaceable,  faithful  and  brotherly  walk- 
ing exceedingly  marred  among  themselves.  The  committee  also 
represented,  that  these  transactions  were  entirely  inconsistent 

•  Records  of  New-Haven. 


I663l 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


tit 


with  the  engagements  of  governor  Winthrop,  contrary  to  his  ad- 
vice to  Connecticut,  and  tended  to  bring  injurious  reflections  and 
reproach  upon  him.  They  earnestly  prayed  for  a  copy  of  all  which 
he  had  written  to  the  deputy  governor  and  company  on  the  sub- 
ject. On  the  whole,  they  professed  themselves  exceedingly  in- 
jured and  grieved;  and  intreated  the  general  assembly  of  Con- 
necticut to  adopt  speedy  and  eflfectual  measures  to  repair  the 
breaches  which  they  had  made,  and  to  restore  tliem  to  their  former 
state,  as  a  confederate  and  sister  colony.^ 

Connecticut  made  no  reply  to  this  letter;  but  at  a  general  as- 
sembly, holden  March  nth,  1663,  appointed  the  deputy  governor, 
Messrs.  Matthew  and  John  Allen,  and  Mr.  John  Talcott,  a  com- 
mittee to  treat  with  their  friends  at  New-Haven,  on  the  subject  of 
an  union.  But  the  hasty  measures  which  the  general  assembly 
had  taken,  in  admitting  the  disaffected  members  of  the  several 
townc,  under  the  jurisdiction  of  New-Haven,  to  their  protection, 
and  to  the  privileges  of  freemen  of  their  corporation,  and  in  that 
way  beginning  to  dismember  that  colony,  before  they  had  invited 
them  to  incorporate  with  them,  had  so  soured  their  minds  and 
prejudiced  them,  that  this  committee  had  no  better  success  than 
the  former. 

In  consequence  of  the  claims  of  Connecticut,  and  of  what  had 
passed  between  the  two  colonies,  governor  Leet  called  a  special 
assembly  at  New-Haven,  on  the  6th  of  May.  It  was  then  pro- 
posed to  the  court,  whether,  considering  the  present  state  of  the 
colony,  and  the  aflfairs  depending  between  them  and  Connecticut, 
any  alteration  should  be  made,  with  respect  to  the  time  or  manner 
of  their  election?  The  freemen  resolved,  that  no  alteration  should 
be  made.  They  then  determined  upon  a  remonstrance,  or  declara- 
tion, to  be  sent  to  the  general  assembly  of  Connecticut.  In  this 
they  gave  an  historical  account  of  the  ends  of  their  coming,  with 
their  brethren  in  the  united  colonies,  into  New-England,  and  of 
the  solemn  manner  in  which  these  colonies  had  confederated;  and 
insinuated,  that  the  conduct  of  Connecticut  towards  them,  was 
directly  contrary  to  the  desigfns  of  the  first  planters  of  New-Eng- 
land, and  to  that  express  article  of  the  confederation,  that  no  one 
colony  should  be  annexed  to  another,  without  the  consent  of  the 
other  colonies.  They  declared,  that  if,  through  the  contrivance  of 
Connecticut,  without  their  knowledge  or  consent,  the  patent  did 
circumscribe  that  colony,  it  was,  in  their  opinion,  contrary  to 
brotherly  love,  righteousness,  and  peace.  They  also  declared, 
that,  notwithstanding  the  sense  which  Connecticut  put  upon  their 
patent,  they  could  not  find  one  line  or  letter  in  it,  expressing  his 
majesty's  pleasure,  that  they  should  become  one  with  that  colony. 
The  court  affirmed,  that  they  were  necessitated  to  bear  testimony 
against  the  appointment  of  constables  and  other  officers,  in  the 
'  Letter  to  Connecticut,  No.  X. 


'A' 


■  >* 


i)  > 


5j" 


II 


fl   . 


i: 


Mi 


%* 

I.' 
I. 


V 


flI8 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


[1663 


towns  under  their  jurisdiction,  and  the  dismembering  of  their 
colony,  by  receiving  their  disaffected  people  under  the  protection 
of  a  legislature  distinct  from  theirs,  and  in  which  they  had  no  rep- 
resentation. They  remonstrated  against  this,  as  distracting  the 
colony,  destroying  the  comfort,  and  hazarding  the  lives  and  lib- 
erties of  their  confederates;  as  giving  great  offence  to  their  con- 
sciences, and  as  matter  of  high  provocation  and  complaint  before 
God  and  man.  All  this  unbrotherly  and  unrighteous  management, 
they  represented  as  exceedingly  aggravated,  in  that,  notwith- 
standing their  former  representations  and  intreaties,  in  writing, 
notwithstanding  their  appeal  to  his  majesty,  and  notwithstand- 
ing all  their  past  distress  and  sufferings,  they  were  still  pursuing 
the  same  course.  They  still  declared,  that  they  appealed  to  his 
majesty;  and  that,  exceedingly  grieved  and  afflicted,  they,  in  the 
sight  of  God,  angels,  and  men,  testilied  against  such  proceed- 
ings.^ 

V/hile  these  affairs  were  transacted  in  the  colonies,  the  petition 
and  address  of  New-Haven,  to  his  majesty,  arrived  in  England. 
Upon  which  governor  Winthrop,  who  was  yet  there,  by  the  ad- 
vice of  the  friends  of  both  colonies,  agreed,  that  no  injury  should 
be  done  to  New-Haven,  and  that  the  union  and  incorporation  of 
the  two  colonies  should  be  voluntary.  Therefore,  on  the  3d  of 
March,  1663,  he  wrote  to  the  deputy  governor  and  company  of 
Connecticut,  certifying  them  of  his  engagements  to  the  agent  of 
New-Haven;  and  that,  before  he  took  out  the  charter,  he  had 
given  assurance  to  their  friends,  that  their  interests  and  privileges 
should  not  be  injured  by  the  patent.  He  represented,  that  they 
were  bound  by  the  assurances  he  had  given;  and,  therefore,  wished 
them  to  abstain  from  all  further  injury  and  trouble  of  that  colony. 
He  imputed  what  they  had  done  to  their  ignorance  of  the  engage- 
ments which  he  had  made.  At  the  same  time,  he  intimated  his 
assurance,  that,  on  his  return,  he  should  be  able  to  effect  an  ami- 
cable union  of  the  colonies.' 

At  the  election  in  Connecticut,  May  14th,  Mr.  Howell  and  Mr. 
Jasper  Crane  were  chosen  magistrates,  instead  of  Mr.  John  Allen 
and  Mr.  John  Ogden.*  Mr.  John  Allen  was  appointed  treasurer. 

Connecticut  now  laid  claim  to  West-Chester,  and  sent  one  of 
their  magistrates  to  lead  the  inhabitants  to  the  choice  of  their 
officers,  and  to  administer  the  proper  oaths  to  such  as  they  should 
elect.  The  colony  also  extended  their  claim  to  the  Narraganset 
country,  and  appointed  officers  for  the  government  of  the  inhab- 
itants at  Wickford. 

Notwithstanding  the  remonstrance  of  the  court  at  New-Haven, 
their  appeal  to  king  Charles  the  second,  and  the  engagements  of 

>  No.  XI. 

'  Governor  Winthrop's  letter  to  Connecticut,  No.  XIL 

*  Mr,  Crane  was  chosen  magistrate,  this  year,  in  both  colonies. 


1663] 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


213 


governor  Winthrop,  Connecticut  pursued  the  affair  of  an  union, 
in  the  same  manner  in  which  it  was  begun.  At  a  session  of  the 
general  assembly,  August  19th,  1663,  the  deputy  governor,  Mr. 
Wyllys,  Mr.  Daniel  Clarke,  and  Mr.  John  Allen,  were  appointed  a 
committee  to  treat  with  their  friends  of  New-Haven,  Milford, 
Guilford,  and  Branford,  relative  to  their  incorporation  with  Con- 
necticut. Provided  they  could  not  effect  an  union,  by  treaty,  they 
were  authorised  to  read  the  charter  publicly  at  New-Haven,  and 
to  make  declaration  to  the  people  there,  that  the  assembly  could 
not  but  resent  their  proceeding,  as  a  distinct  jurisdiction,  since 
they  were  evidently  included  within  the  limits  of  the  charter, 
granted  to  the  corporation  of  Connecticut.  They  were  instructed 
to  proclaim,  that  the  assembly  did  desire,  and  could  not  but  expect, 
that  the  inhabitants  of  New-Haven,  Milford,  Guilford,  Branford, 
and  Stamford,  would  yield  subjection  to  the  government  of  Con- 
necticut. 

At  the  meeting  of  the  commissioners,  in  September,  New- 
Haven  was  owned  by  the  colonies,  as  a  distinct  confederate. 
Governor  Leet  and  Mr.  Fenn,  who  had  been  sent  from  that  juris- 
diction, exhibited  a  complaint  against  Connecticut,  of  the  injuries 
which  they  had  done,  by  encroaching  upon  their  rights,  receiving 
their  members  under  their  government,  and  encouraging  them  to 
disown  their  authority,  to  disregard  their  oath  of  allegiance,  and 
to  refuse  all  attendance  on  their  courts.  They  further  complained, 
that  Connecticut  had  appointed  constables  in  several  of  their 
towns,  to  the  great  disquiet  and  injury  of  the  colony.  They 
prayed,  that  effectual  measures  might  be  taken  to  redress  their 
grievances,  to  prevent  further  injuries,  and  secure  their  rights  as 
a  distinct  confederate. 

Governor  Winthrop  and  Mr.  John  Talcott,  commissioners  from 
Connecticut,  replied,  that,  in  their  opinion,  New-Haven  had  no 
just  grounds  of  complaint;  that  Connecticut  had  never  designed 
them  any  injury,  but  had  made  to  them  the  most  friendly  proposi- 
tions, inviting  them  to  share  with  them  freely  in  all  the  important 
and  distinguishing  privileges,  which  they  had  obtained  for  them- 
selves; that  they  had  sent  committees  amicably  to  treat  with 
them;  that  they  were  still  treating,  and  would  attend  all  just  and 
friendly  means  of  accommodation. 

The  commissioners  of  the  other  colonies,  having  fully  heard  the 
parties,  determined,  that  as  the  colony  of  New-Haven  had  been 
"  owned,  in  the  articles  of  confederaticm,  as  distinct  from  Con- 
necticut, and  having  been  so  owned,  by  the  colonies  jointly  in  the 
present  meeting,  in  all  their  actings,  they  may  not,  by  any  acts  of 
violence,  have  their  liberty  of  jurisdiction  infringed,  by  any  other 
of  the  united  colonies,  without  breach  of  the  articles  of  confedera- 
tion; and  that  where  any  act  of  power  hath  been  exerted  against 
their  authority,  that  the  same  ought  to  be  recalled,  and  their 


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power  reserved  to  them  entire,  until  such  time,  as,  in  an  orderly 
way,  it  shall  be  otherwise  disposed."  With  respect  to  the  particu- 
lar grievances,  mentioned  by  the  commissioners  of  New-Haven, 
the  consideration  of  them  was  referred  to  the  next  meeting  of  the 
commissioners  at  Hartford.* 

The  extending  of  the  claims  of  Connecticut  to  all  the  planta- 
tions upon  Long-Island,  to  West-Chester,  and  the  neighbouring 
towns,  alarmed  Stuyvesant,  the  Dutch  governor.  He,  therefore, 
appeared  before  the  commissioners  at  Boston,  and  complained  of 
the  infraction  of  the  articles  of  agreement,  concluded  at  Hartford, 
between  the  English  and  Dutch,  and  desired  the  commissioners  to 
cl  'itermine,  whether  they  considered  said  articles  as  binding  the 
parties  or  not. 

As  this  complaint  respected  Connecticut  more  especially, 
governor  Winthrop  and  Mr.  Talcott  replied,  in  behalf  of  their 
constituents.  They  pleaded,  that,  as  it  was  an  afifair  of  great  con- 
cernment, and  as  Connecticut  had  not  been  certified  of  any  such 
complaint,  and  they  had  no  instructions  relative  to  the  subject, 
the  decision  of  it  might  be  deferred  until  the  next  meeting  of  the 
commissioners. 

The  commissioners  resolved,  that,  saving  their  allegiance  to  his 
majesty,  and  his  claim  to  the  lands  in  controversy,  and  the  right 
of  Connecticut  colony,  by  virtue  of  their  charter,  they  did,  for 
themselves,  esteem  the  articles  of  agreement,  in  1650,  to  be  bind- 
ing, and  that  they  would  not  countenance  the  violation  of  them. 
They  advised  the  parties  concerned,  to  refer  all  matters,  respect- 
ing the  subject,  to  the  next  meeting  of  the  commissioners.  In  the 
mean  time,  they  advised,  that  the  articles  of  agreemeni  should  be 
observed,  and  that  all  persons  in  the  places  in  controversy,  should 
be  acquitted  from  penalties  and  damages,  on  the  account  of  their 
having  resisted  the  authority  of  the  Dutch.* 

Connecticut  was  now  attacked  from  all  quarters.  While  the 
colony  was  without  a  royal  g^ant,  its  neighbours  made  encroach- 
ments with  impunity;  and  now,  when  it  extended  its  claims,  by 
virtue  of  regal  authority,  they  all  complained,  and  took  all  pos- 
sible advantage  of  former  encroachments  and  decisions,  at  times 
when  they  could  plead  no  such  authority.  As  all  the  united  col- 
onies, except  Plymouth,  were  affected  by  the  claims  of  the  colony, 
so  they  were  mutually  interested  in  opposing  and  determining 
against  them. 

As  Connecticut  had  now  claimed  Pawcatuck,  or  Southerton, 
and  prohibited  the  exercise  of  any  authority  there,  except  such  as 
was  derived  from  the  legislature  of  that  colony,  the  inhabitants 
had  exhibited  three  addresses  to  the  general  court  of  Massachu- 
setts, petitioning  for  relief  and  protection. 

The  commissioners  from  Massachusetts,  Mr.  Bradstreet  and 


'  Records  of  the  united  colonies,  vol.  ii. 


Ibid. 


'I*  \     ' 

i  i 


1063] 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


215 


Mr.  Danforth,  laid  the  complaints  and  petitions  before  the  com- 
missioners 01  the  otner  colonies,  and  prayed  tor  reiiet,  according 
to  the  provision  made,  in  such  cases,  in  tne  articles  ot  confedera- 
tion. 

The  court  of  commissioners  advised,  that  the  affair  should  be 
respited  lor  the  present;  that  Connecticut  should  apply  to  the 
general  court  of  the  Massachusetts,  for  an  amicable  setdement: 
and  that,  if  this  should  not  be  effected,  the  aggrieved  party  might 
make  application  to  the  commissioners,  at  their  next  meeting.  In 
the  mean  time,  they  advised,  that  affairs  at  Southerton,  should  be 
managed  according  to  their  former  decisions. 

When  the  general  assembly  of  Connecticut  convened,  in  Octo- 
ber, they  paid  particular  attention  to  these  great  objects  of  general 
concernment.  Notwithstanding  all  which  had  happened  relative 
to  New-Haven,  the  following  act  passed. 

"  This  court  doth  declare,  that  they  can  do  no  less,  for  their  own 
indemnity,  than  to  manifest  their  dissatisfaction  with  the  planta- 
tions of  New-Haven,  Milford,  Guilford,  Stamford,  and  Branford, 
in  their  distinct  standing  from  us,  in  point  of  government;  it  be- 
ing directly  opposite  to  the  tenor  of  the  charter,  lately  granted  to 
our  colony  of  Connecticut,  in  which  these  plantations  are  in- 
cluded. We  do  also  expect  their  submission  to  our  government, 
according  to  our  charter,  and  his  majesty's  pleasure  therein  ex- 
pressed; it  being  a  stated  conclusion  with  the  commissioners,  that 
jurisdiction  right  goeth  with  patent.  And  whereas,  the  aforesaid 
people  of  New-Haven,  Milford,  Guilford,  Stamford,  and  Bran- 
ford,  pretend  they  have  power  of  government,  distinct  from  us, 
we  do  hereby  declare,  that  our  council  will  be  ready  to  attend 
them,  or  a  committee  of  theirs;  and  if  they  can  rationally  make  •'. 
appear,  that  they  have  such  power,  and  that  we  have  wronged 
them  according  to  their  complaints,  we  shall  be  ready  to  attend 
them  with  due  satisfaction."  * 

The  assembly  appointed  a  committee  to  draught  a  letter  to  the 
gentlemen  at  New-Haven,  and  to  inclose  to  them  the  preceding 
resolution. 

Agents  were  sent  to  this  assembly  from  the  Manhadoes,  to  treat 
with  the  legislature,  relative  to  the  differences  subsisting  between 
them  and  the  Dutch.  A  petition,  at  the  same  time,  was  presented 
from  the  English  plantations  upon  Long-Island,  in  the  vicinity 
of  the  Dutch,  praying  for  the  protection  and  privileges  of  the  cor- 
poration of  Connecticut.  Upon  which  the  assembly  passed  the 
following  resolve: 

"  That,  as  they  were  solicitous  to  maintain  the  interests  and 
peace  of  his  majesty's  subjects,  and  yet  to  attend  all  ways  of  right- 
eousness, so  that  they  might  hold  a  friendly  correspondence  with 
their  neighbours,  at  the  Manhadoes,  they  would,  for  the  present, 

>  Records  of  Connecticut. 


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HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


[1663 


iorbear  all  acts  of  authority  towards  the  English  plantations  on 
the  west  end  of  Long-island,  provided  the  Dutch  would  forbear 
to  exercise  any  coercive  power  towards  them;  and  this  court  shall 
cease  from  further  attendance  unto  the  premises,  until  there  be  a 
seasonable  return,  from  the  general  Stevenson,  to  those  proposi- 
tions his  messengers  carried  with  them,  or  until  there  be  an  issue 
of  the  difference,  between  them  and  us.  And,  in  case  the  Dutch  do 
unjustly  molest  or  offer  violence  unto  them,  we  declare,  that  we 
shall  not  be  willing  to  see  our  countrymen,  his  majesty's  natural 
born  subjects,  and  his  interests,  interrupted  or  molested,  by  the 
Dutch  or  any  others;  but  we  shall  address  ourselves,  to  use  such 
just  and  lawful  means,  as  God  shall,  in  his  wisdom,  offer  to  our 
hands,  for  their  indemnity  and  safety,  until  his  majesty,  our 
sovereign  lord  the  king,  shall  please  to  declare  his  royal  pleasure 
for  their  future  settlement." 

As  governor  Winthrop  was  now  returned  from  England,  the 
assembly  embraced  the  first  opportunity  to  present  him  with  the 
thanks  of  the  colony,  for  the  great  pains  he  had  taken,  and  the 
special  services  he  had  rendered  it,  in  procuring  the  charter. 

The  legislature,  determining  to  secure,  as  far  as  possible,  the 
lands  within  the  limits  of  their  charter,  authorised  one  Thomas 
Pell  to  purchase  of  the  Indian  proprietors  all  that  tract  between 
West-Chester  and  Hudson's  river,  and  the  waters  which  made  the 
Manhadoes  an  island;  and  resolved,  that  it  should  be  added  to 
West-Chester. 

The  towns  on  the  west  end  of  Long-Island  petitioning  to  be 
under  the  government  of  Connecticut,  the  assembly  declared,  that, 
as  the  lines  of  their  patent  extended  to  the  adjoining  islands,  they 
accepted  those  towns  under  their  jurisdiction. 

It  was  resolved,  in  October,  that  Hammonasset  should  be  a 
town.  The  same  month,  twelve  planters,  principally  from  Hart- 
ford, Windsor,  and  Guilford,  fixed  their  residence  there.  It  was 
aftenn'ards  named  Killingworth.  At  the  October  session,  1703, 
the  assembly  gave  them  a  patent,  confirming  to  the  proprietors  all 
the  lands  within  the  limits  of  the  town.^ 

While  these  affairs  were  transacted  in  Connecticut,  the  colony 
of  New-Haven  persisted  in  their  opposition  to  an  incorporation 
with  that  government.  On  the  22d  of  October,  their  general  court 
convened,  and  governor  Leet  acquainted  the  court,  that,  since  the 
meeting  of  the  commissioners,  their  committee  had  written  to 
Connecticut  to  the  following  effect:  That  as  the  commissioners 
had  unanimously  established  the  confederation,  and  the  distinct 
and  entire  jurisdiction  of  each  confederate  colony,  they  judged, 
that  it  would  not  be  unacceptable  to  present  to  their  general  as- 

<  The  name  oiiginally  designed  was  Kennelworth,  and  thus  it  is  written,  for 
some  years,  on  the  records  of  the  colony,  b' .t  by  mistake  it  was  recorded  Killing- 
worth,  and  this  name  finally  prevailed. 


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HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


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sembly  our  request,  that  they  would  act  in  conformity  to  the  ad> 
vice  of  the  commissioners,  and  recall  all  former  acts,  inconsistent 
with  their  determinations.  They  insisted,  that  a  compliance  with 
their  wishes  would  be  no  obstruction  to  an  amicable  treaty  j,  but 
that  its  tendency  would  be  sooner  to  effect  the  union,  which  they 
desired:  That  it  could,  by  no  means,  endanger  their  patent,  nor 
any  of  their  chartered  rights;  and  that  they  had  the  countenance 
of  all  the  confederates,  to  apologize  for  them  in  their  present  re- 
quest, and  in  maintaining  their  rights,  as  a  distinct  jurisdiction. 
Governor  Leet  further  certified  the  court,  that  their  committee  had  ' 
desired  an  answer  to  their  letter,  before  the  present  session  of  their 
general  court,  and  previously  to  their  answering  the  proposals 
made  to  them  by  Connecticut. 

The  freemen  of  the  colony  of  New-Haven  were  not  only  op- 
posed to  an  incorporation  with  Connecticut,  but  even  to  treating 
with  them,  under  the  then  present  circumstances. 

The  court,  after  a  long  and  serious  debate,  considering,  that 
the  general  court  of  Connecticut  had  not  complied  with  their  re- 
quest, but  still  claimed  a  right  of  jurisdiction  over  them,  and 
countenanced  the  malcontents  in  their  several  towns,  were  de- 
cidedly against  any  further  treaty.  The  following  resolution  was 
adopted.  "  That  no  treaty  be  made,  by  this  colony,  with  Connect- 
icut, before  such  acts  of  power,  exerted  by  them,  upon  any  of  our 
towns,  be  revoked  and  recalled,  according  to  the  honorable  Mr. 
Winthrop's  letter  engaging  the  same,  the  commissioners'  deter- 
mination, and  our  frequent  desires." 

The  court  ordered,  that  the  magistrates,  or  other  officers,  where 
there  were  no  magistrates,  should  issue  warrants,  according  to 
law,  to  attach  the  personal  estate  of  those  who,  upon  legal  demand, 
had  refused,  or  should  refuse  to  make  payment  of  their  rates.  It 
was  provided,  that,  in  case  of  resistance  and  forcible  rescue,  vio- 
lence should  not  be  used  to  the  shedding  of  blood,  unless  it  were 
in  a  man's  own  defence.  The  court  further  determined  to  make 
application  to  his  majesty  for  redress.  The  plan  adopted  by  the 
court,  as  circumstances  tlien  were,  was  to  petition  the  king  for  a 
bill  of  exemption  from  the  government  of  Connecticut,  and  to 
leave  the  affair  of  procuring  a  patent,  for  that  colony,  to  the  wis- 
dom of  their  agents  in  England,  as  they  should  judge  to  be  most 
expedient. 

A  tax  of  300  pounds  was  levied  upon  the  colony,  for  the  purpose 
of  enabling  them  to  prosecute  the  affair  before  his  majesty  in 
council. 

A  day  of  extraordinary  fasting  and  prayer  was  appointed  to 
supplicate  divine  mercy,  for  the  afflicted  people  of  God  universally, 
and  especially  for  themselves,  that  they  might  be  directed  to  the 
proper  means  of  obtaining  an  established  and  permanent  enjoy- 
ment of  their  just  rights  and  privileges.  - 


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The  alTuira  o(  the  colony  of  Ncw-lluvcii  were  now  exceedingly 
enibu*  ruNHcil,  unci  upproucliing  lo  un  iniportunl  criHin.  The  colony 
WUH  much  in  debt.  Iuxch  imd  nut  been  pnnctuully  collecteU. 
Muny  were  diiiuitcctcd  with  the  Kuverntncnt,  and  rcluiicd  to  pay 
uny  ihinj;  for  itit  mipport.  When  the  ot)icer.s  ul  New-iiuven  at- 
tempted to  collect  the  tuxen,  which  had  been  imposed,  they  re- 
paired  lo  Connecticut  for  protection;  and,  with  too  little  appear- 
ance of  juHticc,  or  brotherly  uitection,  were  protected,  by  itn  Icgis- 
lature.  liuleed  the  colony  was  ho  reduced,  tliat  it  coult  not  pay  the 
stated  Maluriett  of  its  principal  oliicers.  While  the  court  expressed 
their  ardent  desires,  were  it  in  their  power,  to  give  the  governors 
the  fidl  salary,  which  had  been  usual,  yet,  considering  the  low  state 
of  the  colony,  and  the  numbers  withdrawn  from  them,  they  judgeil 
they  were  not  able  to  give  the  governor  more  than  forty  pounds, 
and  the  ilei)Uty  governor  not  more  than  ten. 

No  sooner  did  the  otVicers  begin  to  distrain  the  rates  of  those 
who  refused  to  pay,  than  it  produced  the  most  alarming  and  dan- 
gerous consequences.  Une  John  Rossitcr  of  liuilford,  and  his 
son,  bold  and  disorderly  men,  who  hail  been  punished  for  misde- 
meanors, by  the  authority  of  the  colony  of  Ncw-llaven,  made  u 
joiuiiey  to  ilarlford,  and  obtained  two  of  the  magistrates  of  Con- 
necticut, a  constable,  and  several  others,  to  come  down  to  Guil- 
ford, on  the  night  of  the  30th  of  December.  Jiy  tiring  a  number 
of  guns  in  the  night,  they  greatly  alarmed  and  disturbed  the  town. 
Some  of  the  men,  from  Connecticut,  were  rough,  and  used  high 
and  threatening  language,  in  such  a  crisis,  governor  Leet  judged 
it  expedient  to  send  immediately  to  Urnnford  and  Ncw-liaven,  for 
assistance,  iiotli  the  towns  were  alarmed,  in  the  dead  time  of 
night,  and  forwarded  men  to  the  aitl  of  the  governor.  The  gover- 
nor and  magistrates  conducted  atVairs  with  such  moderation  and 
prudence,  that  no  mischief  was  done.  The  gentlemen  from  Con- 
necticut remonstrated  against  collecting  taxes  from  those,  who 
had  been  taken  under  the  protection  of  that  colony,  and  desired 
New-Haven  to  suspend  the  ati'air  for  further  consideration. 

(Jovernor  Leet  therefore  convoked  a  special  court,  at  New- 
Haven,  on  the  7th  of  January,  1664.  He  opened  the  public  busi- 
ness, by  acquainting  the  court,  that  it  was  the  earnest  desire  of  the 
magistrates  from  Connecticut,  and  of  Mr.  Rossitcr  and  his  son, 
that  the  act  of  the  general  court  of  New-Have  1,  relative  to  the  dis- 
tr.iining  of  taxes,  might  be  suspended,  until  there  could  be  an- 
other conference  between  the  colonies;  at  which,  they  were  in 
expectation,  that  all  diilicultics  might  be  amicably  settled.  He 
also  laiil  before  the  court  the  representations  which  the  gentlemen 
from  Connecticut  had  made  of  the  great  danger  there  would  be, 
in  carrying  that  act  into  execution,  in  direct  opposition  to  the  au- 
thority of  Connecticut.  It  was  desired,  that  the  court  would  ma- 
turely consider  the  affair. 


lW.3| 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


319 


The  cuurl  iriHiHlcil,  thut  all  former  treaties  with  Connecticut  had 
been  without  any  good  effect;  and  persisted  in  tlie  resolution, 
that,  until  the  members,  which  had  been  so  unrighteously  taken 
from  them,  hIiouUI  be  restored,  they  would  hold  no  further  treaty 
with  that  colony/  Mr.  Davenport  and  Mr.  Street  were  appointed 
to  make  a  draught  of  their  grievances,  to  be  transmitted  to  the 
lioneral  Assembly  of  Connecticut.  It  was  to  be  examined  and  ap- 
proved by  such  a  number  of  their  committee,  as  could  be  convened 
upon  the  occasion.  They  drew  up  a  long  and  sensible  remon- 
strance, which  they  termed  "  New-Haven  case  stated."  The 
subject  was  introduced  with  a  declaration  to  this  effect:  That  it 
was  their  deep  sense  of  the  injuries,  which  the  colony  had  suffered, 
by  the  claims  and  encroachments,  which  had  been  made  upon 
their  just  prerogatives  and  privileges,  which  had  induced  I'lt-m, 
unanimously,  though  with  great  reluctance,  to  declare  uieir 
grievances  unto  them.  They  proceeded  then,  to  declare,  that 
they  settled  at  New-Haven,  with  the  consent  of  Connecticut;  had 
purchased  the  whole  tract  of  land,  which  they  had  settled  upon  the 
sea  coast,  of  the  Indians,  the  original  proprietors  of  the  soil;  and 
had  quietly  possessed  it  nearly  six  and  twenty  years:  That  they 
had  expended  great  estates,  in  clearing,  fencing,  and  cultivating 
the  lands,  without  any  assistance  from  Connecticut;  and  had 
formed  themselves,  by  voluntary  compact,  into  a  distinct  com- 
monwealth. They  then  proceeded  to  state  a  great  variety  of  in- 
stances, in  which  Connecticut,  the  united  colonies,  the  parliament, 
and  protector,  the  kinjr  and  his  council,  had  owned  them  as  a  dis- 
tinct colony.  They  insisted  that,  notwithstanding,  they  had  now 
procured  a  patent  includmg  New-Haven,  not  only  without  their 
concurrence,  but  contrary  to  their  minds,  previously  expressed; 
contrary  to  the  express  articles  of  the  confederation,  and  to  their 
own  engagements,  not  to  include  them  in  the  charter.  P'urther 
they  afllirmed,  that  Mr.  Winthrop,  before  his  dep^arture  for  Eng- 
land, had,  by  his  letters,  given  assurance,  that  it  was  not  designed 
to  include  New-Haven  in  the  patent;  and  that  the  magistrates  of 
Connecticut  had  agreed,  that,  if  the  patent  should  include  them, 
they  should  be  at  full  liberty  to  incorporate  with  them  or  not,  as 
should  be  most  agreeable  to  their  inclinations.  They  alleged 
that,  contrary  to  all  the  premises,  to  justice,  to  good  faith,  to  broth- 
erly kindness,  to  the  peace  and  order  of  church  and  conmion- 
wcalth,  Connecticut,  even  in  their  first  assembly,  proceeded  to  the 
dismemberment  of  the  colony  of  New-Haven,  by  receiving  its 
members  from  Stamford,  Guilford,  and  Southhold:  That,  after 
such  dismemberment,  they  had  preposterously  pretended  to  treat 
with  them  relative  to  an  union:  And  that,  after  a  conference  with 
the  committee  from  Connecticut,  and  the  reading  of  their  charter, 
it  did  not  appear  that  they  were  so  much  as  mentioned,  or  that  it 

'  Records  of  New-Haven. 


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'.V- . 


i' 


had  any  reference  to  them.  They  declared  that,  in  a  full  persua- 
sion of  his  majesty's  pleasure,  to  continue  them  a  distinct  jurisdic- 
tion, they  had  assured  the  committee  of  their  desi^^n  to  appeal  to 
him,  and  know  his  royal  purpose:  That,  though  they  immedi- 
ately sent  their  appeal ;  yet  that,  out  of  tender  respect  to  the  peace 
and  honor  of  Mr.  Winthrop,  they  advised  their  friends,  in  Eng- 
land, to  acquaint  him  with  their  papers,  that  he  might  adopt  some 
effectual  expedient,  to  compromise  the  unhappy  differences  be- 
tween the  two  colonies:  And  that  it  was  on  the  account  of  Mr. 
Winthrop's  engagements  to  their  friends,  that  their  rights  and  in- 
terests should  not  be  disquieted  nor  injured,  that  the  appeal  to  his 
majesty  was  then  suspended.^  From  a  statement  of  these,  and 
some  other  facts  and  circumstances,  they  attempted  to  demon- 
strate their  rights,  as  a  distinct  colony,  and  the  injustice,  unfaith- 
fulness, ingratitude,  and  cruelty  of  Connecticut,  in  their  claims 
upon  them,  and  in  the  manner  of  their  prosecuting  them.  Their 
beginning  to  dismember  their  colony,  by  receiving  and  protecting 
their  subjects  and  malcontents,  previous  to  any  treaty  with  them; 
their  appointing  officers,  creating  animosities,  and  raising  alarms 
in  their  several  towns,  were  especially  insisted  on,  as  contrary  to 
all  their  covenants,  as  brethren  and  confederates,  and  contrary  to 
all  order,  peace,  and  justice. 

The  General  Assembly  of  Connecticut,  at  their  session  in  May, 
avowed  their  claim  to  Long-Island,  as  one  of  the  adjoining  islands 
mentioned  in  their  charter,  except  some  preceding  right  should 
appear,  approved  by  his  majesty.  Officers  were  appointed,  by  the 
court  at  Hampstead,  Jamaica,  Newtown,  Flushing,  Oyster-Bay, 
and  all  the  towns  upon  the  west  end  of  the  island. 

Upon  the  general  election  at  New-Haven,  May  25th,  the  free- 
men proceeded  to  the  choice  of  their  civil  officers,  as  had  been 
usual.  Governor  Leet  was  rechosen,  and  Mr.  William  Jones  was 
elected  deputy-governor.  Matthew  Gilbert,  Esq.  the  former 
deputy-governor,  Mr.  Benjamin  Fenn,  Mr.  Jasper  Crane,  Mr. 
Treat,  and  Mr.  Nash,  were  appointed  magistrates.  The  two  last 
would  not  accept  the  office.  The  governor  and  deputy-governor 
were  chosen  commissioners  for  the  next  meeting  at  Hartford. 
The  colony  was  now  become  so  weak,  and  the  affairs  of  it  so  em- 
barrassed, by  the  claims  and  proceedings  of  Connecticut,  that  the 
general  court  either  did  no  business,  or  jndged  it  expedient  to 
put  nothing  upon  record. 

In  this  situation  of  affairs,  an  event  took  place,  which  alarmed 
all  the  New-England  colonies,  and  at  once  changed  the  opinions 
of  the  commissioners,  and  of  New-Haven,  with  respect  to  their 
incorporation  with  Connecticut. 

King  Charles  the  second,  on  the  12th  of  March,  1664,  gave  a 
patent  to  his  brother,  the  Duke  of  York  and  Albany,  of  several  ex- 

'  Records  of  New-Haven. 


16*4] 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


lit 


tensive  tracts  of  land,  in  North  America,  the  boundaries  of  which 
are  thus  described. 

"  All  th{  t  part  of  the  main  land  of  New-England,  beginning  at 
a  certain  place,  called  and  known  by  the  name  of  St.  Croix,  next 
adjoining  to  New-England  in  America,  and  from  thence  extend- 
ing along  the  sea  coast  unto  a  certain  place  called  Pemaquie  or 
Pemaquid,  and  so  up  the  river  thereof,  to  the  furthest  head  of  the 
same,  as  it  tendeth  northward ;  and  extending  from  thence  to  the 
river  Kembequin,  and  so  upwards  by  the  shortest  course  to  the 
river  Canada,  northward :  and  also,  all  that  island  or  islands,  com- 
monly called  by  the  general  name  or  names  of  Meitowax,  or 
Long-Island,  situate  and  being  toward  the  west  of  Cape  Cod,  and 
the  narrow  Highgansets,  abutting  upon  the  main  land  between  the 
two  rivers  there  called  or  known  by  the  several  names  of  Con- 
necticut and  Hudson's  river,  and  all  the  land  from  the  west  side  of 
Connecticut  river  to  the  east  side  of  Delaware  bay,  and  also  all 
those  several  islands  called  or  known  by  the  names  of  Martin's 
Vineyard  or  Nantucks,  otherwise  Nantucket :  together,"  &c. 

The  concern  of  the  Duke  of  York  for  his  property,  the  aversion 
both  of  his  majesty  and  the  duke  to  the  Dutch,  with  the  differ- 
ences between  them  and  the  New-England  colonies,  made  an  ex- 
pedition against  the  New-Netherlands  a  prime  object  of  their 
attention.  Though  his  majesty  king  Charles  II.  was  an  indolent 
prince,  devoted  to  dissipation  and  pleasure,  yet,  under  the  in- 
fluence of  these  motives,  an  armament  was  soon  prepared,  and  a 
fleet  dispatched  to  New-England,  for  the  reduction  of  the  Dutch 
settlements  on  the  continent.  Colonel  Richard  Nichols  was  chief 
commander  of  the  fleet  and  army.  Colonel  Nichols  had  not  only 
a  commission,  for  the  reduction  of  the  Dutch  plantations,  and  the 
government  of  them,  but  he,  with  George  Cartwrith,  Esq.  Sir 
Robert  Carr,  and  Samuel  Maverick,  Esq.  were  appointed  com- 
missioners, by  his  majesty,  and  vested  with  extraordinary  powers, 
for  visiting  the  New-England  colonies;  hearinfr  and  determining 
all  matters  of  complaint  and  controversy  betwt>.n  them,  and  set- 
tling the  country  in  peace.* 

Colonel  Nichols  arrived  at  Boston,  with  the  fleet  and  troops 
under  his  command,  on  the  23d  of  July,  1664.  He  immediately 
communicated  his  commission  to  the  colonies,  and  his  majesty's 
requisition  of  troops,  to  assist  in  the  expedition  against  the  Dutch. 
He  then  sailed  for  the  New-Netherlands,  and  on  the  20th  of  Au- 
gust, made  a  demand  of  the  town  and  forts  upon  the  island  of 
Manhadoes.  He  had  previously  sent  letters  to  governor  Win- 
Ihrop  to  join  him,  at  the  west  end  of  Long-Island.  Governor  Win- 
throp,  with  several  of  the  magistrates  and  principal  gentlemen  of 
Connecticut,  joined  him,  according  to  his  wishes. 

Stuyvesant,  the  Dutch  governor,  was  an  old  soldier,  and  had  he 

'  No.  xiii.  and  hit  tnajeity'*  letter  No.  xiv. 


, 

'1  '■'■'*■  Hi i.  ■ 


'tir*«l%| 


I'-- 

i;:itn 


h  'i'it<<tf| 


J  v; 


,1  :X' 
.(fi ,  > 


222 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


[1664 


i'  « 


K* 


i'"^ 


been  better  prepared,  and  the  people  united,  doubtless  would  have 
made  a  brave  defence.  But  he  had  no  intimations  of  the  design, 
until  the  8th  of  July,  when  he  received  intelligence,  that  a  fleet  of 
three  or  four  ships  of  war,  with  three  hundred  and  fifty  soldiers  on 
board,  were  about  to  sail  from  England,  against  the  Dutch  settle- 
ments. Upon  this,  he  immediately  ordered  that  the  forts  should 
be  put  into  a  state  of  defence,  and  sent  out  spies  into  several  parts 
of  Connecticut,  with  a  view  of  obtaining  further  information.  In- 
deed, the  tradition  has  been,  that  the  Dutch  governor,  apprehend- 
ing the  danger  in  which  all  the  Dutch  plantations  would  imme- 
diately be,  on  the  arrival  of  the  fleet,  should  the  colonies  unite 
against  them,  came  to  Hartford  to  negotiate  a  neutrality  with  Con- 
necticut; and  that  he  was  there  when  he  received  the  news  of  the 
arrival  of  the  fleet  at  Boston.  The  story  has  been,  that  he  made 
his  departure  in  the  night,  and  returned  with  the  utmost  expedi- 
tion. 

He  was  extremely  opposed  to  a  surrender  of  the  fort  and  town. 
Instead  of  submitting  to  the  summons  at  first  sent  him,  he  drew 
up  a  long  statement  of  the  Dutch  claims,  and  their  indubitable 
right  to  the  country.  He  insisted  that,  had  the  king  of  England 
known  the  justice  of  their  claims,  he  never  would  have  adopted 
such  measures  against  them.  He  concluded,  by  assuring  colonel 
Nichols,  that  he  should  not  submit  to  his  demands,  nor  fear  any 
evils,  but  such  as  God,  in  his  providence,  should  inflict  upon  him.* 

Colonel  Nichols,  in  his  first  summons,  had,  in  his  majesty's 
name,  given  assurance,  that  the  Dutch,  upon  their  submission, 
should  be  safe,  as  to  life,  liberty,  and  property.  Governor  Win- 
throp  also  wrote  a  letter  to  the  governor  and  council,  advising 
them  to  surrender.  But  they  were  careful  to  secrete  the  writings 
from  the  people,  lest  the  easy  terms  proposed,  should  induce  them 
to  surrender.  The  burgo-masters  and  people  desired  to  know  of 
the  governor,  what  was  the  import  of  the  writings  he  had  re- 
ceived, and  especially  of  the  letter  from  governor  Winthrop.  The 
Dutch  governor  and  his  council  giving  them  no  intelligence,  they 
solicited  it  still  more  earnestly.  The  governor,  irritated  at  this, 
in  a  paroxysm  of  anger,  tore  the  letter  in  pieces.  Upon  which  the 
people  protested  against  his  conduct,  and  all  its  consequences. 

While  the  governor  and  his  council  were  thus  contending  with 
the  burgo-masters  and  people,  in  the  town,  the  English  commis- 
sioners caused  a  proclamation  to  be  published,  in  the  country,  en- 
couraging the  inhabitants  to  submit  to  his  majesty's  government. 
This  promised  to  all  the  inhabitants,  who  would  become  subject 
to  his  majesty,  "  that  they  should  be  protected  by  his  majesty's 
laws  and  justice,  and  peaceably  enjoy  whatever  God's  blessing, 
and  their  honest  industry,  had  furnished  them  with,  and  all  the 
other  privileges  with  his  majesty's  English  subjects." 
'  Smith's  History  of  New- York,  p.  12,  14. 


I664J 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


223 


The  colonel,  finding  that  the  Dutch  governor  was  determined, 
if  possible,  to  keep  his  station,  sent  officers  to  Jamaica,  Hamp- 
stead,  and  other  towns,  upon  the  island,  to  beat  up  for  volunteers. 
Captain  Hugh  Hyde,  who  commanded  the  ships,  had  orders  to 
proceed  to  the  reduction  of  the  fort.^  Troops  were  raised  in  New- 
England,  and  ready  to  march  upon  the  first  notice.  Two  thirds  of 
the  inhabitants  upon  Long-Island  were  English  subjects,  and 
wished  for  the  success  of  his  majesty's  arms.  They  were  ready,  if 
necessary,  to  afford  their  immediate  assistance.  In  such  circum- 
stances, opposition  would  have  been  madness.  The  Dutch  there- 
fore, on  the  27th  of  August,  submitted  on  terms  of  capitulation. 
Th"  articles  secured  them  in  the  enjoyment  of  liberty  of  conscience 
in  divine  worship,  and  their  own  mode  of  discipline.  The  Dutch 
governor  and  people  became  English  subjects,  enjoyed  their  es- 
tates, and  all  the  privileges  of  Englishmen.  Upon  the  surrender 
of  the  town  of  New-Amsterdam,  it  was  named  New- York,  in 
honor  to  the  duke  of  York. 

Part  of  the  armament  immediately  sailed  up  the  river,  under  the 
command  of  Carteret,  to  fort  Orange,  or  Aurania.  This  surren- 
dered on  the  24th  of  September.  This  was  named  Albany,  in 
honor  to  the  duke  of  York  and  Albany.  Sir  Robert  Carr  pro- 
ceeded with  another  division  of  the  fleet  to  Delaware.  He  obliged 
the  Dutch  and  Swedes  to  capitulate,  and  deliver  up  their  respec- 
tive garrisons,  on  the  ist  of  October.  Upon  this  day,  the  whole  of 
New-Netherlands  became  subject  to  the  crown  of  England.  The 
Dutch,  who  before  had  given  so  much  trouble  to  the  English  col- 
onists, from  this  time,  commenced  their  loyal  and  peaceable  fel- 
low subjects. 

The  short  time  the  commissioners  tarried  at  Boston,  before  they 
proceeded  upon  their  expedition  against  the  Dutch,  was  sufficient 
to  discover  something  of  their  extraordinary  powers,  and  such  a 
taste  of  the  high  and  arbitrary  manner  in  which  they  conducted, 
as  spread  a  general  alarm,  and  awakened,  in  the  colonies,  serious 
apprehensions  for  their  liberties.  Mr.  Whiting,  who  was  at  Bos- 
ton, and  learned  much  of  their  temper,  was  sent  back,  in  haste, 
to  give  information  of  the  danger,  in  which,  it  was  apprehended, 
the  colonies  all  were;  to  advise  New-Haven  to  incorporate  with 
Connecticut,  without  delay;  and  to  make  a  joint  exertion  for  the 
preservation  of  their  chartered  rights.  This  was  pressed,  not 
only  as  absolutely  necessary  for  New-Haven,  but  for  the  general 
safety  of  the  country.  " 

In  consequence  of  this  intelligence,  a  general  court  was  con- 
vened at  New-Haven,  on  the  nth  of  August,  1664.  Governor 
Leet  communicated  the  intelligence  which  he  had  received  from 
their  friends  at  Boston.  He  acquainted  them  that  Mr.  Whiting 
and  Mr.  Bull  had  made  a  visit  to  New-Haven,  and  in  their  own 
>  Smith's  History  of  New- York,  p.  10,  22. 


y 


'  <^ 


Hi^dw 


C» 


-■  I 


H<l>l%* 


224 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


[1664 


r  ■ !' 


names,  and  in  behalf  of  the  magistrates  of  Connecticut,  pressed 
their  immediate  subjection  to  their  government.  Further,  the 
court  was  certified,  that  after  some  treaty  with  those  gentlemen, 
their  committee  had  given  an  answer,  purporting,  that,  if  Connect- 
icut would,  in  his  majesty's  name,  assert  their  claim  to  the  colony 
of  New-Haven,  and  secure  them  in  the  full  enjoyment  of  all  the 
immunities,  which  they  had  proposed,  and  engage  to  make  a 
united  exertion,  for  the  preservation  of  their  chartered  rights,  they 
would  make  their  submission.  After  a  long  debate  the  court  re- 
solved, that,  if  Connecticut  should  come  and  assert  their  claim,  as 
had  been  agreed,  they  would  submit  until  the  meeting  of  the  com- 
missioners of  the  united  colonies.  The  magistrates  and  principal 
gentlemen  of  the  colony,  seem  to  have  been  sensible,  not  only  of 
the  expediency,  but  necessity  of  aii  incorporation  with  Connecti- 
cut. The  opposition,  however,  was  so  general  among  the  people, 
that  nothing  further  could  be  effected. 

The  court  of  commissioners  was  so  near  at  hand,  that  governor 
Winthrop  and  his  council  judged  it  not  expedient  to  make  any 
further  demands  upon  New-Haven,  until  their  advice  could  be 
known.  However,  when  the  general  assembly  met,  early  in  Sep- 
tember, they  passed  a  remonstrance  against  the  sitting  of  governor 
Leet  and  deputy  governor  Jones  with  the  commissioners.  In  the 
remonstrance  they  declared,  that  New-Haven  was  not  a  colony, 
but  a  part  of  Connecticut,  and  avowed  their  claim  to  it  as  such. 
They  insisted,  that  owning  that  as  a  colony,  distinct  from  Con- 
necticut, after  his  majesty  had,  by  his  letters  patent,  incorporated 
it  with  that  colony,  was  inconsistent  with  the  king's  pleasure; 
would  endanger  the  rights  of  all  the  colonies,  and  especially  the 
charter-rights  of  Connecticut.  The  assembly,  at  the  same  time, 
declared,  that  they  would  have  a  tender  regard  to  their  honored 
friends  and  brethren,  at  New-Haven,  and  exert  themselves  to  ac- 
commodate them,  with  all  the  immunities  and  privileges  which 
were  conveyed  by  their  charter. 

On  the  1st  of  September,  the  court  of  commissioners  met  at 
Hartford.  The  commissioners  from  New-Haven  were  allowed 
their  seats  with  the  other  confederates.  The  case  of  New-Haven 
and  Connecticut  was  fully  heard,  and  though  the  court  did  not 
approve  of  the  manner,  in  which  Connecticut  had  proceeded,  yet 
they  earnestly  pressed  a  speedy  and  amicable  union  of  the  two 
colonies.  They  represented,  that  the  divine  honor,  and  the  welfare 
of  all  the  colonies,  as  well  as  their  own,  were  greatly  concerned  in 
the  event. 

To  remove  all  obstructions  on  their  part,  the  commissioners 
recommended  it  to  the  general  courts  of  Massachusetts  and  Plym- 
outh, that,  in  case  the  colony  of  New-Haven  should  incorporate 
with  Connecticut,  they  might  then  be  owned  as  one  colony,  and 
send  two  commissioners  to  each  meeting;  and  that  the  determina- 


!5,  i 


1664] 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


225 


tions  of  any  four  of  the  six,  should  be  equally  binding  on  the  con- 
federates, as  the  conclusions  of  six  out  of  eight,  had  been  before. 
It  was  also  proposed  to  the  court,  that  the  meeting,  which  of 
course  had  been  at  New-Haven,  should  be  at  Hartford.* 

In  compliance  with  the  advice  of  the  commissioners,  governor 
Leet  convened  the  general  court  at  New-Haven,  on  the  14th  of 
September,  and  communicated  the  advice  which  had  been  given, 
and  papers  from  the  committee  of  Connecticut,  advising  and  urg- 
ing them  to  unite.  They  referred  it  to  their  most  serious  consid- 
eration, whether,  if  the  king's  commissioners  should  visit  them, 
they  would  not  be  much  better  able  to  vindicate  their  liberty  and 
just  rights,  in  union  with  Connecticut,  under  a  royal  patent,  than 
in  their  then  present  circumstances.  Many  insisted,  notwith- 
standing, "  That  to  stand  as  God  had  kept  them  to  that  time  was 
their  best  way."  Others  were  entirely  of  the  contrary  opinion, 
and  after  the  fullest  discussion  of  the  subject,  no  vote  for  union  or 
treaty  could  be  obtained. 

New-Haven  and  Brahford  were  more  fixed  and  obstinate  in 
their  opposition  to  an  incorporation  with  Connecticut,  than  any 
o  *e  other  towns  in  that  colony.  Mr.  Davenport  and  Mr.  Pier- 
;  em  to  have  been  among  its  chief  supporters.  They,  with 
'1  v,  of  the  inhabitants  of  the  colony,  were  more  rigid,  with  re- 
spect to  the  terms  of  church  communion,  than  the  ministers  and 
churches  of  Connecticut  generally  were.  The  ministers  and; 
churches  in  Connecticut  were,  a  considerable  number  of  them,  in ; 
favor  of  the  propositions  of  the  general  council,  which  met  at  Cam- 
bridge, in  1662,  relative  to  the  baptism  of  children,  whose  parents 
were  not  in  full  communion.  The  ministers  and  churches  of  New- 
Haven  were  universally  and  utterly  against  them.  Mr.  Daven- 
port, and  others  in  this  colony,  were  also  strong  in  the  opinion, 
that  all  government  should  be  in  the  church.  No  person  in  this 
colony  could  be  a  freeman,  unless  he  were  a  member  in  full  com- 
munion. But  in  Connecticut,  all  orderly  persons,  possessing  a 
freehold  to  a  certain  amount,  might  be  made  free  of  the  corpora- 
tion. Those  gentlemen,  who  were  so  strong  in  the  opposition, 
were,  doubtless,  jealous  that  an  union  would  mar  the  purity,  or- 
der, and  beauty  of  their  churches,  and  have  an  ill  influence  on  the 
civil  administrations.  The  removal  of  the  seat  of  government; 
the  apprehension  which  some  had  of  losing  their  places  of  trust 
and  general  influence;  with  strong  prejudices  and  passions' 
against  Connecticut,  on  acrount  of  the  injuries,  which  it  was  con- 
ceived it  had  done  the  colony,  all  operated  in  forming  the  opposi- 
tion. Besides,  it  was  a  painful  reflection,  that,  after  they  had  been  ! 
at  so  much  pains  and  expense  to  form  and  support  themselves  as  a 
distinct  commonwealth,  and  had  been  so  many  years  owned  as 
one,  their  existence  must  cease  and  their  name  be  obliterated. 

'  Records  of  the  united  colonies.    It  wm  detennined,  at  this  court,  that  their 
meetings,  for  the  future,'  should  be  triennial. 


\y 


I  llirtmi^ 


I  iKllH'l 


*     ■     51 


236 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


[1664 


This  event,  however,  was  hastening,  and  grew  more  and  more 
urgent.  Milford,  at  this  time,  broke  off  from  them,  and  would  no 
more  send  either  magistrate  or  deputies  to  the  general  court. 
J  Mr.  Richard  Law,  a  principal  gentleman  at  Stamford,  also  de- 
serted them. 

In  this  state  of  affairs,  the  general  assembly  of  Connecticut  con- 
vened, on  the  13th  of  October.  This  was  an  important  crisis  with 
the  colony.  In  few  instances,  have  so  many  important  objects  of 
consideration,  at  one  time,  presented  themselves  to  a  legislature. 
Their  liberties  were  not  only  in  equal  danger  with  those  of  their 
sister  colonies,  from  the  extraordinary  powers,  and  arbitrary  dis- 
positions and  measures  of  the  king's  commissioners,  but  the  duke 
of  York,  a  powerful  antagonist,  had  received  a  patent,  covering 
Long-Island  and  all  that  part  of  the  colony  west  of  Connecticut 
river.  The  Massachusetts  were  encroaching  upon  them  on  their 
northern  and  eastern  boundaries.  William  and  Anne,  the  duke 
and  dutchess  of  Hamilton,  had  petitioned  his  majesty  to  restore  to 
them  the  tract  of  country  granted  to  their  father,  James,  marquis 
of  Hamilton,  in  the  year  1635;  and  his  majesty  had,  on  the  6th  of 
May,  1664,  referred  the  case  to  the  determination  of  colonel 
Nichols  and  the  other  commissioners.^  Besides,  the  state  of  af- 
fairs with  New-Haven  was  neither  comfortable  nor  safe. 

In  these  circumstances,  the  legislature  viewed  it  as  a  point  of 
capital  importance  to  conciliate  the  commissioners,  and  obtain  the 
good  graces  of  his  majesty.  For  this  purpose,  they  ordered  a 
present  of  five  hundred  bushels  of  com,  to  be  made  to  the  king's 
commissioners.  A  large  committee  was  appointed  to  settle  the 
boundaries  between  Connecticut  and  the  duke  of  York.  A  com- 
mittee, consisting  of  Mr.  Allen,  Mr.  Wyllys,  Mr.  Talcott,  and  Mr. 
Newbury,  was  also  appointed  to  settle  the  boundary  line  between 
this  colony  and  Massachusetts,  and  between  Connecticut  and 
Rhode-Island.  They  were  instructed  not  to  give  away  any  part 
of  the  lands,  included  within  the  limits  of  the  charter. 

Mr.  Sherman,  Mr.  Allen,  and  the  secretary,  were  authorised 
to  proceed  to  New-Haven,  and,  by  order  of  the  general  assembly, 
"  in  his  majesty's  name,  to  require  the  inhabitants  of  New-Haven, 
Milford,  Branford,  Guilford,  and  Stamford,  to  submit  to  the  gov- 
ernment established  by  his  majesty's  gracious  grant  to  this  colony, 
and  to  receive  their  answer."  They  had  instructions  to  de  :Iare  all 
the  freemen,  in  those  towns,  free  of  the  corpoiation  of  Connecti- 
cut; and  to  make  all  others,  in  the  respective  towns  nieutioned, 
qualified  according  to  law,  freemen  of  Connecticut.  At  the  same 
time,  they  were  directed  to  administer  to  them  the  freeman's  oath. 

Besides,  they  were  authorised  to  make  declaration,  that  the  as- 
sembly did  invest  William  Leet  and  William  Jones,  Esquires,  Mr. 
Gilbert,  Mr.  Fenn,  Mr.  Crane,  Mr.  Treat,  and  Mr.  Law,  with  the 

« No.  XV. 


K?» 


I664J 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


ad; 


powers  of  magistracy;  to  govern  their  respective  plantations 
agreeably  to  the  laws  of  Connecticut,  or  such  of  their  own  laws,  as 
were  not  inconsistent  with  the  charter,  until  their  session  in  May 
next.  It  was  proclaimed  also,  that  all  other  officers,  civil  and  mili- 
tary, were  established  in  their  respective  places;  and  that  cog- 
nizance should  not  be  taken  of  any  case  which  had  been  prose- 
cut  1,  to  a  final  adjudication,  in  any  of  the  courts  of  that  colony.^ 

The  gentlemen  appointed  to  this  service,  on  the  19th  of  Novem- 
ber, went  to  New-Haven,  and  proceeded  according  to  their  in- 
structions. 

About  the  same  time.  Governor  Winthrop,  Mr.  Allen,  Mr. 
Gould,  Mr.  Richards,  and  John  Winthrop,  the  committee  ap- 
pointed to  settle  the  boundaries  between  Connecticut  and  New- 
York,  waited  on  the  commissioners  upon  York  Island.  After 
they  had  been  fully  heard,  in  behalf  of  Connecticut,  the  commis- 
sioners determined,  November  30th,  "  That  the  southern  bounds 
of  his  majesty's  colony  of  Connecticut,  is  the  sea;  and  that  Long- 
Island  is  to  be  under  the  government  of  his  royal  highness,  the 
duke  of  York,  as  is  expressed  by  plain  words  in  the  said  patents 
respectively.  We  also  order  and  declare,  that  the  creek  or  river 
called  Mamaronock,  which  is  reputed  to  be  about  twelve  miles  to 
the  east  of  West-Chester,  and  a  line  drawn  from  the  east  point  or 
side,  where  the  fresh  water  falls  into  the  salt,  at  high  water  mark, 
north-north-west,  to  the  line  of  Massachusetts,  be  the  western 
bounds  of  the  said  colony  of  Connecticut;  and  the  plantations  ly- 
ing westward  of  that  creek,  and  line  so  drawn,  to  be  under  his 
royal  highness's  government;  and  all  plantations  lying  eastward 
of  that  creek  and  line,  to  be  under  the  government  of  Connecti- 
cut* 

In  consequence  of  the  acts  of  Connecticut,  and  the  determina- 
tion of  the  commissioners,  relative  to  the  boundaries  of  the  colony, 
a  general  court  was  called  at  New-Haven,  with  the  freemen,  and 
as  many  of  the  inhabitants  of  the  colony  as  chose  to  attend,  on  the 
13th  of  December,  1664.  The  following  resolutions  were  then 
unanimously  passed. 

1.  "  That,  by  this  act  or  vote,  we  be  not  understood  to  justify 
Connecticut's  former  actings,  nor  any  thing  disorderly  done  by 
their  own  people,  on  such  recounts." 

2.  "  That,  by  it,  we  be  not  apprehended  to  have  any  hand  in 
breaking  or  dissolving  the  confederation." 

3.  "  Yet,  in  loyalty  to  the  king's  majesty,  when  an  authentic 
copy  of  the  determination  of  his  majesty's  commissioners  is  pub- 
lished, to  be  recorded  with  us,  if  thereby  it  shall  appear  to  our 
committee,  that  we  are,  by  his  majesty's  authority,  now  put  under 
Connecticut  patent,  we  shall  submit,  by  a  necessity  brought  upon 
us,  by  the  means  of  Connecticut  aforesaid;  but  with  a  salvo  jure 

'  Records  of  Connecticut  i  '  No.  XVI. 


^..••:i 


'*■■  ' '  '1 1 


i    \l 


'•'ii'i 


I 


Ah' 


»u 


I 


i 

I 

i 

H  ■■'■ '. 

fr  ■:■■::: 


W,i 


Ik'- 


I' 


■  t. 


H 


228 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


I1664 


of  our  former  rights  and  claims,  as  a  people,  who  have  not  yet 
been  heard  in  point  of  plea."  ^ 

The  members  of  the  court,  then  present,  the  elders  of  the  colony, 
with  Mr.  John  Nash,  Mr.  James  Bishop,  Mr.  Francis  Bell,  Mr. 
Robert  Treat,  and  Mr.  Richard  Baldwin,  were  appointed  a  com- 
mittee to  consummate  an  union  between  the  colonies. 

Several  letters  passed  between  the  committees  of  the  two  col- 
onies, on  the  subject,  in  which  the  committee  of  New-Haven  sig- 
nified, that  the  officers  in  that  colony  would  continue  to  act  in  their 
respective  offices,  and  expressed  their  good  designs  and  wishes 
towards  Connecticut,  and  their  loyalty  to  his  majesty.  They  also 
represented  their  expectations,  that  the  governor  and  company, 
according  to  their  engagements,  would  give  them  all  the  advan- 
tages and  privileges  which  they  could  do,  consistent  with  the  pat- 
ent, and  their  desires  still  to  continue  the  confederation.' 

The  committee  of  Connecticut,  in  answer  to  New-Haven,  as- 
sured them  of  their  willingness  to  bestow  on  them  all  the  privi- 
leges granted  in  their  charter,  prepared  ready  to  their  hands. 
They  acquainted  them,  that  provision  had  been  made  for  the  con- 
tinuance of  the  confederation,  according  to  their  wishes.  They 
pleaded  the  necessity  and  importance  of  their  incorporation  with 
Connecticut,  as  they  were  nearly  in  the  centre  of  the  colony,  as  an 
apology  *or  the  measures  which  they  had  taken.  They  expressed 
their  strong  desires  that  New-Haven  would  cordially  unite  with 
them,  and,  by  no  means,  view  it  as  a  matter  of  constraint:  that 
mutual  candour  might  be  exercised;  and  that  all  reflections  and 
past  conduct,  disagreeable  to  either  of  them,  be  entirely  buried  and 
for  ever  forgotten.* 

The  general  assembly  of  Connecticut  appointed  no  committee 
to  meet  with  that  chosen  by  the  general  court  of  New-Haven.  Of 
this  their  committee  complain,  in  their  last  letter.*  However,  at 
a  session  of  theirs,  the  20th  of  April,  1665,  they  passed  several 
resolves,  for  the  further  completion  of  the  union. 

It  was  resolved,  that  William  Leet  and  William  Jones,  Esquires, 
Mr.  Benjamin  Fenn,  Mr.  Matthew  Gilbert,  Mr.  Jasper  Crane,  Mr. 
Alexander  Bryan,  Mr.  Law,  and  Mr.  Robert  Treat,  should  stand 
in  the  nomination  for  magistrates  at  the  next  election. 

The  assembly,  also,  passed  the  following  declaration :  "  That  all 
acts  of  the  authority  of  New-Haven,  which  had  been  uncomfort- 
able to  Connecticut,  should  never  be  called  to  an  account,  but  be 
buried  in  perpetual  oblivion."  " 

The  king's  commissioners  presented  the  following  propositions, 
pr  requisitions,  from  his  majesty,  to  this  assembly. 

J.  "  That  all  householders,  inhabiting  this  colony,  take  the  oath 

»  Records  of  New-Haven.  »  No.  XVII. 

'  Letter  of  Connectieut  to  New-Haven,  No.  XVIII. 

<  No,  XIX,  •  Records  of  Connecticut. 


1665] 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


229 


of  allegiance,  and  that  the  administration  of  justice  be  in  his  maj- 
esty's name." 

2.  "  That  all  men  of  competent  estates  and  of  civil  conversation, 
though  of  different  judgments,  may  be  admitted  to  be  freemen, 
and  have  liberty  to  choose,  or  to  be  chosen  officers,  both  military 
and  civil." 

3.  "  That  all  persons,  of  civil  lives,  may  freely  enjoy  the  liberty 
of  their  consciences,  and  the  worship  of  God  in  that  way  which 
they  think  best;  provided  that  this  liberty  tend  not  to  the  dis- 
turbance of  the  public,  nor  to  the  hindrance  of  the  maintenance  of 
ministers,  regularly  chosen,  in  each  respective  parish  or  town- 
ship." 

4.  "  That  all  laws,  and  expressions  in  laws,  derogatory  to  his 
majesty,  if  any  such  have  been  made,  in  these  troublesome  times, 
may  be  repealed,  altered,  and  taken  oflf  the  file." 

The  assembly  answered  in  the  manner  following. 

1.  "  That  accc  Jing  to  his  majesty's  pleasure,  expressed  in  our 
charter,  our  governor  formerly  appointed  meet  persons  to  admin- 
ister the  oath  of  allegiance,  who  have,  according  to  their  order, 
administered  the  said  oath  to  several  persons  already;  and  the  ad- 
ministration of  justice  among  us  hath  been,  is,  and  shall  be,  in  his 
majesty's  name." 

2.  "  That  our  order  for  the  admission  of  freemen  is  consonant 
with  that  proposition." 

3.  "  We  know  not  of  any  one  that  hath  been  troubled,  by  us, 
for  attending  his  conscience,  provided  h^  hath  not  disturbed  the 
public." 

4.  "  We  know  not  of  any  law,  or  expressions  of  law,  that  are 
derogatory  to  his  majesty  among  us;  but  if  any  such  be  found, 
we  count  i*  our  duty  to  repeal,  alter,  and  take  them  oflf  the  file; 
and  this  we  attended,  upon  the  receipt  of  our  charter." 

About  this  time,  it  seems,  the  council  gave  the  following  answer, 
for  substance,  to  the  commissioners,  relative  to  the  claim  and  peti- 
tion of  the  duke  of  Hamilton :  That  the  grant  of  Connecticut  to 
the  nobles  and  gentlemen,  of  whom  they  purchased,  was  several 
years  prior  to  the  marquis  of  Hamilton's :  That  with  great  diffi- 
culty they  had  conquered  a  potent  and  barbarous  people,  who 
spread  over  a  great  part  of  that  tract  of  country,  which  he  claimed; 
aiiu  :.hat  it  was  but  a  small  compensation,  for  the  blood  and  treas- 
ure which  they  had  expended  in  conquering  it,  and  defending  it 
for  his  majesty's  interest  against  the  Dutch  and  other  foreigners: 
That  they  had  peaceably  enjoyed  that  tract  for  about  thirty  years: 
That  they  had  with  great  labor  and  expense  cultivated  the  lands, 
to  their  own  and  his  majesty's  interest ;  and  that  his  majesty,  of  his 
grace,  had  been  pleased  to  confirm  it  to  them,  by  his  royal  charter, 
in  which  these  reasons  had  been  recognized.* 

•  No.  XX. 


i\ 


ir*W^ 


■M'-, 


"Wk 


■vs 


V 


I'll 


vf'i 


Il 

I 


m 


111 


330 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


[1665 


They  at  the  same  time,  solicited  their  honors,  the  commission- 
ers, to  present  their  humble  acknowledgments  to  his  majesty  for 
his  abundant  grace,  in  the  granting  of  their  charter,  and  for  his 
gracious  letter,  sent  them  by  his  commissioners,  re-ratifying  their 
privileges,  civil  and  ecclesiastical. 

At  the  general  election.  May  nth,  1665,  when  the  two  colonies 
of  Connecticut  and  New-Haven  united  in  one,  the  following  gen- 
tlemen were  chosen  into  office.  John  Winthrop,  Esq.  was  elected 
governor,  John  Mason,  Esq.  deputy  governor,  and  Matthew  Al- 
len, Samuel  Wyllys,  Nathan  Gould,  John  Talcott,  Henry  Wolcott, 
John  Allen,  Samuel  Sherman,  James  Richards,  William  Leet, 
William  Jones,  Benjamin  Fenn,  and  Jasper  Crane,  Esquires, 
magistrates.  John  Talcott,  Esq.  was  treasurer,  and  Daniel  Clark 
secretary. 

A  proportionable  number  of  the  magistrates  were  of  the  former 
colony  of  New-Haven;  all  the  towns  sent  their  deputies;  and  the 
assembly  appears  to  have  been  entirely  harmonious. 

This  assembly  enacted,  that  Hasting  and  Rye  should  be  one 
plantation,  by  the  name  of  Rye. 

By  this  assembly  county  courts  were  first  instituted,  by  that 
name.  It  was  enacted,  that  there  should  be  two  county  courts 
holden  annually,  in  New-Haven;  one  on  the  second  Thursday  in 
June,  the  other  on  the  third  Thursday  in  November.  The  court 
was  to  consist  of  five  judges,  two  magistrates,  and  three  justices  of 
the  quorum.  A  similar  court  was  appointed  at  New- London ;  and, 
the  next  October,  that  was  made  a  distinct  county. 

At  the  session  in  October,  a  county  court  was  appointed,  at 
Hartford,  instead  of  the  quarterly  courts.  This  was  to  be  holden 
annually  in  the  months  of  March  and  September.  The  county 
courts  had  cognizance  of  all  cases  except  those  of  life,  limb,  or 
banishment.  In  cases  of  more  than  twenty  shillings,  the  law  re- 
quired that  a  jury  should  be  impannelled. 

At  the  same  time,  a  superior  court  was  appointed  to  be  holden, 
at  Hartford,  the  Tuesday  before  the  session  of  the  general  assem- 
bly in  May  and  October.  This  was  to  consist  of  eight  magistrates, 
at  least,  and  always  to  be  attended  v*ith  a  jury.  In  this  court  were 
tried  all  appeals  from  the  several  county  courts,  and  all  capital  ac- 
tions, of  life,  limb,  and  banishment. 

All  the  towns,  formerly  under  the  jurisdiction  of  New-Haven, 
were  satisfied  with  the  union  of  the  colonies,  except  Branford. 
But  Mr.  Pierson  and  almost  his  whole  church  and  congregation 
were  so  displeased,  that  they  soon  removed  into  Newark,  in  New- 
Jersey.  They  carried  off  the  records  of  the  church  and  town,  and 
after  it  had  been  settled  about  five  and  twenty  years,  left  it  almost 
without  inhabitants.  For  more  than  twenty  years  from  that  time, 
there  was  not  a  church  fonned  in  the  town.  People,  from  various 
parts  of  the  colony,  gradually  moved  into  it,  and  purchased  the 


I 


J665] 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


231 


lands  of  the  first  planters,  so  that,  in  about  twenty  years,  it  became 
re-settled.   In  1685,  it  was  re-invested  with  town  privileges. 

The  union  of  the  colonies  was  a  happy  event.  It  greatly  con- 
tributed to  the  convenience,  strength,  peace,  and  welfare  of  the 
inhabitants  of  both,  and  of  their  posterity.  Greater  privileges 
New-Haven  could  not  have  enjoyed,  had  they  been  successful  in 
their  applications  to  his  majesty.  Tliis  must  have  been  very  ex- 
pensive, and  after  much  expense,  they  might  have  failed  in  their 
attempts  and  lost  their  liberties,  or  have  been  joined  to  Connect- 
icut at  last.  Had  they  remained  a  distinct  colony,  the  charges  of 
government  would  hav  >  been  greater  than  in  their  state  of  incor- 
poration. Their  situation,  in  so  central  a  part  of  the  colony,  would 
have  been  extremely  inconvenient,  especially  for  Connecticut  It 
was,  doubtless,  his  majesty's  pleasure,  and  for  his  interest,  that  the 
colonies  should  be  one;  and  their  friends  on  both  sides  the  water 
judged  it  most  expedient  It  was  what  their  own  and  the  general 
good  demanded.  All  these  circumstances,  Connecticut  could 
plead,  as  an  apology  for  their  conduct.  But  after  all,  it  will  be  dif- 
ficult, if  not  impossible,  to  reconcile  some  paii?  of  it,  at  least,  with 
their  pre-engagements,  the  rules  of  justice,  and  brotherly  affection. 

War  was  proclaimed,  this  year,  in  London,  in  the  month  of 
March,  between  England  and  Holland.  His  majesty  had  given 
intelligence  to  the  colony,  that  De  Ruyter,  the  Dutch  admiral,  had 
orders  to  visit  New- York.  The  colony  was  alarmed,  and  put  into 
a  state  of  defence.  But  the  admiral  was  diverted  from  the  enter- 
prise, and  the  year  passed  in  peace. 

In  the  proclamation  for  thanksgiving,  in  November,  the  people 
were  excited  to  praise  the  Supreme  Benefactor,  for  preventing 
the  troubles  which  they  had  feared,  and  for  the  blessings  of  liberty, 
health,  peace,  and  plenty.* 


••« 


«» 


*»-H 


I  I 


CHAPTER  XIII. 


CONNECTICUT,  no  less  than  other  parts  of  New-England, 
was  settled  with  a  particular  view  to  religion.  It  was  the  design 
of  the  first  planters,  to  erect  churches  in  the  strictest  conformity 
to  scripture  example ;  and  to  transmit  evangelical  purity,  in  doc- 
trine, worship,  and  discipline,  with  civil  and  religious  liberty,  to 
their  posterity.  The  attention  which  they  paid  to  these  interest- 
ing points,  will  be  the  principal  subject  of  this  chapter. 

The  first  churches,  though  their  numbers  were  small,  and  they 

*  It  was  now  thirty  yean  unce  the  settlement  of  the  colony  commenced,  yet, 
after  the  defalcation  of  Long-Island,  it  consisted  of  nineteen  towns  only,  which  paid 
taxes.    The  grand  list  wai  no  more  than  ;^iS3,6ao :  16 :  5. 


■J. 


w'i  . 


jav'i 


fu 

m 


rt  ■''■ 


232 


HISTORY  OF  CONNEw    ICUT. 


had  to  combat  all  the  hardships,  dangers,  and  expense,  of  new 
settlements,  commonly  supported  two  able,  experienced  minis- 
ters. With  the  first  three  churches,  settled  in  Connecticut,  there 
were,  at  Hartford,  the  Rev.  Mr.  Hooker  and  Mr.  Stone,  at  Wind- 
sor, Mr.  Warham  and  Mr.  Hewet,  and  at  Weathersficld,  Mr. 
Prudden,  in  1638,  while  his  people  were  making  preparations  to 
remove  from  New-Haven  to  Milford.  To  the  garrison,  at  Say- 
brook  fort,  Mr.  John  Higginson,  son  of  the  Rev.  Mr.  Higginson, 
of  Salem,  preached  three  or  four  of  the  first  years.  At  New- 
Haven,  at  first  were  Mr.  Davenport  and  Mr.  Samuel  Eaton, 
brother  to  governor  Eaton.  At  Milford,  Mr.  Prudden  was  pas- 
tor, and  the  church  invited  Mr.  John  Sherman,  afterwards  min- 
ister of  Watertown,  in  Massachusetts,  to  be  their  teacher;  but 
he  declined  their  invitation,  and  that  church  never  had  but  one 
settled  minister  at  the  same  time.  The  Rev.  Mr.  Whitfield  was 
pastor  of  the  church  at  Guilford,  and  about  the  year  1641,  Mr. 
Higginson  removed  from  Saybrook,  and  became  teacher,  as  an 
assistant  to  Mr.  Whitfield,  in  that  church.  After  Mr.  Prudden 
left  Weathersiield,  Mr.  Henry  Smith  was  elected,  and  ordained 
pastor  of  the  church  and  congregation  in  that  town.  About  the 
time  that  Mr.  Higginson  left  Saybrook,  the  Rev.  Mr.  Thomas 
Peters  became  chaplain  to  colonel  Fenwick,  and  the  people  there. 
Upon  the  removal  of  Mr.  Eaton,  from  New-Haven,  Mr.  William 
Hook  was  installed  teacher,  as  an  assistant  of  Mr.  Davenport. 
The  six  first  towns  in  Connecticut  and  New-Haven,  enjoyed  the 
constant  labor  of  ten  able  ministers.  This  was  as  much  as  one 
minister  to  about  fifty  families,  or  to  two  hundred  and  sixty  or 
seventy  souls.  As  other  towns  settled,  churches  were  gathered, 
and  ministers  installed  or  ordained.  Mr.  Jones  was  chosen  pas- 
tor at  Fairfield,  Mr.  Adam  Blackman,  at  Stratford,  and  Mr.  Rich- 
ard Denton,  at  Stamford.  Mr.  Abraham  Pierson  was  pastor  of 
the  church  at  Branford,  and  it  seems  one  Mr.  Brucy  assisted  him 
as  a  teacher  for  some  time.  Fourteen  or  fifteen  of  these  ministers 
had  been  episcopally  ordained  in  England,  before  they  came  into 
America. 

The  Rev.  Mr.  Richard  Blynman,  first  pastor  of  the  church  at 
New-London,  was  also  ordained  in  England.  After  he  came  into 
this  country,  he  settled  first,  pastor  of  the  church  at  Gloucester, 
in  Massachusetts.  From  thence  he  removed  to  New-London  in 
1648. 

From  these  reverend  fathers,  the  ministers  of  Connecticut  trace 
their  ordinations;  especially,  from  Mr.  Hooker,  Mr.  Warham, 
Mr.  Davenport,  and  Mr.  Stone.  Some  or  other  of  these  assisted 
in  gathering  the  churches,  and  ordaining  the  ministers  settled 
in  their  day. 

With  respect  to  their  religious  sentiments,  and  those  of  their 
followers,  they  were  puritans.    This  was  a  name  which  first  ob- 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


sss 


tained  in  the  reign  of  queen  Elizabeth,  in  1564.  It  was  given  as 
a  name  of  reproach,  to  distinguish  and  stigmatize  those  who  did 
not  conform  to  the  liturgy,  ceremonies,  and  discipline,  of  the 
church  of  England.  Fuller  says,  "  it  was  improved  to  abuse 
pious  people,  who  endeavoured  to  follow  the  minister  with  a  pure 
heart,  and  labored  for  a  life  pure  and  holy,"  *  When  arminianism 
began  to  prevail,  in  the  latter  part  of  the  reign  of  James  the  first, 
those  who  were  calvinistic,  were  termed  doctrinal  puritans.*  It 
was  used  finally,  as  a  stigma  for  all  christians,  who  were  strict 
in  morals,  calvinistic  in  sentiment,  and  unconformed  to  the  lit- 
urgy, ceremonies,  and  discipline  of  the  established  church.* 

This  was  truly  the  character  of  the  first  ministers  and  churches 
in  this  colony.  They  were  strictly  calvinistic,  agreeing  in  doc- 
trine with  their  brethren  of  the  established  church,  and  with  all 
the  protestant  reformed  churches.  In  discipline,  they  were  con- 
gregationalists,  and  dissented  from  the  national  establishment. 
They  firmly  believed,  that  it  was  the  sole  prerogative  of  Christ, 
as  king  in  Zion,  to  direct  the  mode  of  worship  and  discipline, 
in  his  own  house.  They  were  persuaded,  that  the  scriptures  were 
a  perfect  rule,  not  only  of  faith  and  manners,  but  of  worship  and 
discipline:  and  that  all  churches  ought  to  be  formed  entirely 
after  the  pattern  exhibited  in  the  New  Testament. 

Some  of  the  ministers  of  Connecticut  were  distinguished  for 
literature,  piety,  and  ministerial  gifts.  Mr.  Hooker,  Mr.  Daven- 
port, Mr.  Stone,  and  some  others,  were  men  of  great  learning 
and  abilities.  They  were  all  men  of  the  strictest  morals,  serious, 
experimental  preachers.  Mr.  Neal,  after  giving  a  catalogue  of 
the  ministers,  who  first  illuminated  the  churches  of  New-Eng- 
land, bears  this  testimony  concerning  them.  "  I  will  not  say  that 
all  the  ministers  mentioned,  were  men  of  the  first  rate  for  learn- 
ing, but  I  can  assure  the  reader,  they  had  a  better  share  of  it, 
than  most  of  their  neighbouring  clergy,  at  that  time:  they  were 
men  of  great  sobriety  and  virtue,  plain,  serious,  affectionate 
preachers,  exactly  conformable  to  the  doctrine  of  the  church  of 
England,  and  took  a  great  deal  of  pains  to  promote  a  reformation 
of  manners  in  their  several  parishes."  They  were  mighty,  and 
abundant  in  prayer.  They  not  only  fasted  and  prayed  frequently 
with  their  people,  in  public,  but  kept  many  days  of  secret  fasting, 
prayer,  and  self-examination,  in  their  studies.  Some  of  them, 
it  seems,  fasted  and  prayed,  in  this  private  manner,  every  week. 
Besides  the  exercises  on  the  Lord's  day,  they  preached  lectures, 
not  only  in  public,  but  from  house  to  house.  They  were  diligent 
and  laborious  in  catechising  and  instructing  the  children,  and 
young  people,  both  in  public  and  private. 

.     >  Fuller's  ecclesiastical  history,  b.  IX,  p.  76. 

'  Fuller,  b.  X,  p.  100. 

*  Neal's  history  of  the  puritans,  preface  to  vol.  I,  p.  7,  and  vol.  I,  p.  J2.  Sec- 
ond edition,  quarto,  London,  1754. 


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HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


They  paid  a  constant  attention  to  the  religion  of  their  families. 
They  read  the  scriptures,  and  prayed  in  them  daily,  morning  and 
evening,  and  instructed  all  their  domestics  constantly  to  attend 
the  secret,  as  well  as  private  and  public  duties  of  religion.  They 
wer  "I  attentive  to  the  religious  state  of  all  the  families  and  indi- 
viduals of  their  respective  flocks.^  As  they  had  taken  up  the 
cross,  forsaken  their  pleasant  seats  and  enjoyments  in  their  native 
country,  and  followed  their  Saviour  into  a  land  not  sown,  for  the 
sake  of  his  holy  religion,  and  the  advancement  of  his  kingdom, 
they  sacrificed  all  worldly  interests  to  these  glorious  purposes. 

The  people  who  followed  them  into  the  wilderness,  were  their 
spiritual  children,  who  imbibed  the  same  spirit  and  sentiments, 
and  esteemed  them  as  their  fathers  in  Christ.  Many  of  them 
were  men  of  figure,  as  Haynes,  Hopkins,  Wyllys,  Ludlow,  Wol- 
cott,  Eaton,  Gregson,  Desborough,  Leet,  and  others,  who  were 
governors  and  magistrates  in  their  respective  colonies.  Many 
of  them,  especially  their  governors,  magistrates,  and  leading  men, 
were  not  less  pious  and  exemplary  than  their  ministers.  The 
people  in  general  were  pious,  and  strictly  moral.  Instances  of 
intemperance,  wantonness,  sabbath-breaking,  fraud,  or  any  other 
gross  immorality,  for  many  years,  were  rarely  found  among  them. 
If  any  there  were,  they  were  commonly  found  among  servants, 
or  some  of  the  lowest  of  the  people. 

It  was  the  opinion  of  the  principal  divines,  who  first  settled 
New- England  and  Connecticut,  that  in  every  church,  completely 
organized,  there  was  a  pastor,  teacher,  ruling  elder,  and  deacons.' 
These  distinct  offices,  they  imagined,  were  clearly  taught  in  those 
passages,  Romans,  xii,  7,  i  Corinth,  xii,  28,  i  Timothy,  v,  17,  and 
Ephesians,  iv,  11.  From  these  they  argued  the  duty  of  all 
churches,  which  were  able,  to  be  thus  furnished.'  In  this  manner 
were  the  churches  of  Hartford,  Windsor,  New-Haven,  and  other 
towns  organized.  The  churches  which  were  not  able  to  support 
a  pastor  and  teacher,  had  their  ruling  elders  and  deacons.  Their 
ruling  elders  were  ordained  with  no  less  solemnity,  than  their 
pastors  and  teachers.  Where  no  teacher  could  be  obtained,  the 
pastor  performed  the  duties,  both  of  pastor  and  teacher.  It  was 
the  general  opinion,  that  the  pastor's  work  consisted  principally 
in  exhortation,  in  working  upon  tne  will  and  affections.  To  this 
the  whole  force  of  his  studies  was  to  be  directed;  that,  by  his 
judicious,  powerful,  and  affectionate  addresses,  he  might  win  his 
'learers  to  the  love  and  practice  of  the  truth.  But  the  teacher 
was  doctor  in  ecclesia,  whose  business  it  was  to  teach,  explain,  and 


>  See  an  account  of  the  lives  of  many  of  them,  in  the  Magnalia,  b.  III.    Particu- 
lar tracts  and  manuscripts  characterise  them  in  the  same  manner. 
^  Hooker's  Survey,  part  II.  p.  4  to  20. 
^  Ibidem,  and  Cambridge  Platform,  chap,  vi,  and  vii. 


rv  ^ 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


235 


defend,  the  doctrines  of  Christianity.  He  was  to  inform  the  judg- 
ment, and  advance  the  work  of  illumination.* 

The  business  of  the  ruling  elder  was  to  assist  the  pastor  in  the 
government  of  the  church.  He  was  particularly  set  apart  to  watch 
over  all  its  members;  to  prepare  and  bring  forward  all  cases  of 
discipline;  to  visit  and  pray  with  the  sick;  and,  in  the  absence 
of  the  pastor  and  teacher,  to  pray  with  the  congregation,  and 
expound  the  scriptures.' 

The  pastors  and  churches  of  New-England  maintained,  with 
the  reformed  churches  in  general,  that  bishops  and  presbyters 
were  only  different  names  for  the  same  office ;  and,  that  all  pas- 
tors, regularly  separated  to  the  gospel  ministry,  were  scriptu  e 
bishops.'  They  also  insisted,  agreeably  to  thu  primitive  practir  :, 
that  the  work  of  every  pastor,  was  confined,  ,)rincipally,  to  one 
particular  church  and  congregation,  who  couid  all  assrnible  at 
one  place,  whom  he  could  inspect,  and  who  could  .11  ui  ,ie  to- 
gether in  acts  of  worship  and  discipline.*  Indecl,  the  fir'<^  minis- 
ters of  Connecticut  and  New-England,  at  first  maintained,  that 
all  the  pastor's  office  power  was  confined  to  his  own  church  prA 
congregation;  and  that  the  administering  of  baptism  and  t  :c 
Lord's  supper  in  other  churches,  was  irregular.* 

With  respect  to  ordination,  they  held,  that  it  did  no  con  ritute 
the  essentials  of  the  ministerial  office:  but  the  qualifications  for 
office,  the  election  of  the  church,  guided  by  the  rule  of  Christ, 
and  the  acceptance  of  the  pastor  elect.*  Says  Mr.  Hooker,  "  or- 
dination is  an  approbation  of  the  officer,  and  soiemn  setting  and 
confirmation  of  him  in  his  office,  by  prayer,  and  lay'ri?  on  of 
hands."  It  was  viewed,  by  the  ministers  of  New-Engiand,  as 
no  more  than  putting  the  pastor  elect  into  office,  or  a  solemn 
recommending  of  him  and  his  labors  to  the  blessing  of  God.  It 
was  the  general  opinion,  that  elders  ought  to  lay  on  hands  in 
ordination,  if  there  were  a  presbytery  in  the  church,  but  if  there 
were  not,  the  church  might  appoint  some  other  elders,  or  a  num- 
ber of  the  brethren  to  that  service.^ 

It  was  acknowledged  that  synods  or  gei»  :al  councils,  were  an 
ordinance  of  Christ,  and  in  some  cases,  expedient  and  necessary: 
That  their  business  was  to  give  light  and  counsel  in  weighty  con- 
cerns, and  bear  testimony  against  ..orruption  in  doctrines  and 
morals.  While  it  was  granted  t'  ic  their  determinations  ought 
to  be  received  with  reverence,  and  not  to  be  counteracted,  unless 

'  Survey,  part  II,  p.  19,  9c,  21,  and  Cambridge  Platform,  chap.  vi. 
'  Hooker's  Survey,  part  II,  p.  13,  19,  C.  Plat.  chap,  vii, 
'  Hooker's  Survey,  and  Cambridge  Platform. 

*  Cambridge  Platform,  chap,  iii,  and  chap.  ix. 

*  Hooker's  Survey,  part  II,  p.  62,  68. 

'  The  same,  part  II,  p.  75,  78,  Cam.  Platform,  chap.  ix. 

'  These  sentiments  were  not  peculiar  to  the  first  ministers  and  churches  of  New* 
England.  Augustine,  Chrysostom,  Zanch,  Bucer,  Melancthon,  Dr.  Ames,  Dr. 
Owen,  and  many  other  divines  of  great  fame,  were  of  the  same  opinion. 


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236 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


[1639 


■iV: 


apparently  repugnant  to  the  scriptures,  it  was  insisted,  that  they 
had  no  juridical  power.^  The  churches  of  Connecticut  originally 
maintained,  that  the  right  of  choosing  and  settling  their  ministers, 
of  exercising  discipline  and  performing  all  juridical  acts  was  in  the 
church,  when  properly  organized;  and  they  denied  all  external 
or  foreign  power  of  presbyteries,  synods,  general  councils,  or 
assemblies.    Hence  they  were  termed  congregational  churches. 

The  fathers  of  Connecticut,  as  to  politics,  were  republicans. 
They  rejected  with  abhorrence  the  doctrines  of  the  divine  right 
of  kings,  passive  obedience,  and  non-resistance.  With  Sidney, 
Hampden,  and  other  great  writers,  they  believed  that  all  civil 
power  and  government  was  originally  in  the  people.  Upon  these 
principles  they  formed  their  civil  constitutions. 

The  churches  of  New-Haven,  Milford,  and  Guilford,  were 
formed  first,  by  the  choice  of  seven  persons,  from  among  the 
brethren,  who  were  termed  the  pillars.  A  confession  of  faith  was 
drawn  up,  to  which  they  all  assented,  as  preparatory  to  their  cov- 
enanting together  in  church  estate.  They  then  entered  into  cove- 
nant, first  with  God,  to  be  his  people  in  Christ,  and  then  with 
each  other,  to  walk  together  in  the  strict  and  conscientious  prac- 
tice of  all  christian  duties,  and  in  the  enjoyment  of  all  the  ordi- 
nances and  privileges  of  a  church  of  Christ.  The  confessions  of 
faith  contained  a  summary  of  christian  doctrine,  and  were  strictly 
calvinistic.  The  covenants  were  full,  solemn,  and  impressive,  im- 
porting, that  they  avouched  the  Lord  Jehovah,  Father,  Son,  and 
Holy  Ghost,  to  be  their  sovereign  Lord  and  supreme  Good ;  and 
that  they  gave  themselves  up  to  him,  through  Jesus  Christ,  in 
the  way  and  on  the  terms  of  the  covenant  of  grace.  They  cov- 
enanted with  each  other  to  uphold  the  divine  worship  and  ordi- 
nances, in  the  churches  of  which  they  were  members;  to  watch 
over  each  other  as  brethren;  to  bear  testimony  against  all  sin; 
and  to  teach  all  under  their  care  to  fear  and  serve  the  Lord.  The 
other  brethren  joined  themselves  to  the  seven  pillars,  by  making 
the  same  profession  of  faith,  and  covenanting  in  the  same  mar 
ner.  The  members,  previously  to  their  covenanting  with  eacu 
other,  gave  one  another  satisfaction  with  respect  to  their  repent- 
ance, faith,  and  purposes  of  holy  living. 

It  appears,  that  the  churches  of  New-Haven  and  Milford  were 
jjathered  to  the  seven  pillars,  on  the  22d  of  August,  1639."  The 
tradition  is,  that  soon  after,  Mr.  Davenport  was  chosen  pastor 
of  the  church,  at  New-Haven;  and  that  Mr.  Hooker  and  Mr. 
Stone  came  and  assisted  in  his  installation. 

Mr.  Prudden  was  installed  pastor  of  the  church  at  Milford, 
April  8th,  1640,  upon  a  day  of  solemn  fasting  and  prayer.  Im- 
position of  hands  was  performed  by  Zechariah  Whitman,  William 

•  Hooker's  Survey,  part  IV.  p.  45—48.  C.  Plat.  chap.  XVI. 
'  Milford  church  records. 


i643l 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


237 


Fowler^  and  Edtnond  Tapp.  They  were  appointed  to  this  service 
by  the  other  brethren  of  the  church.^  The  installation  was  at  New- 
Haven,  and  it  seems  that  the  hands  of  the  brethren  were  imposed 
in  the  presence  of  Mr.  Davenport  and  Mr.  Eaton. 

Though  the  members  of  Mr.  Whitfield's  church  were  in  the 
original  agreement,  at  New-Haven,  and  engaged  to  embody  into 
church  estate,  in  the  same  manner  as  New-Haven  and  Milford 
churches  did,  yet  they  delayed  the  completion  of  the  work  for 
a  considerable  time.  Probably,  it  was  because  their  company 
were  not  yet  all  arrived.  But  in  April,  1643,  Mr.  Whitfield,  Mr. 
Higginson,  Mr.  Samuel  Dcsborough,  Mr.  William  Leet,  Mr.  Ja- 
cob Sheaf,  Mr.  John  Mipham,  and  Mr.  John  Hoadly,  were  elected 
the  seven  pillars.  On  the  19th  of  June,  all  the  other  church  mem- 
bers were  gathered  unto  these  seven  persons.  Mr.  Higginson, 
who  had  been  preaching  about  two  years  at  Guilford,  with  Mr. 
Whitfield,  was,  at  this  time,  elected  teacher  in  that  church.  Mr. 
Whitfield  had  not  separated  from  the  episcopal  church,  when  he 
came  into  New-England.  As  he  came  over  in  orders,  and  his 
church  came  generally  with  him,  there  are  no  intimations  of  his 
installation. 

The  circumstance  of  the  seven  pillars  in  these  three  churches 
appears  to  have  been  peculiar  to  them.  There  are  no  intimations 
of  it  in  the  formation  of  any  other  churches.  The  churches  in 
the  other  towns  were  gathered,  by  subscribing  similar  confessions 
of  faith,  and  covenanting  together  in  the  same  solemn  manner, 
upon  days  of  fasting  and  prayer.  Neighbouring  elders  and 
churches  were  present  on  those  occasions,  assisted  in  the  public 
solemnities,  and  gave  their  consent.  When  new  members  were 
admitted  to  full  communion,  in  any  of  the  first  churches  of  Con- 
necticut, they  gave  satisfaction  to  the  brethren  of  their  sincere 
repentance  towards  God,  and  faith  in  the  Lord  Jesus  Christ.  They 
commonly  made  a  relation  of  their  religious  experiences.  They 
were  then  admitted  to  full  communion,  by  a  public  profession  of 
their  faith,  and  by  covenanting  in  the  manner  which  has  been 
represented. 

Mr.  Eaton  continued  but  a  short  time  at  New-Haven,  and  then 
returned  to  England.  Mr.  William  Hook  succeeded  him  as 
teacher  in  the  church. 

Mr,  Denton,  after  spending  three  or  four  years  at  Stamford, 
removed  to  Hampstead  on  Long-Island. 

Upon  his  removal,  the  church  sent  two  of  their  members  to 
seek  them  a  minister.  They  travelled  on  foot,  through  the  wilder- 
ness, to  the  eastward  of  Boston,  where  they  found  Mr.  John 
Bishop,  who  left  England  before  he  had  finished  his  academical 
studies,  and  had  completed  his  education  in  this  country.  They 
engaged  him  to  go  with  them  to  Stamford.    He  travelled  with 

'  Milford  church  records. 


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HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


[1646 


them,  on  foot,  so  great  a  distance.    The  people  were  united  in 
him,  and  he  labored  with  them,  in  the  ministry,  nearly  fifty  years. 

Mr.  Peters,  after  preaching  three  or  four  years,  at  Saybrook, 
returned  to  England.  In  1646,  a  church  was  formed  in  that  town, 
by  the  direction  and  assistance  of  the  Rev.  Mr.  Hooker  and  some 
other  ministers.  At  the  same  time,  Mr.  James  Fitch,  who  had 
perfected  his  theological  studies,  under  the  direction  of  Mr.  Hook- 
er, was  ordained  their  pastor.  The  tradition  is,  that  though  Mr. 
Hooker  was  present,  yet  that  hands  were  imposed  by  two  or  three 
of  the  principal  brethren,  whom  the  church  had  appointed  to  that 
service. 

On  the  13th  of  October,  1652,  a  church  was  gathered  at  Farm- 
ington,  and  Mr.  Roger  Newton  was  ordained  pastor. 

The  same  year,  Mr.  Thomas  Hanford  began  to  preach  at  Nor- 
walk,  and  some  time  after  a  church  was  formed  in  the  town,  and 
Mr.  Hanford  ordained  pastor. 

In  1660,  Mr.  Fitch  and  the  greatest  part  of  his  church  removed 
to  Norwich.  Mr.  Thomas  Buckingham  succeeded  him  in  the 
ministry  at  Saybrook.  A  council  of  ministers  and  churches  as- 
sisted at  his  ordination,  but  the  imposition  of  hands  was  performed 
by  the  brethren,  as  it  had  been  before  in  the  ordination  of  Mr. 
Fitch.  The  council  considered  it  as  an  irregular  proceeding,  but 
the  brethren  were  so  tenacious  of  what  they  esteemed  their  right, 
that  it  could  not  be  prevented  without  much  inconvenience.* 

These  fifteen  churches  were  the  whole  number,  formed  in  the 
colony,  and  in  which  ministers  had  been  installed,  or  ordained, 
at  the  time  of  the  union.  The  settlements  and  churches  upon 
Long-Island  had  been  adjudged  to  the  jurisdiction  of  New- York. 
There  were  several  other  towns  which  paid  taxes,  where  churches 
were  not  formed  nor  pastors  ordained.  This  was  the  case  with 
Stonington,  Middletown,  Greenwich,  and  Rye.  Nevertheless,  at 
the  two  former,  there  was  constant  preaching.  The  general  court 
would  not  suffer  any  plantation  to  be  made  which  would  not 
support  an  able,  orthodox  preacher. 

At  Stonington,  Mr.  Zecharlah  Brigden  officiated  about  three 
years,  until  his  death  in  1663.  To  him  succeeded  Mr.  James 
Noyes,  the  sanr^  year,  who  preached  more  than  fifty-five  years 
in  the  town,  but  he  was  not  ordained  until  more  than  ten  years 
after  his  first  preaching  to  the  people. 

At  Middletown,  Mr.  Nathaniel  Collins  was  preaching,  but  not 
ordained.  Mr.  Stow  also  pr.eached  there,  before,  or  with,  Mr. 
Collins.  Greenwich  and  Rye  were  but  just  come  under  the  juris- 
diction of  Connecticut,  and  not  in  circumstances  for  the  support 
of  ministers.  They  had  occasional  preaching  only,  for  a  consid- 
erable time. 

From  this  view,  it  appears,  that  the  first  towns  and  churches 

'  Manuscripts  from  Saybrook. 


i665l 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


239 


( 


in  Connecticut  were  reir?,*i"kably  instructed.  Scarcely  in  any  part 
of  the  christian  church,  kavi  so  many  stars,  of  such  distinguished 
lustre,  shone  in  so  small  a  firmament.  At  the  time  of  the  union, 
the  colony  contained  about  1700  families,  eight  or  nine  thousand 
inhabitants,  and  they  constantly  enjoyed  the  instructions  of  about 
twenty  ministers.  Upon  an  average,  there  was  as  much  as  one 
minister  to  every  eighty-five  families,  or  to  about  four  hundred 
and  thirty  souls.  In  some  of  the  new  plantations,  thirty  families 
supported  a  minister,  and  commonly  there  were  not  more  than 
forty  when  they  called  and  settled  a  pastor.  In  several  of  the  first 
churches,  there  were  not  more  than  eight,  nine,  and  ten  male 
members.  Exclusive  of  Hartford,  Windsor,  New-Haven,  and 
Guilford,  there  appears  to  have  been  none,  in  which  there  were 
more  than  sixteen  or  seventeen  male  communicants,  at  their  for-* 
mation. 

That  the  first  churches  and  congregations,  notwithstanding 
their  poverty,  hardships,  dangers,  and  expense  in  settling  in  a 
wilderness,  and  in  defending  themselves  against  the  savages  and 
other  enemies,  should  maintain  such  a  number  of  ministers, 
strongly  mr,rks  their  character  as  christians,  who  desired  the  sin- 
cere milk  of  the  word.  It  affords  a  striking  evidence  of  their  zeal 
for  religion,  and  that  the  word  and  ordinances  were  indeed  pre- 
cious in  those  days. 

The  most  perfect  harmony  subsisted  between  the  legislature 
and  the  clergy.  Like  Moses  and  Aaron,  they  walked  together  in 
the  most  endearing  friendship.  The  governors,  magistrates,  and 
leading  men,  were  their  spiritual  children,  and  esteemed  and  ven- 
erated them,  as  their  fathers  in  Christ.  As  they  had  loved  and 
followed  them  into  the  wilderness,  they  zealously  supported  their 
influence.  The  clergy  had  the  highest  veneration  for  them,  and 
spared  no  pains  to  maintain  their  authority  and  government. 
Thus  they  grew  in  each  other's  esteem  and  brotherly  affection, 
and  mutually  supported  and  increased  each  other's  influence  and 
usefulness. 

Many  of  the  clergy  who  first  came  into  the  country,  had  good 
estates,  and  assisted  their  poor  brethren  and  parishioners  in  their 
straits,  in  making  new  settlements.  The  people  were  then  far 
more  dependent  on  their  ministers,  than  they  have  been  since. 
The  proportion  of  learned  men  was  much  less  then,  than  at  the 
present  time.  The  clergy  possessed  a  very  great  proportion  of 
the  literature  of  the  colony.  They  were  the  principal  instructors 
of  the  young  gentlemen,  who  were  liberally  educated,  before  they 
commenced  members  of  college,  and  they  assisted  them  in  their 
studies  afterwards.  They  instructed  and  furnished  others  for  pub- 
lic usefulness,  who  had  not  a  public  education.  They  had  given 
a  striking  evidence  of  their  integrity  and  self  denial,  in  emigrating 
into  this  rough  and  distant  country,  for  the  sake  of  religion,  and 


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HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


fc,i:;;!;,. 


were  faithful  and  abundant  in  their  labours.  By  their  example, 
counsels,  exhortations,  and  money,  they  assisted  and  encouraged 
the  people.  Besides,  the  people  who  came  into  the  country  with 
them,  had  a  high  relish  for  the  word  and  ordinances.  They  were 
exiles  and  fellow  sufferers  in  a  strange  land.  All  these  circum- 
stances combined  to  give  them  an  uncommon  influence  over  their 
hearers,  of  all  ranks  and  characters.  For  many  years,  they  were 
consulted  by  the  legislature,  in  all  affairs  of  importance,  civil  or 
religious.  They  were  appointed  committees,  with  the  governors 
and  magistrates,  to  advise,  make  drafts,  and  assist  them  in  the 
most  delicate  and  interesting  concerns  of  the  commonwealth.  In 
no  government  have  the  clergy  had  more  influence,  or  been 
treated  with  more  generosity  and  respect,  by  the  civil  rulers  and 
people  in  general,  than  in  Connecticut. 

The  ministers  and  churches  of  Connecticut  abhorred  the  Anti- 
nomian  heresy,  which  so  distracted  the  church  at  Boston,  and 
some  others  in  the  Massachusetts.  In  the  first  general  council 
in  New-England,  in  1638,  Mr,  Hooker  and  Mr.  Davenport  bore 
a  noble  testimony  agaiiiw'  the  prevailing  errors  and  spirit  of  that 
time. 

In  the  next  general  council  in  New-England,  ten  years  after^ 
the  ministers  and  churches  of  Connecticut  and  New-Haven  were 
present,  and  united  in  the  form  of  discipline  which  it  recom- 
mended. By  this  platform  of  discipline,  the  churches  of  New- 
England,  in  general,  walked  for  more  than  thirty  years.  This, 
with  the  ecclesiastical  laws,  formed  the  religious  constitution  of 
the  colonies. 

In  the  platform,  it  is  declared  to  be  evident,  "  That  necessary 
and  sufficient  maintenance  is  due  to  ministers  of  the  word,  from 
the  law  of  nature  and  nations,  the  law  of  Moses,  the  equity  there- 
of, and  also  the  rule  of  common  reason: "  that  it  is  matter  of 
indispensable  duty,  a  debt  due,  and  not  an  affair  of  alms  or  free 
gift.  "That  not  only  members  of  churches,  but  all  who  are 
taught  in  the  word,  are  to  contribute  unto  him  that  teacheth  in 
all  good  things :  and  that  the  magistrate  is  to  see  that  the  min- 
istry be  duly  provided  for."  ^ 

An  early  provision  was  therefore  made,  by  law,  in  Massachu- 
setts and  Connecticut,  for  the  support  of  the  ministry.  In  Con- 
necticut, all  persons  were  obliged,  by  law,  to  contribute  to  the 
support  of  the  church,  as  well  as  of  the  commonwealth.  All  rates 
respecting  the  support  of  ministers,  or  any  ecclesiastical  affairs, 
were  to  be  made  and  collected  in  the  same  manner  as  the  rates 
of  the  respective  towns.'  Special  care  was  taken,  that  all  persons 
should  attend  the  means  of  public  instruction.  The  law  obliged 
them  to  be  present  at  the  public  worship  on  the  Lord's  day,  and 

'  Cambridge  Platfonn,  chap.  xi. 

'  The  first  code  of  Connecticut,  p.  52  and  59. 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


241 


upon  all  days  of  public  fasting  and  prayer,  and  of  thanksgiving, 
appointed  by  civil  authority,  on  penalty  of  a  fine  of  five  shillings 
for  every  instance  of  neglect.*  The  congregational  churches  were 
adopted  and  established  by  law;  but  provision  was  made  that  all 
sober,  orthodox  persons,  dissenting  from  them,  should,  upon 
the  manifestation  of  it  to  the  general  court,  be  allowed  peaceably 
to  worship  in  their  own  way.'  It  was  enacted,  "  That  no  persons 
within  this  colony,  shall  in  any  wise  embody  themselves  into 
church  estate,  without  consent  of  the  general  court,  and  approba- 
tion of  neighbouring  elders."  The  laws,  also,  prohibited  that  any 
ministry,  or  church  administration,  should  be  entertained,  or  at- 
tended, by  the  inhabitants  of  any  plantation  in  the  colony,  distinct 
and  separate  from,  and  in  opposition  to,  that  which  was  openly 
and  publicly  observed  and  dispensed,  by  the  approved  minister  of 
the  place;  except  it  was  by  the  approbation  of  the  court  and 
neighbouring  churches.'  The  penalty  for  every  breach  of  this 
act,  was  five  pounds. 

The  court  declared,  that  the  civil  authority  established  in  the 
colony,  "  Had  power  and  liberty  to  see  the  peace,  ordinances, 
and  rules  of  Christ,  observed  in  every  church,  according  to  his 
word;  and,  also,  to  deal  with  any  church  member  in  a  way  of 
civil  justice,  notwithstanding  any  church  relation,  office,  or  in- 
terest." The  law  also  provided,  that  no  church  censure  should 
degrade  or  depose  any  man  from  any  civil  dignity,  office,  or  au- 
thority, which  he  should  sustain  in  the  colony.* 

In  the  grant  of  all  new  townships,  special  care  was  taken,  by 
the  legislature,  that  the  planters  should  not  be  without  a  minister, 
and  the  stated  administration  of  gospel  ordinances. 

Every  town,  consisting  of  fifty  families,  was  obliged,  by  the 
laws,  to  maintain  a  good  school,  in  which  reading  and  writing 
should  be  well  taught;  and  in  every  county  town  a  good  grammar 
school  was  instituted.  Large  tracts  of  land  were  given  and  ap- 
propriated, by  the  legislature,  to  afford  them  a  permanent  sup- 
port. 

The  select  men  of  every  town  were  obliged,  by  law,  to  keep  a 
vigilant  eye  upon  all  the  inhabitants,  and  to  take  care  that  all  the 
heads  of  families  should  instruct  their  children  and  servants  to 
read  the  English  tongue  well,  and  that  once  every  week  they 
should  catechise  them  in  the  principles  of  religion.  The  penalty 
for  every  instance  of  neglect,  in  this  respect,  was  twenty  shillings, 
for  any  family  so  neglecting.  The  select  men  were  also  author- 
ised, to  take  care  that  all  families  should  be  well  furnished  with 
bibles,  orthodox  catechisms,  and  books  on  practical  godliness. 
It  was  provided  by  the  legislature,  that  the  capital  laws  should 
be  taught  weekly  in  every  family." 


'  The  first  code  of  Connecticut,  p.  22. 


Ibid.  p.  21. 


Ibid.  p.  22. 


» Ibid.  p.  ST. 
*  Old  code  of  Connecticut,  p.  13. 


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HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


The  colony  of  New-Haven,  from  the  beginning,  made  provision 
for  the  interests  of  religion,  learning,  and  the  good  conduct  of 
the  inhabitants,  with  no  less  zeal  than  Connecticut. 

The  care  and  piety  of  the  first  planters  did  not  rest  here;  but 
they  were  careful,  as  soon  as  possible,  in  their  circumstances,  to 
found  public  seminaries,  in  which  young  men  might  be  instructed 
in  the  liberal  arts,  prepared  for  the  ministry,  and  all  places  of  im- 
portance, in  civil  or  religious  life. 

As  Connecticut  and  New-Haven  were  not  able,  of  themselves, 
at  first,  to  erect  a  college,  they  united  with  Massachusetts,  and 
contributed  to  the  support  of  that  at  Cambridge.  Frequent  con- 
tributions were  made,  both  in  Connecticut  and  New-Haven,  for 
that  purpose,  and  money  was  paid  from  the  public  treasury.  For 
a  course  of  years,  the  inhabitants  educated  their  sons  at  that  uni- 
versity. 

By  these  means,  knowledge,  at  an  early  period,  was  generally 
diffused  among  people  of  all  ranks.  This  abundant  public  and 
private  instruction,  and  constant  attention  to  the  morals,  indus- 
try, and  good  conduct  of  the  inhabitants,  has  been  the  means  of 
that  general  illumination,  which  has  always  been  observable 
among  the  people  of  this  colony;  and  of  that  high  degree  of  civil, 
ecclesiastical,  and  domestic  peace  and  order,  which,  for  so  long 
a  period,  have  rendered  them  eminent,  among  their  neighbors. 
This  has  made  it  feasible  to  govern  them  by  that  free  constitution 
and  mild  system  of  laws,  by  which  they  have  ever  been  distin- 
guished. To  this,  are  owing  the  wisdom  and  steadiness  of  their 
elections,  and  the  integrity  and  firmness  of  their  public  adminis- 
trations. In  this  way  they  have  been  formed  not  only  to  virtue, 
but  to  industry,  economy,  and  enterprise.  Indeed,  they  have 
been  rendered  one  of  the  happiest  people  upon  the  earth. 

Cambridge  platform,  in  connection  with  the  ecclesiastical  laws, 
was  the  religious  constitution  of  Connecticut,  for  about  sixty 
years,  until  the  compilation  of  the  Saybrook  agreement. 

The  colony  of  New-Haven,  sensible  of  the  importance  of  public 
seminaries,  and  of  the  inconvenience  of  sending  their  sons  to  so 
great  a  distance  as  Cambridge  for  an  education,  at  an  early  period, 
attempted  the  founding  of  a  college.  A  proposal,  for  this  purpose, 
was  made  to  the  general  court,  in  1654.  The  next  year,  at  the 
session  in  May,  it  appeared,  that  New-Haven  had  made  a  dona- 
tion of  300I.  and  that  Milford  proposed  to  give  lool.  more,  for 
the  encouragement  of  the  design.  The  court  proposed  it  to  the 
deputies  of  the  other  towns  to  enquire,  and  make  report,  what 
they  would  give.  Mr.  Davenport,  who  was  the  principal  pro- 
moter of  the  affair,  about  the  same  time,  wrote  to  governor  Hop- 
kins, who  was  then  in  England,  upon  the  subject;  and  it  seems, 
solicited  his  assistance.  Soon  after,  some  lands  were  given,  by 
the  people  of  New-Haven,  for  the  further  encouragement  of  so 


!i 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


243 


laudable  an  undertaking.  Upon  these  favorable  prospects,  the 
legislature,  in  1659,  proceeded  to  institute  a  grammar  school  at 
New-Haven.  It  was  ordered,  that  40I.  annually,  should  be  paid 
out  of  the  public  treasury,  for  its  support.  lool.  were  also  appro- 
priated for  the  purchase  of  books  for  the  school.  In  1660,  the 
donation  of  governor  Hopkins  having  come  into  the  possession, 
and  being  at  the  disposal  of  Mr.  Davenport,  he,  on  the  30th  of 
May,  surrendered  it  into  the  hands  of  the  general  court,  for  the 
purpose  of  founding  a  college.  He  proposed,  that  this  donation 
should  be  united  with  the  lands  which  had  been  already  given, 
and  with  such  other  donations  as  might  be  made  by  the  legisla- 
ture, for  the  same  purpose.  The  elders  of  the  several  churches 
in  the  colony,  were  nominated  as  trustees.  As  Mr.  Davenport 
was  the  only  surviving  legatee  of  governor  Hopkins,  with  respect 
to  that  part  of  the  donation  which  had  fallen  to  the  share  of  New- 
Haven,  he  desired,  that,  for  the  better  discharge  of  the  trust,  which 
had  been  reposed  in  him,  he  might  have  a  negative  upon  the  cor- 
poration, with  respect  to  the  disposal  of  that,  whenev^"  he  could 
exhibit  substantial  reasons,  that  it  was  about  to  be  applied  to 
any  purpose  contrary  to  the  design  of  the  donor.  The  resignation 
was  made  in  writing,  in  a  formal  manner,  containing  valuable 
sketches  of  history,  and  a  complete  plan  of  the  college  and  gram- 
mar school,  which  it  was  designed  to  institute.^ 

The  general  court  thankfully  accepted  the  donation,  upon  the 
terms  on  which  it  had  been  surrendered.  They  appropriated  the 
lands,  which  had  been  given,  at  New-Haven,  to  the  support  of 
the  college ;  agreed  to  collect  the  money  given  by  governor  Hop- 
kins ;  and  besides  all  other  grants  previou^lv  made,  enacted,  that 
a  hundred  pounds  stock  should  be  paid  In  from  the  treasury  of 
the  colony,  in  such  time  and  manner  as  the  court  should  order. 
The  court  also  ordained,  that  both  the  grammar  school  and  col- 
lege should  be  at  New-Haven.  One  Mr.  Peck  was  appointed 
master  of  the  school;  but  this  and  the  college  were  of  short  con- 
tinuance. The  troubles  in  which  the  colony  was  involved  by  the 
claims  of  Connecticut,  and  the  defection  of  such  numbers  of  their 
inhabitants,  so  impoverished  and  weakened  it,  that  a  support  could 
not  be  obtained  for  the  instructor.  He  became  discouraged,  and 
the  court  gave  up  the  school.  By  the  same  means,  the  design  of 
a  college  also  miscarried.  After  the  union,  the  colony  made  fur- 
ther provision  for  a  grammar  school,  and  all  the  lands  and  money, 
which  had  been  given  for  that  and  the  college,  were  appropriated 
to  its  support.  The  school  revived  and  has  continued  unto  the 
present  time. 

For  a  long  course  of  years,  there  were  no  sectaries  in  Connecti- 
cut. The  churches,  in  general,  enjoyed  great  peace  and  harmony, 
during  the  continuance  of  the  first  ministers  and  principal  mem- 

I  Appendix  No.  xxi. 


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244 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


bcrs  of  whom  they  were  composed.  But  many  of  these  were  con- 
siderably advanced  in  life  when  they  came  into  the  country,  and  in 
about  four  or  five  and  twenty  years  after  the  first  settlements,  a 
considerable  proportion  of  them  were  in  their  graves,  some  had 
returned  to  England,  and  others  were  far  advanced  in  years.  Be- 
fore the  union  of  the  colonies,  in  1665,  almost  all  the  first  ministers 
were  either  dead,  or  removed. 

Mr.  Hewet,  teacher  in  the  church  at  Windsor,  died  September 
4th,  1644. 

The  Rev.  Thomas  Hooker,  the  father  and  pillar  of  the  churches 
in  Connecticut,  died  July  7th,  1647,  in  the  61  st  year  of  his  age.^ 
He  was  born  at  Marshfield,  in  the  county  of  Leicester,  1586.  He 
appears  to  have  been  educated  at  Emmanuel  college,  Cambridge, 
in  England.  Afterwards  he  was  promoted  to  a  fellowship  in  the 
same  college,  where  he  acquitted  himself  with  such  ability  and 
faithfulness,  as  commanded  universal  approbation  and  applause. 
While  at  college,  in  his  youth,  he  was  arrested  with  strong  convic- 
tions of  his  sin  and  misery,  and  of  the  dreadfulness  of  the  divine 
displeasure.  His  heart  was  afterwards  humbled,  and  submitting 
to  the  terms  of  mercy,  he  received  the  spirit  of  adoption ;  and  was 
enabled  to  exhibit  a  life  of  the  most  exemplary  piety,  self-denial, 
patience,  and  goodness.  He  was  naturally  a  man  of  strong  and 
lively  passions;  but  obtained  a  happy  government  of  himself.  In 
his  day,  he  was  one  of  the  most  animated  and  powerful  preachers 
in  New-England.  In  his  sermons,  he  insisted  much  on  the  appli- 
cation of  redemption;  was  searching,  experimental,  and  practical. 
Another  circumstance,  which  rendered  his  public  performances 
still  more  engaging  and  profitable,  was  his  excellency  in  prayer. 
A  spirit  of  adoption  seemed  to  rest  upon  him.  In  conversation  he 
was  pleasant  and  entertaining,  but  always  grave.  He  was  exceed- 
ingly prudent  in  the  management  of  church  discipline.  He  es- 
teemed it  a  necessary  and  important,  but  an  extremely  difficult, 
part  of  duty.  He  rarely  suffered  church  af]Fairs  to  be  publicly  con- 
troverted. Before  he  brought  any  difficult  matter  before  the 
church,  special  care  was  taken  to  converse  with  the  leading  men, 
to  fix  them  right,  and  to  prepare  the  minds  of  the  members;  so 
that  they  might  be  harmonious,  and  that  there  might  be  no  con- 
troversy with  respect  to  any  point,  which  he  judged  expedient  for 
the  church  to  adopt.  He  was  affable,  condescending,  and  chari- 
table; yet  his  appearance  and  conduct  were  with  such  becoming 
majesty,  authority,  and  prudence,  that  he  could  do  more  with  a 
word,  or  a  look,  than  other  men  could  with  severe  discipline.  It 
was  not  an  uncommon  instance,  with  him,  to  give  away  five  or  ten 
pounds  at  a  time  to  poor  widows,  orphans,  and  necessitous  people. 
At  a  certain  time,  when  there  was  a  great  scarcity,  at  Southamp- 

>  He  possessed  considerable  property.    His  estate  was  appraised  at  ;{;i336  :  15  :o. 
His  library  only,  at  £yo. 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


345 


iS:o. 


ton,  upon  Long-Island,  Mr.  Hooker,  with  some  friends  who 
joined  with  him,  sent  the  people  a  small  vessel,  freighted  with  sev- 
eral hundred  bushels  of  corn,  for  their  relief.  In  family  religion 
and  government,  he  was  strict  and  prudent.  In  his  family  was  ex- 
hibited a  lively  and  sincere  devotion,  and  the  very  power  of  godli- 
ness. Not  only  his  own  children  and  domestics,  but  students,  and 
other  persons,  who  occasionally  resided  in  his  family,  were  hi- 
structed  and  edified,  so  that  their  acquaintance  with  it,  war,  matter 
of  their  joy  and  devout  thanksgiving.  He  died  of  an  epidemical 
fever,  which  prevailed  that  year  in  the  country.  He  had,  for  many 
years,  enjoyed  a  comfortable  assurance  of  his  renewed  estate,  and 
when  dying  said,  "  I  am  going  to  receive  mercy."  He  closed  his 
own  eyes,  and  appeared  to  die  with  a  smile  in  his  countenance.^ 

Mr.  Henry  Smith,  first  pastor  of  the  church  at  Weathersfield, 
died  in  1648,  and  was  succeeded  by  the  Rev.  Jonathan  Russell. 

The  Rev.  Mr.  Prudden  departed  this  life  in  1656,  in  the  56th 
year  of  his  age.  Before  he  came  into  New-England,  he  was  a 
preacher  in  Herefordshire,  and  in  the  parts  bordering  upon  Wales. 
His  ministry  was  attended  with  uncommon  success ;  and  when  he 
came  into  this  country,  it  seems,  that  many  good  people  followed 
him,  that  they  might  enjoy  his  pious  and  fervent  ministrations. 
He  had  the  character  of  a  most  zealous  preacher,  and  of  a  man  of 
an  e  -cellent  spirit.  He  had  a  singular  talent  for  reconciling  con- 
tending parties,  and  maintaining  peace  among  brethren  and 
neighbors.  His  ministry  was  conducted  with  prudence,  and  his- 
church  enjoyed  great  harmony  during  his  life,  and  rejoiced  in  his 
light." 

He  was  succeeded  5y  Mr.  Roger  Newton,  who  removed  from 
Farmington,  and  was  installed  at  Milford,  August  22d,  i66a 
Hands  were  imposed  at  his  installation,  by  Zechariah  Whitman, 
ruling  elder,  deacon  John  Fletcher,  and  Robert  Treat,  who  were 
appointed  to  that  service  by  the  brotherhood. 

Mr.  Samuel  Hooker,  son  of  the  famous  Mr.  Hooker,  of  Hart- 
ford, succeeded  Mr.  Newton  at  Farmington.  He  was  ordained 
in  July,  1 66 1. 

These  deaths  were  all  before  the  charter.  There  were  also  a 
number  of  removals  of  some  of  the  principal  ministers.  The  Rev. 
Mr.  Whitfield,  after  he  had  labored  eleven  years,  with  the  people 
at  Guilford,  returned  again  to  England.  Some  time  in  the  year 
1650,  he  took  leave  of  his  flock  and  congregation,  and  embarked 
for  his  native  country.  He  was  exceedingly  beloved  by  his  flock, 
and  they  accompanied  him  to  the  water's  side  with  many  tears. 

'  His  character  may  be  seen  more  at  large  in  the  Afa^alta,  R.  iii.  p.  58 — 68. 

»  His  estate  in  this  country  was  appraised  at  £ffi/^ :  i8  :  6.  He  left  a  landed  in- 
terest in  England,  at  Edgton,  in  Yorkshire,  valued  at  £\yM  sterling,  which  is  still 
enjoyed  by  some  of  his  heirs.  He  had  two  sons.  One  of  them,  John  Prudden,  was 
educated  after  his  decease,  and  graduated  at  Cambridge,  1668.  He  settled  in  the 
ministry,  at  Newark,  in  New-Jeney.  The  other  inherited  the  paternal  estate ;  and 
their  descendants  are  numerous,  both  in  Connecticut  and  New- Jersey. 


\.  \ 


*'!» 


((    ■■: 


■  i! '   i 


m 


I 


^'0  \ 


.'■- 


i/l 


**      H 


J?' 
Ill, 


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246 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


He  had  a  large  family  of  nine  children,  whom  he  supported  prin- 
cipally out  of  his  own  estate,  as  most  of  his  people  were  poor.  He 
found  that  his  estate  was  much  exhausted,  and  that  he  must  still 
labor  under  many  and  great  inconveniences,  if  he  continued  in  this 
country;  and  he  had  numerous  and  pressing  invitations  to  return 
to  England.  A  combination  of  these  circumstances,  at  length, 
prevailed  with  him  to  leave  his  flock.  He  was  one  of  the  wealthiest 
clergymen,  who  came  into  Connecticut.  Before  he  came  into  this 
country,  he  enjoyed  one  of  the  best  church  livings  at  Okely,  in  the 
county  of  Surrey,  and  had  a  fine  interest  of  his  own.  His  charity 
was  happily  proportioned  to  his  opulence.  While  he  was  at  Oke- 
ly, he  procured  another  pious  and  able  preacher,  that  he  might  go 
abroad  and  give  assistance  unto  other  churches  and  poor  people. 
While  he  was  in  England,  his  house  was  a  place  of  resort  for  the 
distr  essed.  Though  he  was,  for  twenty  years,  a  conformist,  yet  his 
house  was  a  place  of  refreshment  for  Mr.  Cotton,  Mr.  Hooker,  Mr. 
Goodwin,  and  other  pious  non-conformists.  After  he  came  into 
New-England,  he  expended  much  of  his  interest  in  assisting  his 
poor  people.  He  was  a  capital  preacher,  delivering  himself  with  a 
peculiar  dignity,  beauty,  and  solemnity.  After  his  return  to  Eng- 
land, he  appears  to  have  finished  his  life,  in  the  ministry,  at  the  city 
of  Winchester.^ 

Several  of  the  principal  men  returned  to  England  with  Mr, 
Whitfield ;  particularly  Mr.  Samuel  Desborough,  Mr.  Jordan,  md 
others.  Mr,  Desborough,  after  his  return,  was  made  lord  keeper 
of  the  great  seal,  and  one  of  the  seven  counsellors  of  the  kingdom 
of  Scotland. 

Mr.  Higginson  continued  his  ministry,  as  teacher  in  the  church 
at  Guilford,  until  about  the  year  1659,  when,  upon  the  death  of  his 
father,  he  returned  to  Salem,  and  succeeded  him  in  the  pastoral 
office,  over  the  church  in  that  town. 

Mr.  William  Hook,  who,  for  about  fourteen  years,  had  been 
teacher  in  the  church  at  New-Haven,  about  the  year  1655  re- 
turned to  England,  Mr.  Eaton  and  Mr.  Hook  have  been  repre- 
sented as  men  of  great  learning  and  piety,  and  as  possessing  ex- 
cellent pulpit  talents,  A  writer  of  Mr.  Eaton's  character,  says, 
"  He  was  a  very  holy  man,  a  person  of  great  learning  and  judg- 
ment, and  a  most  incomparable  preacher."  He  dissented  from 
Mr,  Davenport,  with  respect  to  his  strict  terms  and  form  of  civil 
government.  His  brother,  governor  Eaton,  therefore,  advised 
him  to  a  removal.    After  his  return,  he  became  pastor  of  a  church 

'  In  consequence  of  Mr.  Whitfield's  estate  and  expenses,  in  purchasing  and  set- 
tling the  plantation,  anr^  of  Mr,  Fenwick's  gift  of  the  eastern  part  of  the  township 
to  him,  a  large  portion  .1  the  best  land  in  the  town  was  allotted  to  him.  On  his 
return  to  England,  he  offered,  upon  very  low  terms,  to  sell  all  his  lands  to  the  town. 
But  the  people  were  poor,  and  imagined  they  should  soon  follow  their  pastor,  and 
neglected  to  purchase.  Mr.  Whitfield,  therefore,  sold  them  to  major  Robert  Thomp 
son,  in  England,  by  whose  heirs  they  have  been  holden,  to  the  great  damage  of  the 
town,  to  this  time. 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


847 


at  Duckenfield,  in  the  parish  of  Stockport,  in  Cheshire.  Mr. 
Hook,  after  his  return,  was  some  time  minister  at  Exmouth,  in 
Devonshire;  and  then  master  of  the  Savoy,  on  the  Strand,  near 
London,  and  chaplain  to  the  greatest  man  then  in  the  nation. 
After  the  restoration,  he  was  silenced  for  non-conformity,  May 
24th,  1662.  On  the  2ist  of  March,  1667,  he  died  in  the  vicinity  of 
London.  Mr.  Eaton  was  a  companion  with  him  in  tribulation; 
for  soon  after  the  restoration  of  king  Charles  the  second,  he  was 
silenced,  and  suffered  persecution  for  conscience  sake. 

The  Rev.  Mr.  Blynman,  after  he  had  labored  about  ten  years  in 
the  ministry  at  New-London,  in  1658,  removed  to  New-Haven. 
After  a  short  stay  in  that  town,  he  took  shipping  and  returned  to 
England.  He  lived  to  a  good  old  age;  and,  at  the  city  of  Bristol, 
happily  concluded  a  long  life,  spent  in  doing  good. 

Mr.  Nicholas  Street  succeeded  Mr.  Hook,  as  teacher  in  the 
church,  at  New-Haven,  about  the  year  1659.  And  Mr.  Blynman 
was  succeeded  in  office  at  New- London,  by  Mr.  Gershom  Bulkley, 
from  Concord,  in  Massachusetts. 

The  first  ministers  in  the  colonies  being  thus  dead,  or  removed, 
and  a  tiew  generation  risen  up,  who  had  not  all  imbibed  the  senti- 
ments and  spirit  of  their  pious  fathers,  alterations  were  insisted  on 
with  respect  to  church  membership,  discipline,  and  baptism ;  and 
great  dissensions  arose  in  the  churches.  They  began  first  in  the 
church  at  Hartford,  not  many  years  after  Mr.  Hooker's  decease. 
The  origin  of  them  appears  to  have  been  a  difference  between  the 
Rev.  Mr.  Stone  and  Mr.  Goodwin,  the  ruling  elder  in  the  church, 
upon  some  nice  points  of  Congregationalism.  It  seems,  that  some 
member  had  been  admitted,  or  baptism  administered,  v.hich  elder 
Goodwin  conceived  to  be  inconsistent  with  the  rights  of  the  broth- 
erhood, and  the  strict  principles  of  the  congregational  churches. 
Perhaps  he  imagined  himself  not  to  have  been  properly  consulted 
and  regarded.  Not  only  this  church  became  divided  and  in- 
flamed with  the  controversy,  but  it  spread  into  almost  all  the 
neighbouring  churches.  They  interested  themselves  in  the  con- 
troversy, some  taking  one  side,  and  some  another,  as  their  connec- 
tions, prejudices,  and  particular  sentiments  led  them.  The  whole 
colony  became  aflfected  with  the  dispute,  and  the  general  court 
particularly  interested  themselves  in  the  affair.  The  brethren  in 
the  church  at  Hartford,  became  so  inflamed,  and  imbibed  such 
prejudices  and  uncharitable  feelings  one  towards  another,  that  it 
was  with  great  difficulty  they  could  be  persuaded  to  walk  together. 
To  prevent  an  entire  division  of  the  church,  it  appears,  that  about 
the  years  1654  and  1655,  several  councils  of  the  neighbouring 
elders  and  churches  were  called,  to  compose  the  differences  be- 
tween the  parties.  They  laboured  to  satisfy  them,  with  respect  to 
the  points  in  controversy.  But  the  brethren  at  Hartford  imagined, 
that  all  the  elders  and  churches  in  Connecticut  and  New-Haven, 


'"Ir 


'.I. 


] 
I 
I 

I 


HB 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


[1656 


!?i 


Wt-'\'\ 


V,'i 


i 


were  prejudiced  in  favour  of  une  party  ur  the  other,  and,  there- 
fore, they  would  not  hear  their  advice.  I'or  this  reason,  it  was 
judged  expedient  tu  call  a  council  from  tlie  other  colonies.  Some 
time  in  the  year  1O56,  it  seems,  a  number  of  elders  and  churches 
from  Massachusetts  came  to  Hartford,  and  gave  their  opinion  and 
advice  to  tiie  churcli  and  the  aggrieved  brethren.  But  it  appears, 
that,  in  the  apprehension  of  the  aggrieved,  the  church  did  not 
comply  with  the  result.  The  state  of  the  church,  therefore,  was  no 
better  than  it  was  before,  but  the  parties  became  more  alienated 
and  embittered.  Elder  Goodwin  was  joined  by  governor  Webster, 
Mr.  Whiting,  Mr.  CuUick,  and  other  principal  gentlemen  at  Hart- 
ford, who  were  leaders  in  what  they  imagined  to  be  a  defence  of 
the  true  principles  of  Congregationalism. 

Meanwhile,  there  was  a  strong  party  in  the  colony  of  Con- 
necticut, who  were  for  admitting  all  persons  of  a  regular  life  to  a 
full  communion  in  the  churches,  upon  their  making  a  profession 
of  the  christian  religion,  without  any  inquiry  with  respect  to  a 
change  of  heart ;  and  for  treating  all  baptized  persons  as  members 
of  the  church.  Some  carried  the  aflfair  still  further,  and  insisted, 
that  all  persons,  who  had  been  members  of  churches  in  England, 
or  had  been  members  of  regular  ecclesiastical  parishes  there,  and 
supported  the  public  worship,  should  be  allowed  to  enjoy  the  priv- 
ileges of  members  in  full  communion  in  the  churches  of  Connect- 
icut. They  also  insisted,  that  all  baptized  persons,  upon  owning 
the  covenant,  as  it  was  called,  should  have  their  children  baptized, 
though  they  came  not  to  the  Lord's  table. 

Numbers  of  them  took  this  opportunity  to  introduce  into  the 
assembly  a  list  of  grievances,  on  account  of  their  being  denied  their 
just  rights  and  privileges  by  the  ministers  and  churches.  A  dis- 
pute had  arisen  in  the  churches  and  congregations,  relative  to  the 
choice  of  a  pastor.  It  was  urged,  that  it  did  not  belong  to  the 
churches  solely  to  choose  the  pastor  for  themselves  and  the  con- 
gregation ;  but,  as  the  inhabitants  in  general  had  an  equal  concern 
for  themselves  and  their  children,  with  the  members  of  the  church, 
in  the  qualifications  of  their  pastor,  and  as  they  were  obliged  to 
contribute  their  proportion  to  his  support,  they  had  a  just  right  to 
give  their  voice  in  his  election.  The  denying  them  this  ris^ht  was 
considered  as  a  great  grievance.  Many  of  the  churches,  and  some 
or  other  of  the  members  in  all  of  them,  it  seems,  maintained,  that 
the  choice  of  a  pastor  belonged  to  them  solely,  exclusive  of  the 
congregation :  that  there  was  no  scripture  example  of  any  person's 
ever  giving  a  suffrage,  in  the  choice  of  a  pastor,  but  members  of 
the  church :  that  pastors  were  ordained  over  the  churches  only,  and 
were  termed  the  elders,  pastors,  and  angels  of  the  churches.  It  ap- 
pears, by  the  acts  of  the  assembly,  and  the  questions  proposed, 
that  these,  and  a  number  of  other  points,  were  now  warmly  agi- 
tated in  the  colony. 


i65f.J 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


249 


of 
lind 


The  general  state  of  the  country  wast  greatly  altered  from  what 
it  was  at  its  iirst  settlement.  1  he  people  then  were  generally 
church  members,  and  eminently  pious.  1  hey  loved  strict  religion, 
und  followed  their  ministers  into  the  wilderness,  for  its  sake.  But  I 
with  many  of  their  children,  and  with  others  who  had  since  emi- 
grated into  this  country,  it  was  not  so.  They  had  made  no  open 
profession  of  religion,  und  their  children  were  not  baptized.  This 
created  uneasiness  in  them,  in  their  ministers,  and  others.  They 
wished  for  the  honours  and  privileges  of  church  members  for 
themselves,  and  baptism  for  their  children;  but  they  were  not 
persuaded  that  they  were  regenerated,  and  knew  not  how  to  com- 
ply with  the  rigid  terms  of  the  congregational  churches.  A  con-J 
sidcrable  number  of  the  clergy,  and  the  churches  in  general,  zeal- 
ously opposed  all  innovations,  and  exerted  themselves  to  maintain 
the  first  practice  and  purity  of  the  churches.  Hence  the  dissen- 
sions arose. 

The  general  court,  it  seems,  with  a  view  to  reconcile  the  church 
at  Hartford,  and  to  compose  difficulties,  which  were  generally  ris- 
ing in  the  colony,  at  their  session  in  May,  1656,  took  the  affair  into 
their  serious  consideration.  They  appointed  a  committee,  consist- 
ing of  governor  Webster,  deputy  governor  Wells,  Mr.  Cullick, 
and  Mr.  Talcott,  all  of  Hartford,  to  consult  with  the  elders  of  the 
colony,  respecting  the  grievances  complained  of;  and  to  desire 
their  assistance,  in  making  a  draft  of  the  heads  of  them,  that  they 
might  be  presented  to  the  general  courts  of  the  united  colonies, 
for  their  advice.  The  general  courts  were  desired  to  give  their 
answers  with  as  much  expedition  as  possible. 

While  the  churches  were  thus  divided,  they  were  alarmed  by 
the  appearance  of  the  Quakers.  A  number  of  them  arrived  at  Bos- 
ton, in  July  and  August,  and  had  been  committed  to  the  common 
gaol.  A  great  number  of  their  books  had  been  seized  with  a  view 
to  burn  them.  In  consequence  of  their  arrival,  and  the  disturb- 
ance they  had  made,  at  Boston,  the  commissioners  of  the  united 
colonies,  at  their  court  in  September,  recommended  it  to  the  sev- 
eral general  courts,  "  That  all  quakers,  ranters,  and  other  notori- 
ous heretics,  should  be  prohibited  coming  into  the  united  colonies ; 
and  that,  if  any  should  come,  or  arise  amongst  them,  they  should 
be  forthwith  secured,  and  removed  out  of  all  the  jurisdictions."  * 

In  conformity  to  this  recommendation,  the  general  court  of 
Connecticut,  in  October,  passed  the  following  act: — "That  no 
town  within  this  jurisdiction,  shall  entertain  any  Quakers,  Ran- 
ters, Adamites,  or  such  like  notorious  heretics;  nor  suflFer  them  to 
continue  in  them  above  the  space  of  fourteen  days,  upon  the  pen- 
alty of  five  pounds  per  week,  for  any  town  entertaining  any  such 
person :  but  the  townsmen  shall  give  notice  to  the  two  next  magis- 
trates, or  assistants,  who  shall  have  power  to  send  them  to  prison, 

'  Records  of  the  united  colonies. 


*' 


,  ,*,. 


iMw 


Iri 


t.r 


W 


m 


i''^ 


2  so 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


I1658 


for  securing  them,  until  they  can  conveniently  be  sent  out  of  the 
jurisdiction,  it  is  also  ordered,  that  no  master  of  a  vessel  shall 
land  any  such  heretics;  but  it  they  do,  they  shall  be  compelled 
to  transport  them  again  out  of  the  colony,  by  any  two  magistrates 
or  assistants,  at  their  hrst  setting  sail  liom  the  port  where  they 
landed  them;  during  which  time,  the  assistant  or  magistrate  shall 
see  them  secured,  upon  penalty  of  twenty  pounds  for  any  muster 
of  any  vessel,  that  shall  not  transport  them  as  aforesaid."  ^ 

The  court  at  New-Haven  passed  a  similar  law.  In  1658,  both 
courts  made  an  addition  to  this  law,  increasing  the  penalties  and 
prohibiting  all  conversation  of  the  common  people  with  any  of 
those  heretics,  and  all  persons  from  giving  them  any  entertain- 
ment, upon  the  penalty  of  five  pounds.  The  law  however  was  of 
short  continuance,  and  nothing  of  importance  appears  to  have 
been  transacted  upon  it,  in  either  of  the  colonies. 

Upon  the  representations  made  of  the  heads  of  grievance,  which 
had  been  matter  of  complaint,  to  the  general  courts  of  the  con- 
federate colonies,  the  court  of  Massachusetts  advised  to  a  general 
council,  and  sent  letters  to  the  other  courts,  signifying  their  opi:. 
ion.  The  general  court  of  New-Haven  wrote  an  answer  to  the 
grievances,  and  to  the  questions  proposed  respecting  them.  They 
supposed  it  sufficient.  The  general  court  of  Connecticut,  never- 
theless, on  the  26th  of  February,  1657,  determined  to  have  a  gen- 
eral council.  They  appointed  Mr.  Warham,  Mr.  Stone,  Mr.  Blyn- 
man,  and  Mr.  Russell,  to  meet  the  elders,  who  should  be  delegated 
from  the  other  colonies,  at  Boston,  the  next  June;  and  to  assist  in 
debating  the  questions  proposed  by  the  general  court  of  Connecti- 
cut, or  any  of  the  other  courts,  and  report  the  determination  of  the 
council  to  the  general  court. 

The  church  at  Hartford  continuing  their  contentions,  the  court 
directed  the  elders,  who  were  going  to  Boston,  to  confer  with  the 
several  ministers  in  the  Massachusetts,  who  had  been  of  the  coun- 
cil, relative  to  the  circumstances  of  that  church,  and  to  desire  them 
to  come  to  Connecticut,  and  give  their  assistance  in  council  at 
Hartford.  The  court  also  directed  the  church  there  to  send  for 
the  former  council;  and  with  the  letters  missive,  to  state  the 
P'Tticulars,  in  the  advice  of  the  council,  with  which  they  were  not 
satisfied.  If  this  council  should  not  be  so  happy  as  to  give  them 
satisfaction,  then  they  were  directed  to  invite  Mr.  Sherman  of 
Watertown,  and  severd  other  ministers  from  the  Massachusetts, 
to  make  a  visit  at  Hartford,  and  attempt  the  healing  of  the  breach 
made  in  the  church  there. 

Governor  Webster,  Mr.  Cullick,  and  Mr.  Steel  dissented  from 
the  resolution  of  the  assembly,  and  declared,  in  open  court,  that  it 
did  not  appear  to  them,  that  the  measures,  adopted  by  the  court, 
were  any  where  directed  by  the  divine  word,  or  calculated  to  re- 

'  Records  of  Connecticut. 


(;i; 


16571 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


251 


store  peace  to  the  churches.  They  appear  to  have  been  of  the  ag- 
grieved brethren  at  Hartford,  and  satisfied  with  the  result  of  the 
former  council,  to  which  the  church,  in  their  apprehensions,  did 
not  submit.  They  doubtless  judged  it  more  agreeable  to  scripture 
and  reason,  and  especially  to  the  principles  of  congregational 
churches,  to  choose  a  council  for  themselves,  when  they  should 
judge  it  expedient,  than  to  have  one  imposed  upon  them,  by  leg- 
islative authority. 

The  general  court,  at  New-Haven,  were  utterly  opposed  to  a 
general  council;  and  upon  receiving  a  letter  from  the  Massa- 
chusetts, inviting  them  to  send  a  number  of  their  elders  to  assist  in 
the  council,  they,  in  a  long  letter,  remonstrated  against  it,  and  ex- 
cused themselves  from  sending  any  of  their  ministers.    They 
represented,  that  the  petition  and  quest- sns,  exhibited  to  the  gen- 
eral court  of  Connecticut,  were  unwarrantably  procured,  and  of 
dangerous  tendency :  That  they  heard  the  petitioners  were  confi- 
dent that  they  should  obtain  great  alterations  both  in  civil  govern- 
ment and  church  discipline:  That  they  had  engaged  an  agent  to 
prove,  "  That  parishes,  in  England,  consenting  to  and  continuing 
meetings  to  worship  God,  were  true  churches,"  and  that  the  mem- 
bers of  those  parishes,  coming  into  New-England,  had  a  right  to 
all  church  privileges;  though  they  made  no  profession  of  a  work 
of  faith  and  holiness  upon  their  hearts.    They  expressed  their  ap- 
prehensions, that  a  general  council  at  that  time,  would  endanger 
the  peace  and  purity  of  the  churches.    They  acquainted  the  gen- 
eral court  of  Massachusetts,  that  they  had  sent  an  answer  to  all 
the  questions,  proposed  to  the  court  of  Connecticut;  and  that  it 
was  their  opinion,  that  the  legislature  and  elders  of  that  colony 
were  sufficient  to  determine  all  those  points  without  any  assist- 
ance from  abroad.    They  observed  that,  on  account  of  the  re- 
moval of  Mr.  Whitfield  and  Mr.  Hook,  and  the  late  death  of  Mr. 
Prudden,  their  elders  could  not  be  spared.    With  their  letter,  they 
sent  the  answers,  which  they  had  piven  to  the  questions  to  be  de- 
bated, and  they  intreated  the  court  and  their  elders  seriously  to 
consider  them.    They  desired,  that,  as  the  court  had  formed  their 
civil  polity  and  laws  upon  the  divine  word,  and  as  the  elders  and 
churches  had  gathered  and  received  their  discipline  from  the 
same,  they  would  exert  themselves  to  preserve  them  inviolable. 
They  observed,  that,  considering  the  state  of  aflfairs,  in  Connecti- 
cut, unless  the  general  court  of  Massachusetts  should  firmly  ad- 
here to  their  then  constitution,  and  the  council  should  have  the 
divine  presence  with  them,  their  meeting  might  be  of  the  most  un- 
happy consequence  to  the  churches.    Considering  how  soon  the 
church  at  Ephesus,  though  famous  for  her  first  love,  declined  and 
was  forsaken  of  her  Saviour,  they  insisted,  that  there  was  great 
occasion  of  watchfulness  and  prayer,  lest  the  churches  of  New- 
England  should  decline  after  her  example.^ 

'  Records  of  New-Haven  (June,  1657). 


Mi; 


'M% 


,  1 


I 


2S3 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


[1657 


f; 


4 

v 


I 


The  colonies  of  Connecticut  and  Massachusetts  persisted  in 
calling  a  general  council. 

The  questions  proposed  for  discussion,  as  they  stand  upon  the 
records,  are  the  following.^ 

1.  Whether  federal  holiness,  or  covenant  interest,  be  not  the 
proper  ground  of  baptism? 

2.  Whether  communion  of  churches, .as  such,  be  not  warrant- 
able by  the  word  of  God? 

3.  Whetlier  the  adult  seed  of  visible  believers,  not  cast  out,  be 
not  true  members,  and  subjects  of  church  watch? 

4.  Whether  ministerial  officers  are  not  as  truly  bound  to  bap- 
tize the  visible  disciples  of  Christ,  providentially  settled  among 
them,  as  officially  to  preach  the  word? 

5.  Whether  the  settled  inhabitants  of  the  country,  being  mem- 
bers of  other  churches,  should  have  their  children  baptized 
amongst  us,  without  themselves  first  orderly  joining  in  churches 
here? 

6.  Whether  membership,  in  a  particular  instituted  church,  be 
not  essentially  requisite,  under  the  gospel,  to  entitle  to  baptism? 

7.  Whether  adopted  children  and  such  as  arc  bought  with 
money  are  covenant  seed? 

8.  Whether  things  new  and  weighty  may  be  managed,  in  a 
church,  without  concurrence  of  officers,  and  consent  of  the  frater- 
nity of  the  same  church?  And  if  things  of  common  concernment, 
then  how  far  the  consent  of  neighbouring  churches  is  to  be 
sought? 

9.  Whether  it  doth  not  belong  to  the  body  of  a  town,  collectively 
taken,  jointly  to  call  him  to  be  their  minister,  whom  the  church 
shall  choose  to  be  their  officer? 

10.  Whether  the  political  and  external  administration  of  Abra- 
ham's covenant  be  not  obligatory  to  gospel  churches? 

11.  Unto  whom  shall  such  persons  repair,  that  are  grieved  at 
any  church  process  or  censure;  or  whether  they  must  acquiesce 
in  the  church's  censure  to  which  they  belong? 

12.  Whether  the  laying  on  of  hands  in  ordination,  belong  to 
presby*^ers  or  brethren? 

13.  Whether  the  church,  her  invitation  and  election  of  an  offi- 
cer, or  preaching  elder,  necessitates  the  whole  congregation  to  sit 
down  satisfied,  as  bound  thereby  to  accept  him  as  their  minister, 
though  invited  and  settled  without  the  town's  consent? 

'  These  questions  only  appear  in  the  Colonial  Records  under  date  of  Oct.  11, 
1666,  to  be  discussed  at  the  state  council  of  the  following  May.  The  questions  dis- 
cussed by  the  synod  of  1657  appear  to  have  been  twenty-one  in  number,  tlie  discus- 
sion of  which  resulted  in  what  was  later  known  as  the  "  Half-way  Covenant." 
These  questions  were  different  in  character  as  well  as  in  number  from  those  here 
printed,  and  could  not,  as  shown  by  Dr.  Williston  Walker,  have  been  accessible  to 
Trumbull.  They  may  all  have  been  proposed  by  Connecticut,  hut  do  not  appear  in 
the  archives  of  tlie  colony.  It  is  evidently  a  mistake  to  give  the  seventeen  ques- 
tions here  printed  the  date  1657.  — J.  T. 


u 


1657] 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


253 


i 


14 

tize? 
16. 

17 


What  is  the  gospel  way  to  gather  and  settle  churches? 
From  whom  do  ministers  receive  their  commission  to  bap- 


Whether  a  synod  hath  a  decisive  power? 
Whether  it  be  not  justifiable,  by  the  word  of  God,  that  civil 
authority  indulge  congregational  and  presbyterian  churches,  and 
their  discipline  in  the  churches?  * 

It  appears,  by  the  records,  that  several  other  questions  were  pro- 
posed, but  these  are  all  which  are  to  be  found  upon  them.  They 
stand  in  the  same  order  in  which  they  arc  here  inserted. 

The  council  convened  at  Boston,  June  4th,  1657,  and,  after  a 
session  of  a  little  more  than  a  fortnight,  gave  an  elaborate  answer 
to  twenty-one  questions.  The  elders  from  Connecticut  brought 
back  an  authentic  copy  of  the  result  of  the  council,  and  presented 
it  to  the  general  court,  at  a  sess'on  on  the  12th  of  Augfust.  The 
court  ordered,  that  copies  should  be  sent  forthwith  to  all  the 
churches  in  the  colony;  and  if  any  of  them  should  have  objections 
against  the  answers  which  had  been  given,  they  were  directed  to 
transmit  them  to  the  general  court,  at  the  session  in  October. 

The  answers  were,  afterwards,  printed  in  London,  under  the 
title  of "  A  disputation  concerning  church  members  and  thtir  chil- 
dren." Several  of  the  questions  involve  each  other.  The  prin- 
cipal one  was  that  respecting  baptism  and  church  membership. 
An  answer  to  this,  in  effect,  answered  a  considerable  part  of  the 
other  questions.  With  respect  to  this,  they  asserted,  and  learned 
pains  were  taken  to  prove,  "  That  it  was  the  duty  of  infants,  who 
confederated  in  their  parents,  when  grown  up  unto  years  of  dis- 
cretion, though  not  fit  for  the  Lord's  supper,  to  own  the  covenant 
they  made  with  their  parents,  by  entering  thereinto,  in  their  own 
persons ;  and  it  is  the  duty  of  the  churches  to  call  upon  them  for  the 
performance  thereof;  and  if,  being  called  upon,  they  shall  refuse 
the  performance  of  this  great  duty,  or  otherwise  continue  scan- 
dalous, they  are  liable  to  be  censured  for  the  same  by  the  church. 
And  in  case  they  understand  the  ground  of  religion,  and  are  not 
scandalous,  and  solemnly  own  their  covenant  in  their  own  per- 
sons, wherein  they  give  up  themselves  and  their  children  unto  the 
Lord,  and  desire  baptism  for  them,  we  see  not  sufficient  cause  to 
deny  baptism  unto  their  children."  ' 

The  answer  to  this  question  was,  in  effect,  an  answer  to  the  other 
respecting  the  right  of  towns  to  vote  in  the  election  of  ministers; 
for  if  they  were  all  members  of  the  church  by  baptism,  and  under 
its  discipline,  they,  doubtless,  had  a  right  to  vote  with  the  church 
in  the  election  of  their  pastor.  Indeed,  there  was  no  proper  ^ 
ground  of  distinction  between  them  and  the  church.  Hence,  it 
seems,  the  answer  to  that  question  was  to  this  effect,  "  That^ 
though  it  was  the  right  of  the  brotherhood  to  choose  their  pastor, 

'  Records  of  Connecticut.  *  Magnalio,  B.  V.  p.  63. 


1 

I 


%  •ii 


'  1     a 


1^ 


254 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


[1657 


I  (• 

in 

1  J' 

'I 


and  though  it  was  among  the  arts  of  antichrist  to  deprive  them  of 
th.s  power,  yet  they  ought  to  have  a  specipl  regard  to  the  baptized, 
by  the  covenant  of  God,  under  their  watch." 

The  decisions  of  the  council  do  not  appear  to  have  had  any  in- 
fluence to  reconcile,  but  rather  to  inflame  the  churches. 

A  number  of  ministers,  and  the  churches  pretty  generally, 
viewed  this  as  a  great  innovatio  and  entirely  inconsistent  with 
the  principles  on  which  the  churcnes  of  jNew-England  were  orig- 
inally founded,  and  with  the  principles  of  Congregationalism. 

The  church  at  Hartford,  and  the  aggrieved  brethren,  instead  of 
being  satisfied  and  reconciled,  appeared  to  be  thrown  into  a  state 
of  greater  alienation  and  animosity.  The  aggrieved  soon  after 
withdrew  from  Mr.  Stone  and  the  church,  and  were  about  forming 
an  union  with  the  church  at  Weathersneld.  Among  the  aggrieved 
were  governor  Webtiter,  Mr.  Goodwin,  ruling  elder  in  the  church, 
Mr,  Cullick,  end  Mr.  Bacon,  principal  me  th  in  the  church  and 
town.  Mr.  Stone  and  the  church  were  prt;_eeding  with  them  in  a 
course  of  discipline. 

In  this  state  of  their  affairs,  the  general  court,  interposed,  and 
passed  an  act,  March  1 1, 1658,  prohibiting  the  church  at  Hartford, 
to  proceed  any  further  in  a  course  of  discipline  of  the  members, 
who  had  withdrawn  from  their  communion,  and  those  members  to 
join  with  the  church  at  Weathersfield,  or  any  other  church,  until 
further  attempts  should  be  made,  for  their  reconciliation  with  their 
brethren.  By  the  act  it  appears,  that  the  churches  in  the  colony 
were  generally  aflfected  with  the  dispute  at  Hartford,  and  viewed  it 
as  a  common  cause,  with  respect  to  all  the  congregational 
churches.  It  exhibits,  in  so  strong  a  point  of  light,  the  authority, 
which  the  general  court  imagined  they  had  a  right  to  exercise  over 
the  churches,  and  the  spirit  of  those  times,  as  to  merit  a  place  in 
this  history.    It  is  in  the  following  words. 

"  This  court  orders,  in  reference  to  the  sad  difHculties  that  are 
broken  out  in  the  several  churches  in  this  colony,  and  in  special, 
betwixt  the  church  at  Hartford  and  the  withdrawers ;  and  to  pre- 
vent further  troubles  and  sad  consequences,  that  may  ensue  from 
the  premises  to  the  whole  commonwealth,  that  there  be,  from 
henceforth,  an  utter  cessation  of  all  further  prosecution,  either  on 
the  church's  part  at  Hartford,  towards  the  withdrawers  from  them ; 
and,  on  the  other  part,  that  those,  that  have  withdrawn  from  the 
church,  at  Hartford,  shall  make  a  cessation  in  prosecuting  their 
former  propositions  to  the  church  at  Weathersfield,  or  any  other 
church,  in  reference  to  their  joining  there,  in  church  relation,  until 
the  matters,  in  controversy  betwixt  the  church  at  Hartford  and  the 
withdrawn  members,  be  brought  to  an  issue,  in  that  way  the  court 
>  shall  determine." 

The  court,  having  desired  t'le  elders  of  the  colony  to  meet  them, 
and  assist  in  adopting  some  measures  by  which  the  divisions  in 


1658] 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


255 


^ 


the  churches,  and  especially  in  that  at  Hartford,  might  be  healed, 
adjourned  about  a  fortnight. 

It  met  again  on  the  24th  of  March.  Whether  the  elders  met 
with  them,  or  not,  does  not  appear ;  but  the  advice  of  the  assembly, 
at  this  time,  was  that  Mr.  Stone,  with  the  church  and  brethren  who 
had  withdrawn,  should  meet  together;  and,  in  a  private  confer- 
ence, if  possible,  agree  upon  some  terms  by  which  they  might  be 
reconciled.  Governor  Wells  and  deputy  governor  Winthrop  were  "^ 
appointed  to  meet  with  them,  and  employ  their  wisdom  ancl  in- 
fluence to  make  peace. 

It  seems,  that  the  church  did  not  comply  with  this  advice;  or  if 
there  were  any  meeting  of  the  parties,  nothing  was  done  to  effect 
an  accommodation.  It  appears,  that  Mr.  Stone  viewed  the  with- 
drawn brethren  as  in  the  hands  of  the  church  at  Hartford,  and  the 
matters  to  be  determined  as  not  lying  before  any  council  or  the 
general  court.  And  he  would  not  admit,  that  fie,  or  the  church, 
had  counteracted  the  advice  of  the  former  council.  He  therefore, 
at  the  session  in  May,  petitioned,  that  the  subsequent  propositions 
might  be  entered  upon  the  records  of  the  colony,  and  that  the 
withdrawn  brethren,  or  some  person  whom  they  should  appoint, 
would  dispute  them  with  him  in  the  presence  of  the  court. 

1.  "  The  former  council,  at  Hartford,  June  26,  is  utterly  can- 
celled and  of  no  force. 

2.  "  There  is  no  violation  of  the  last  agreement,  (made  when 
the  reverend  elders  of  the  Massachusetts  were  here,)  either  Fy  the 
church  of  Christ  at  Hartford,  or  their  teacher. 

3.  "  The  withdrawn  brethren  have  offered  great  violence  to  the 
forementioned  agreement. 

4.  "The  withdrawn  brethren  are  members  of  the  church  of 
Christ  at  Hartford. 

5.  "Their  withdrawing  from  the  church  is  a  sin  exceeding 
scandalous  and  dreadful,  and  of  its  own  nature  destructive  to  this 
and  other  churches. 

6.  "  The  controversy  between  the  church  of  Christ  at  Hartford, 
and  the  withdrawn  persons,  is  not  in  the  hands  of  the  churches,  to 
be  determined  by  them.* 

Samuel  Stone." 

It  does  rot  appear  that  the  court  gave  their  consent,  that  the 
propositions  should  be  disputed  before  them,  or  that  they  en- 
acted any  thing,  at  this  court,  respecting  the  affairs  of  the  church, 
or  the  brethren  who  had  withdrawn. 

But  at  a  session,  in  August,  they  insisted,  that  the  church  and 
aggrieved  brethren  should  meet  together,  according  to  their 
former  advice,  and  debate  their  difficulties  among  themselves,  and 
that  the  points  in  contr  ./ersy  should  be  clearly  stated. 

'  Records  of  Connecticut. 


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History  of  Connecticut. 


[1658 


i>  'I 


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At  this  time,  a  complaint  was  exhibited  against  governor  Web- 
ster, Mr.  Cullick,  elder  Goodwin  and  others,  who  had  withdrawn 
from  their  brethren.  But  the  court  would  not  hear  it  at  that  time. 
It  ordered,  that,  if  the  church  and  brethren  would  not  agree  to 
meet  together  and  debate  their  differences  among  themselves, 
each  party  should  choose  three  as  indifferent  elders  as  could  be 
found;  who  should  afford  all  the  light  and  assistance  in  their 
power,  towards  settling  the  differences  according  to  the  divine 
oracles;  and  that  both  parties  should  peaceably  submit  to  their 
advice.  If  either  of  the  parties  should  refuse  to  make  choice  of 
three  gentlemen,  for  the  design  proposed,  the  court  determined  to 
choose  for  them.  The  church  rejected  the  proposal,  and  the  court 
chose  Mr.  Cobbett,  Mr.  Mitchel,  and  Mr.  Danforth,  for  them. 
For  a  reserve,  if  either  should  fail,  Mr.  Brown  was  chosen.  The 
V  aggrieved  brethren  chose  Mr.  Davenport,  Mr.  Norton,  and  Mr. 
>  Fitch ;  and  as  a  reserve,  Mr.  Street.  The  council  were  to  meet  on 
the  17th  of  September. 

The  church,  it  seems,  would  not  send  for  the  council,  and  so  it 
did  not  convene. 

At  a  session  of  the  general  court,  the  next  year,  March  9th, 
1659,  it  was  determined,  that,  as  its  past  labors,  to  promote  una- 
nimity, at  Hartford,  had  been  frustrated,  by  the  non-compliance 
of  the  parties,  the  secretary,  in  the  name  of  the  court,  should  desire 
the  elders,  who  had  been  formerly  appointed,  to  meet  at  Hartford 
on  the  3d  of  June  succeeding,  and  afford  their  assistance  in  healing 
the  breach,  which  had  been  made  there.  It  was  also  enacted,  that 
the  church,  at  Hartford,  and  the  brethren  who  had  withdrawn, 
should  jointly  bear  the  expenses  of  the  former  council,  and  of 
making  provision  for  that  which  had  been  then  appointed. 

The  council  consisted  of  the  elders  and  churches  of  Boston, 
Cambridge,  Charlestown,  Ipswich,  Dedham,  and  Sudbury.  They 
convened  according  to  appointment,  June  3, 1659,  and  were  abun- 
dant in  their  labors  to  soften  the  minds  and  conciliate  the  affec- 
tions of  the  parties;  and  though  the\  did  not  effect  a  reconcilia- 
tion, yet  they  brought  the  brethren  much  nearer  together  than 
they  had  been,  and  left  the  church  and  town  in  a  better  state  than 
they  had  enjoyed  for  years  before. 

On  the  15th  )'  Juno,  the  court  convened,  and  perceiving  the 
good  effects  of  th-s  council,  desired  the  same  gentlemen  to  meet 
again,  at  Hartford  on  the  19th  ot  August.  Upon  the  choice  and 
desire  of  the  brethren  who  had  withdrawn,  the  Rev.  John  Sher- 
man, and  the  cl^urch  at  Watertown,  and  the  elder  and  church  at 
Dorchester,  were  also-  invited  to  come  with  them. 

The  general  court,  in  this  state  of  the  controversy,  ordered  the 
heads  of  the  complaint,  which  had  been  exhibited  against  the 
withdrawn  brethren,  to  be  drawn  up  and  sent  to  them,  and  they 
were  required  to  appear  before  the  court,  in  October,  and  answer 


'%' 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


257 


to  them.  The  church  agreed  to  the  whole  council,  and  the  breth- 
ren aggrieved,  to  seven  of  them.  The  general  court  ordered,  that 
both  parties  should  submit  to  the  judgment  of  the  council,  and 
that  it  should  be  a  final  issue. 

The  council  convened  again,  at  Hartford,  and  so  far  composed 
the  dilficulties  which  had  so  long  subsisted,  as  to  prevent  a  separa- 
tion at  that  time.  Some  of  the  capital  characters  were  soon  re- 
moved into  the  land  of  silence,  where  all  animosities  are  forgot- 
ten. Mr.  CuUick  removed  to  Boston,  and  a  considerable  number 
removed  to  Hadley.  By  these  means,  the  church  was  restored  to 
a  tolerable  state  of  peace  and  brotherly  affection;  but  it  was 
viewed,  by  some  of  its  own  members,  and  others,  as  having,  in 
some  degree,  departed  from  the  strict  principles  of  the  first  con- 
gregational churches  in  New-England;  and  seems,  afterwards,  to 
have  divided  nearly  on  the  same  grounds. 

Doctor  Mather,  in  his  Magnalia,  represents,  that  it  was  difficult, 
even  at  the  time  of  the  controversy,  to  find  what  were  the  precise 
points  in  dispute.  Indeed,  what  the  particular  act  or  sentiment  in 
Mr.  Stone  or  the  church  was,  which  gave  elder  Goodwin  disgust, 
and  began  the  dissension,  does  not  fully  appear.  Nothing  how- 
ever is  more  evident,  from  the  questions  propounded,  which  it  ap- 
pears were  drawn  by  the  very  heads  of  the  parties,  and  by  the  gen- 
tlemen chosen  by  the  disaflFected  brethren,  and  rejected  by  the 
church,  than  that  the  whole  controversy  respected  the  qualifica- / 
tions  for '  aptism,  church  membership,  and  the  rights  of  the  broth-  n 
erhood.  Mr.  Stone's  ideas  of  Congregationalism  appear  to  have 
bordered  more  on  presbyterianism,  and  less  on  independence,  than 
those  of  the  first  ministers  in  the  country  in  general.  His  defini- 
tion of  Congregationalism,  was,  "  That  it  was  a  speaking  Aristoc- 
racy in  the  face  of  a  silent  Democracy." 

The  Hartford  controversy  was,  for  its  circumstances,  duration, 
and  obstinacy,  the  most  remarkable  of  any  in  its  day.  It  aflfected 
all  the  churches,  and  insinuated  itself  into  all  the  affairs  of  socie- 
ties, towns,  and  the  whole  commonwealth.  Doctor  Mather,  in  his 
figurative  manner  of  description,  says,  "  From  the  fire  of  the  altar, 
there  issued  thunderings,  and  lightnings,  and  earthquakes, 
through  the  colony."  This  was  considered  as  much  more  remark- 
able, as  the  church,  at  Hartford,  had  been  famous  for  its  instruc- 
tion, light,  gifts,  peace,  and  brotherly  love.  It  had  been  viewed 
as  one  of  the  principal  churches  in  New-England.  Its  dissensions 
were  a  ground  of  great  sorrow  to  all  the  good  people  in  the  coun- 
try. Extraordinary  were  the  pains  taken,  by  the  principal  char- 
acters in  New-England,  to  heal  them. 

The  commissioners  of  the  imited  colonies,  in  September  1656, 
wrote  them  a  friendly  and  pacific  letter  on  the  subject.  They  say, 
"  We  have,  with  much  sorrow  of  heart,  heard  of  your  differences, 
and  that  the  means  attended  hitherto,  for  composing  them,  have 


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258 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


[i66o 


proved  ineffectual.  We  cannot  but  be  deeply  sensible  of  the  sad 
effects  and  dreadful  consequences  of  dissensions,  heightened  and 
increased  in  a  church  of  such  eminence  for  light  and  love."  They 
represented  to  them,  that  though  all  the  churches  sympathized 
with  them,  yet  they  themselves  would  be  sure,  in  the  first  place,  to 
feel  the  smart.  They  most  earnestly  exhorted  them  not  only  to  be 
exceedingly  cautious  of  all  further  provocations,  but  to  employ  all 
their  wisdom  and  exertions  for  a  reconciliation.  They  intreated 
them,  not  to  suffer  any  discouragements  to  prevail  with  them,  to 
make  a  separation  and  scatter  abroad.^ 

The  churches  in  Connecticut  and  New-Haven  laboured  to  har- 
monize their  views  and  affections,  and  to  make  peace.  The  min- 
isters in  Massachusetts  were  so  affected  with  their  circumstances, 
that  they  offered  to  make  a  journey  to  Connecticut,  to  attempt 
their  reconciliation.  The  long  and  repeated  journeys  they  made, 
and  the  indefatigable  labours  they  employed  to  compose  their  dif- 
ficulties, exhibited  a  noble  spirit  of  benevolence,  and  a  zeal  for  the 
peace  and  prosperity  of  Zion.  They  not  only  merited  the  grateful 
acknowledgments  of  the  people  at  Hartford,  but  of  the  colony  in 
general. 

The  proclamation  for  a  public  thanksgiving  in  November,  rec- 
ognized the  success  of  the  council,  in  composing  the  difficulties  at 
Hartford,  as  an  event  demanding  public  joy  and  praise. 

The  church  at  Weatherslield  interested  themselves  in  the  dispute 
at  Hartford,  and  became  divided  and  contentious.  Some  of  the 
brethren  exhibited  a  complaint  to  the  court  against  Mr.  Russell, 
for  joining  with  the  church  in  excommunicating  one  of  the  breth- 
ren, as  it  was  alleged,  without  giving  him  a  copy  of  the  complaint 
exhibited  against  him,  and  without  acquainting  him  with  his 
crime.  The  general  court  ordered,  that  Mr.  Russell  should  be  re- 
proved, for  acting  contrary  to  the  usage  of  the  churches.  The 
brethren  were  divided  with  respect  to  their  church  state.  Some 
insisted,  that  they  were  no  church,  because  they  had  never  been 
gathered  according  to  gospel  order;  or  if  they  had  been  a  church, 
that  the  members  of  it  had  moved  away  in  such  a  manner,  as  had 
destroyed  its  very  existence.  Many  were  inviolably  attached  to 
Mr.  Russell,  while  others  strenuously  opposed  him. 

In  this  state  of  affairs,  the  general  court  appointed  the  elders 
and  churches  of  Hartford  and  Windsor,  a  council  to  hear  the  diffi- 
culties which  had  arisen  in  the  church  and  town.  But  the  parties 
could  not  be  reconciled.  Mr.  Russell  removed  to  Hadley,  where 
he  and  a  number  of  his  warm  friends  from  Hartford  and  Weathers- 
field,  planted  a  new  town  and  church.  The  general  court  resolved, 
that  a  church  had  been  regularly  gathered  at  Weathersfield,  by 
the  consent  of  the  general  court,  and  approbation  of  neighbouring 
elders;  and  that,  though  divers  of  the  members  had  removed  to 
Records  of  the  united  colonies. 


i663] 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


2S9 


other  places,  yet  the  brethren  there  were  the  true  and  undoubted 
church  of  Weathersfield,  and  so  to  be  accounted,  notwithstanding 
any  thing  which  did  appear.  Thus  terminated  the  controversy; 
and  Mr.  Bulkley,  in  1666,  removed  from  New-London,  and  suc- 
ceeded Mr.  Russell  in  the  pastoral  office.  The  same  year,  Mr. 
Simon  Bradstreet,  from  Charlestown,  came  to  New-London,  and 
took  the  pastoral  charge  of  the  church  there. 

About  the  time  of  Mr.  Russell's  removal  from  Weathersfield, 
the  minds  of  the  people  at  Middletown  became  alienated  from  Mr. 
Stow,  who  appears  to  have  been  the  first  minister  in  that  town. 
A  committee  of  ministers  and  civilians,  appointed  by  the  general 
court,  dismissed  him,  on  account  of  the  evil  temper  of  the  people 
towards  him. 

Many  of  the  ministers  and  of  the  people,  in  the  country,  were 
for  extending  baptism,  according  to  the  determination  of  the  gen- 
et al  council,  in  1657;  but  the  churches  were  so  generally  and 
warmly  opposed  to  it,  that  it  could  not  be  effected  without  a  synod. 
As  this  and  the  consociation  of  churches  were  favourite  points, 
which  a  large  number  of  the  clergy  and  principal  civilians  in  Mas- 
sachusetts and  Connecticut,  wished  to  carry,  the  general  court  of 
Massachusetts  appointed  a  synod  of  all  the  ministers  in  that  colo- 
ny, to  deliberate  and  decide  on  those  points.  The  questions  pro- 
posed, were, 

1.  Who  are  the  subjects  of  baptism? 

2.  Whether,  according  to  the  word  of  God,  there  ought  to  be 
a  consociation  of  churches? 

The  council  met  at  Boston,  in  September,  1662.  Their  answer 
to  the  first  question,  was  substantially  the  same  with  that  given  by 
the  council,  in  1657. 

They  declared,  "  That  church  members,  who  were  admitted  in 
minority,  understanding  the  doctrine  of  faith,  and  publicly  pro- 
fessing their  assent  thereunto,  not  scandalous  in  life,  and  solemnly 
owning  the  covenant  before  the  church,  wherein  they  give  up 
themselves  and  children  to  the  Lord,  and  subject  themselves  to 
the  government  of  Christ  in  his  church,  their  children  are  to  be 
baptized."  They  further  resolved,  "  That  the  members  of  ortho- 
dox churches,  being  sound  in  the  faith,  and  not  scandalous  in  life, 
and  presenting  due  testimony  thereof,  these  occasionally  coming 
from  one  church  to  another,  may  have  their  children  baptized  in 
ihe  church  whither  they  came,  by  virtue  of  communion  of 
churches."  They,  also,  gave  their  opinion  in  favour  of  the  con- 
st)ciation  of  churches. 

However,  the  council  were  not  unanimous ;  several  learned  and 
picius  men  protested  against  the  determination  relative  to  baptism. 
Tht;  Rev.  Charles  Chauncey,  president  of  Harvard  college ;  Mr. 
Increase  Mather,  afterwards  doctor  in  divinity;  Mr.  Mather,  of 
Northampton ;  and  others,  were  warmly  in  the  opposition.    Presi- 


;  t'j 


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t|: 


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'I'   i 


260 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


[1663 


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i 


dent  Chauncey  wrote  a  tract  against  the  resolution  respecting  bajp- 
tism,  entitled  Antisynodalia.  Mr.  Increase  Mather,  also,  wrote  in 
opposition  to  the  council.  Mr.  Davenport,  and  all  the  ministers 
^in  the  colony  of  New-Haven,  and  numbers  in  C'  nriccticut,  were 
against  the  resolutions.  Mr.  Davenport  wrote  against  them.  The 
>  churches  were  more  generally  opposed  to  them  than  the  clergy. 

The  general  court  of  Connecticut  took  no  notice  of  the  synod, 
nor  of  the  dispute,  but  left  the  elders  and  churches  at  liberty  to  act 
their  own  sentiments.  They  were  attempting  to  form  an  union 
with  New-Haven ;  and,  as  the  ministers  and  churches  of  that  col- 
ony were  unanimous  in  their  opposition  to  the  synod,  they,  prob- 
ably, judged  it  impolitic,  at  that  time,  to  act  any  thing  relative  to 
these  ecclesiastical  points. 

While  the  churches  were  agitated  with  these  disputes,  another 
of  their  original  lights  was  extinguished.  Mr.  Stone  expired  July 
20th,  1663.  He  had  his  education  at  Emmanuel  college,  in  the 
university  of  Cambridge.  He  was  eminently  pious  and  exem- 
plary; abounded  in  fastings  and  prayer,  and  was  a  most  strict  ob- 
server of  the  christian  sabbath.  Preparatory  to  this,  he  laboured 
to  compose  himself  on  Saturday  evening,  to  the  most  heavenly 
views  and  exercises,  and  was  careful  not  to  speak  a  word  which 
was  not  grave,  serious,  and  adapted  to  the  solemnity.  He  spent 
much  time,  on  this  evening,  in  the  instruction  of  his  family,  com- 
monly delivering  to  them  the  sermon  which  he  designed  to  preach 
on  the  morrow,  or  some  other,  which  might  be  best  calculated  for 
their  instruction  and  edification.  His  sermons  were  doctiinal,  re- 
plete with  sentiment,  concisely  and  closely  applied.  He  was  es- 
teemed one  of  the  most  accurate  and  acute  disputants  of  his  day. 
He  was  celebrated  for  his  great  wit,  pleasantry,  and  good  humour. 
His  company  was  courted  by  all  gentlemen  of  learning  and  in- 
genuity, who  hail  the  happiness  of  an  acquaintance  with  him. 

All  the  ministers  who  illuminated  the  first  churches  in  Connecti- 
cut and  New-Haven,  except  Mr.  Warham  and  Mr.  Davenport, 
had  now  finished  their  course,  or  returned  to  England;  and  i.iost 
of  their  brethren,  who  composed  the  first  churches,  slept  with  them 
in  the  dust.   The  first  governors  and  magistrates  were  no  more. 

October  13,  1664,  the  general  court  of  Connecticut  came  to  a 
resolve,  with  a  view  to  enforce  the  resolution  of  the  synod,  upon 
the  churches  in  Connecticut.    It  was  in  the  words  following. 

"  This  court  understanding,  by  a  writing  presented  to  them, 
from  several  persons  of  this  colony,  that  they  are  aggrieved,  that 
they  are  not  entertained  in  church  fellowship,  this  court,  having 
duly  considered  the  same,  desiring,  that  the  rules  of  Christ  may  be 
attended,  do  commend  it  to  the  ministers  and  churches  in  this 
colony,  to  consider,  whether  it  be  not  their  duty  to  entertain  all 
such  persons,  who  are  of  an  honest  and  godly  conversation,  having 
a  competency  of  knowledge  in  the  principles  of  religion,  and  shall 


J 


1.;^    ^ 


Ii663 


1664J 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


361 


desire  to  join  with  them  in  church  fellowship,  by  an  explicit  cove- 
nant; and  that  they  have  their  children  baptized:  and  that  all  the 
children  of  the  church  be  accepted  and  accounted  real  members  of 
the  church;  and  that  the  church  exercise  a  Hue  christian  care  and 
watch  over  them :  and  that  when  they  are  gr>  iwn  up,  being  ex- 
amined by  the  officer,  in  the  face  of  the  church,  it  appear  in  the 
juilgment  of  charity,  that  they  be  duly  qualified  to  participate  in 
tli.it  great  ordinance  of  the  Lord's  supper,  by  their  being  able  to 
examine  themselves  and  discern  the  Lord's  body,  such  persons 
be  admitted  to  full  communion. 

"  'I'he  court  desireth  the  several  officers  of  the  respective 
churches  would  be  pleased  to  consider,  whether  it  be  not  the  duty 
of  the  court  to  order  the  chufhes  to  practice  according  to  the 
premises,  if  they  do  not  practice  without  such  order.  If  any  dis- 
sent from  the  ( ontents  of  this  writing,  t  licy  are  desired  to  help  the 
court,  with  such  light  as  is  with  them,  the  next  session  of  this 
as  embly." 

The  secretary  was  directed  •  )  send  a  copy  of  this  resolution  to 
all  the  ministers  and  churches  in  the  colony. 

The  elders  and  churche* ,  who  would  not  comply  with  the  pro- 
posed innovation,  had  not  only  to  combat  the  arguments  and  in- 
tlu<"nce  of  the  synod,  lut  the  influence  of  the  uneasy  people  in  the  , 
congregations,  and  of  the  general  court;  but  it  was  but  slowly, 
and  with  great  difficulty,  that  the  practice  of  owning  the  covenant, 
and  baptizing  the  children  of  parents  who  did  not  enter  into  full  ) 
communion,  and  attend  both  the  sacraments,  was  introduced. 
But  few  churches,  for  many  years,  admitted  the  practice,  and 
some  never  did.    It  appears  that,  notwithstanding  the  influence  of 
the  general  court,  and  the  resolutions  of  the  synods,  or  general  / 
councils,  a  majority  of  the  churches  in  Connecticut  were  against ' 
it.    They  imagined,  that  such  a  latitude  in  baptism,  and  admission 
of  members  to  communion,  would  subvert  the  very  design  for/ 
which  the  churches  of  New-England  were  planted. 

The  discipline  and  usages  of  the  Connecticut  churches  con- 
tinued yet,  for  some  time,  nearly  in  the  same  situation  in  which  < 
they  had  been  from  the  beginning.  The  clergy  and  churches  were 
strict  in  the  admission  of  members  t^  >  full  communion.  Those  who 
were  admitted,  generally  inade  a  public  relation  of  their  christian 
experiences,  by  which  they  gave  satisfaction  to  the  church  of  their 
repentance,  faith,  and  sincere  friendship  to  the  Redeemer. 

The  elders  and  churches  were  exceedingly  strict,  with  respect 
to  those  whom  they  ordained;  examining  them  not  only  in  the 
three  learned  languages  and  doctrinal  points  of  theology,  with  re- 
spect to  cases  of  conscience,  and  their  ability  to  defend  Christianity 
and  its  doctrines  against  infidels  and  gainsayers,  but  with  respect 
to  their  own  experimental,  heart  religion.  All  those,  who  were  to 
be  ordained  over  any  church,  previously  to  their  separation  to  the 


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HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


[1665 


sacred  office,  satisfied  the  brotherhood  of  their  spiritual  birth,  and 
were  admitted  to  their  communion  and  fellowship.  None  were 
ordained,  or  installed  over  any  church,  until  after  they  had  been 
admitted  to  its  full  communion  and  fellowship. 

They  were  also  strict  in  the  formation  of  churches;  none  could 
be  formed,  nor  any  minister  ordained,  without  liberty  from  the 
general  court,  and  the  approbation  of  the  neighboring  elders  and 
churches. 

From  the  preceding  view,  it  appears,  that  before  the  union  there 
were  fifteen  churches  in  Connecticut,  exclusive  of  tliose  which  had 
been  formed  upon  Long-Island.  There  had  been  thirty-one  min- 
isters in  the  colony;  of  whom  about  twenty-five  or  six  had  been 
installed  or  ordained.  Twenty-one  were  ministering  to  the  people 
at  the  time  of  the  union;  nineteen  of  whom  had  been  installed  or 
ordained.  The  other  two,  Mr.  Noyes  and  Mr.  Collins,  were  after- 
wards settled  in  the  ministry,  in  the  towns  where,  for  some  years, 
they  had  been  laboring. 


I,  'ISl! 
1.1 ! 


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CHAPTER  XIV. 

AFTER  the  reduction  of  the  Dutch  settlements,  colonel 
Nichols  fixed  his  residence  at  New- York,  to  manage  the  aflfairs  of 
government.  Sir  Robert  Carr,  Cartwrith,  and  Maverick,  the  other 
commissioners,  soon  went  to  Boston,  and  proceeded  upon  the 
business  of  their  commission.  After  they  had  communicated  their 
instructions  to  the  general  court,  and  made  a  number  of  requisi- 
tions inconsistent  with  the  chartered  rights  of  the  colony,  and 
some  inconsistent  with  the  rights  of  conscience  and  of  the 
churches,  they  went  from  Boston  to  Narraganset.  They  held 
courts  at  Warwick  and  Southerton,  and  spent  a  considerable  time 
in  hearing  the  complaints  of  the  Indians,  in  determining  the  titles 
of  the  English  to  their  lands ;  and,  without  any  color  of  authority 
from  their  commission,  undertook  to  make  a  new  province. 
They  determined,  that  the  deed  of  the  Rhode-Islanders,  from  the 
Indians,  was  of  no  force.  Captain  Atherton,  and  others,  had  made 
a  large  purchase  of  the  Indians,  in  Narraganset,  east  of  Pawcatuck 
river,  and  the  planters  had  put  themselves  under  the  government 
of  Connecticut.  The  commissioners  determined,  that  captain 
Atherton's  deed  was  not  legal,  because  there  was  no  mention  of 
the  sum  which  he  had  paid.  However,  as  it  appeared  that  con- 
siderable had  been  paid  the  Indians  for  the  lands,  the  commission- 
ers ordered  the  natives  to  pay  to  the  purchasers  a  certain  ouantity 
of  wampum,  and  ordered  the  planters  to  move  off  from  the  lands. 
As  the  Narraganset  sachems  had,  in  1644,  made  their  subjection 
to  the  king  of  England,  acknowledging  themselves  to  be  his  sub- 


[1665 


1665] 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


263 


jectB,  they  declared  that  the  country  belonged  to  his  majesty,  and 
that,  in  future,  it  should  be  called  the  king's  provincb.  They 
determined,  that  no  person,  of  what  cdbny  soever,  should  pre- 
sume to  exercise  any  authority  within  that  tract,  except  those  who 
should  be  authorised  by  them,  until  his  majesty's  pleasure  should 
be  known.  They  further  decreed,  that  the  king's  province  should 
extend  westward  to  the  middle  of  Pawcatuck  river,  and  north- 
ward as  far  as  the  south  line  of  Massachusetts.  In  the  plenitude 
of  their  power,  they  also  ordered,  that  the  Pequots,  to  whom  the 
General  Assembly  of  Connecticut  had,  agreeable  to  a  resolution 
of  the  commissioners  of  the  united  colonies,  assigned  a  tract  of 
land  on  the  east  of  Pawcatuck,  should  be  removed  and  settled  in 
some  other  place,  which  the  assembly  should  appoint,  west  of  that 
river.^  It  appears  that  they  came  to  these  important  decisions, 
without  giving  Connecticut  notice,  or  ever  hearing  what  reasons 
the  colony  had  to  offer  against  them.  '^ 

When  they  had  finished  their  business  in  Narraganset,  they  re- 
turned to  Boston.  There  they  proceeded  in  the  most  arbitrary 
manner,  giving  the  general  court  of  Massachusetts  and  the  whole 
colony  unspez^cable  trouble.  They  undertook  the  protection  of 
criminals  against  the  commonwealth;  and  summoned  the  mem- 
bers of  the  general  court  before  them  to  answer  for  judgments 
which  they  had  given  in  their  legislative  and  executive  capacity. 
They  received  complaints  against  the  colony,  from  Indians  and 
other  disaffected  persons;  and  undertook  to  judge  in  cases  which 
had  been  previously  prosecuted  to  a  final  adjudication,  according 
to  law.  Indeed,  they  did  not  content  themselves  with  determin- 
ing civil  matters  only,  they  made  requisitions  respecting  the 
church.  They  demanded,  that  all  persons  of  orthodox  opinions, 
competent  knowledge,  and  civil  lives,  should  be  admitted  to  the 
Lord's  supper,  and  their  children  to  baptism.* 

While  the  general  court  of  Massachusetts  expressed  entire  loy- 
alty to  his  majesty,  they  firmly  maintained  their  charter  rights,  and 
remonstrated  against  the  proceedings  of  the  commissioners.  At 
this  firm  conduct,  they  were  highly  disgusted,  and  made  a  very  un- 
favorable representation  of  the  colony  to  his  majesty,  much  to  its 
disadvantage. 

They  came  to  no  determination  with  respect  to  the  claim  of 
duke  Hamilton,  but  returned  the  answer  of  Connecticut  to  the 
king,  and  made  a  very  friendly  report  to  him  of  the  manner  in 
which  they  had  been  received  by  the  colony  of  Connecticut,  and 
of  the  loyalty  and  attachment  of  the  people  to  his  royal  person. 
In  consequence  of  it,  the  king  sent  a  most  gracious  letter  to  the 
colony.  In  this,  he  says, "  We  cannot  but  let  you  know  how  much 
we  are  pleased.   Although  your  carriage  doth  of  itself  most  justly 

'  Records  of  Connecticut,  in  their  book  of  patents,  letters,  determinations,  &c. 
'  Hutchinson's  Hist.  vol.  L  p.  230—356. 


tm 


■  i 


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a<S4 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


[1666 


^11 


deserve  our  praise  and  approbation,  yet  it  seems  to  be  set  off  with 
more  lustre,  by  the  contrary  deportment  of  the  colony  of  Massa- 
chusetts. We  shall  never  be  unmindful  of  this  your  loyal  and 
dutiful  behaviour."  ^ 

At  the  general  election,  May  nth,  1666,  the  former  governor 
and  council  were  re-elected. 

The  general  assembly,  at  this  session,  proceeded  to  ascertain 
the  limits  of  the  counties  and  the  business  of  the  county  courts.  It 
was  enacted,  that  the  towns  upon  the  river,  from  the  north  bounds 
of  Windsor,  with  Farmington,  to  thirty  miles  island,  should  be  one 
county,  to  be  called  the  county  of  Hartford.  That  from  Paw- 
catuck  river,  with  Norwich,  to  die  west  bounds  of  Hammonasset, 
should  be  one  county,  by  the  name  of  the  county  of  New-London; 
and  that  from  the  east  bounds  of  Stratford  to  the  western  boun- 
dary of  the  colony,  be  another  county,  to  be  known  by  the  name  of 
the  county  of  Fairfield.  The  county  courts  were  to  consist  of  one 
magistrate,  at  least,  and  of  two  justices  of  the  quorum.  If  three 
magistrates  were  present  they  were  authorised  to  proceed  to  busi- 
ness, though  the  justices  were  absent.  The  probation  of  wills  and 
all  testamentary  matters,  vfhich  before  had  been  transacted  in  the 
court  of  magistrates,  were  referred  to  the  county  courts,  with  the 
liberty  of  appeal  to  the  superior  court 

In  May,  1667,  no  alteration  was  made  with  respect  to  the  gov- 
ernor and  council,  but  governor  Winthrop,  at  first,  declined  his 
office.  The  assembly  appointed  a  committee,  and  desired  to  know 
the  reasons  of  his  desire  to  leave  the  chair.  They  reported  the 
reasons  to  the  assembly.  It  seems  that  the  expense  of  his  office 
was  such,  in  his  opinion,  that  he  could  not,  consistently  with  his 
duty  to  himself  and  family,  continue  in  it,  without  some  further 
allowance  from  the  colony.  The  assembly  continued  their  earnest 
desire,  that  he  would  accept  the  trust  to  which  he  had  been  chosen. 
To  enable  him  to  support  his  office  with  dignity,  the  legislature 
freed  all  his  estate,  in  the  colony,  from  taxation,  and  granted  him 
a  hundred  and  ten  pounds  out  of  the  public  treasury.  Upon  these 
encouragements,  in  connection  with  the  desire  and  unanimity  of 
the  freemen,  he  consented  to  accept  his  appointment. 

About  the  year  1664,  settlements  commenced  on  the  east  side  of 
Connecticut  river,  upon  the  tract,  on  that  side,  which  originally 
belonged  to  the  town  of  Saybrook.  In  May,  1667,  the  inhabitants 
were  so  increased,  that  the  assembly  made  them  a  distinct  town  by 
the  name  of  Lyme.  The  Indian  name  for  the  eastern  part  of  the 
town  was  Nehantick. 

At  the  election.  May  14th,  1668,  the  freemen  elected  Mr.  Alex- 
ander Bryan,  Mr.  James  Bishop,  Mr.  Anthony  Hawkins,  and  Mr. 
Thomas  Wells,  magistrates,  instead  of  Mr.  Matthew  Allen,  Mr. 
Sherman,  Mr.  Crane,  and  Mr.  Qark. 

No.  XXII. 


[i666 


l66a] 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


365 


In  this  and  the  next  year,  several  new  settlements  were  made 
and  new  towns  incorporated. 

On  the  aoth  of  May,  1662,  a  purchase  was  made  of  the  Indians, 
of  a  township  of  land  termed  thirty  miles  island.  The  Indian  name 
of  the  tract,  east  of  the  river,  since  calledEast-Haddam,  was  Mach- 
emoodus.  The  original  proprietors  were  twenty  eight  They 
began  their  settlements  on  the  west  side  of  the  river,  and  the  in- 
habitants were  so  increased  that,  in  the  session  in  October,  1668, 
the  plantation  was  vested  with  town  privileges,  and  named  Had- 
dam.  The  extent  of  the  town  was  six  miles  east  and  west  of  the 
river. 

About  the  same  time  a  settlement  was  made  at  Massacoe.  In 
April,  1644,  the  general  court  of  Connecticut  gave  liberty  to  gov- 
ernors Hopkins  and  Haynes  to  dispose  of  the  lands  upon  Tunxis 
river,  called  Massacoe,  to  such  of  the  inhabitants  of  Windsor  as 
they  should  judge  expedient.  In  1647,  ^^^  court  resolved,  that 
Massacoe  should  be  purchased  by  the  country,  and  a  committee 
was  appointed  to  dispose  of  it  to  such  of  the  inhabitants  of  Wind- 
sor as  they  should  choose.  A  purchase  of  the  lands  was  made  of 
the  Indians,  and  settlements  began  under  the  town  of  Windsor. 
The  plantation,  at  first,  was  considered  as  an  appendix,  or  part  of 
that  town.  In  the  session  in  May,  1670,  it  was  enacted,  that  Mas- 
sacoe should  be  a  distinct  town,  by  the  name  of  Symsbury.  The 
limits  granted  were  ten  miles  northward  from  the  north  bounds 
of  Farmington,  and  ten  miles  westward  from  the  western  bounds 
of  Windsor. 

At  the  sa'ie  time,  New-Haven  Village  was  incorporated  and 
made  a  town,  by  the  name  of  WaUingford.  The  purchase  of  the 
town  was  made  by  governor  Eaton,  Mr.  Davenport,  and  other 
planters  of  New-Haven,  in  December,  1638.  The  settlement  was 
projected  in  1669.  A  committee  was  appointed,  by  the  town  of 
New-Haven,  vested  with  powers  to  manage  the  whole  affair  of  the 
settlement.  This  committee  held  the  lands  in  trust,  and  acted  in 
all  the  affairs  of  the  town,  as  trustees,  until  May,  1672,  when  they 
resigned  their  trust  to  the  town. 

At  the  general  election.  May  12th,  1670,  William  Leet,  Esq.  was 
chosen  deputy  governor,  and  major  Mason,  who  for  many  years 
had  been  deputy  governor,  was  chosen  the  first  magistrate. 

Until  this  time,  the  great  body  of  the  freemen  had  annually  con- 
vened at  Hartford,  upon  the  day  of  election,  to  make  choice  of  the 
governor,  magistrates,  and  civil  officers,  appointed  by  charter,  to 
be  elected  on  that  day.  But  the  freemen  were  now  become  so 
numerous,  and  it  had  been  found  to  be  so  expensive  and  incon- 
venient, that  it  was  judged  necessary  to  alter  the  mode  of  election. 
The  assembly  resolved,  "  That  henceforth  all  the  freemen  of  this 
jurisdiction,  without  any  further  summons,  from  year  to  year,  shall 
or  may  upon  the  second  Thursday  in  May  yearly,  in  person  or  in 


} 


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P^  A 


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1.1 


Z66 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


I1670 


I '2 


■■'ii 


m 


I' 


proxy,  at  Hartford,  attend  and  consummate  the  election  of  gov- 
ernor, deputy  governor,  and  assistants,  and  such  other  public 
officers  as  his  majesty  hath  appointed,  by  our  charter,  then  yearly 
to  be  chosen."  A  law  was  then  made  regulating  the  freemen's 
meetings  and  the  mode  of  election,  for  substance  nearly  the  same 
with  the  law  respecting  the  election  at  the  present  time. 

While  the  colony  was  thus  extending  its  settlements,  and  regu- 
lating its  internal  police,  great  troubles  arose  respecting  the 
boundaries  between  Connecticut  and  Rhode-Island.  From  year 
to  year  Connecticut  had  appointed  committees  to  settle  the  boun- 
dary line  between  the  colonies,  but  all  their  attempts  had  been  un- 
successful. 

In  1668,  the  assembly  appointed  Mr.  Wyllys,  and  Mr.  Robert 
Thompson,  of  London,  by  petition  or  otherwise,  to  represent  the 
affair  to  his  majesty,  and  obtain  a  resolution  respecting  the 
boundary  line.  Nothing  decisive,  however,  was  effected.  Mean- 
while, the  conduct  of  Rhode-Island  was  such,  that  the  General 
Assembly  of  Connecticut  declared  it  to  be  intolerable,  and  con- 
trary to  the  settlement  made  by  his  maj  esty 's  commissioners.  The 
assembly,  therefore,  in  May,  1670,  appointed  Mr.  Leet,  the  deputy- 
governor,  John  Allen,  and  James  Richards,  Esquires,  captain 
John  Winthrop,  and  captain  Benjamin  Newbury,  a  committee  to 
meet  at  New-London,  the  June  following,  to  treat  with  such  gen- 
tlemen, from  Rhode-Island,  as  should  be  sent,  properly  authorised 
to  act  in  the  affair;  and  concerning  the  injuries  which  the  in- 
habitants of  that  colony  had  done  to  the  people  of  Connecticut. 
They  were  not  only  vested  with  plenary  powers  to  compromise 
these  difficulties,  but,  in  case  the  commissioners  from  Rhode- 
Island  would  not  agree  to  some  equitable  mode  of  settlement,  to 
reduce  the  people  of  Squamacuck  and  Narraganset  to  obedience 
to  this  colony.  They  were  also  authorised  to  hold  courts  in  the 
Pequot  and  Narraganset  country,  and  to  hear  and  determine  all 
cases  of  injury,  which  had  been  done  to  the  inhabitants  of  Con- 
necticut, according  to  law.  Instructions  were  also  given  them  to 
appoint  all  officers,  necessary  for  the  peaceable  government  of  that 
part  of  the  colony. 

The  commissioners  of  the  two  colonies  met  at  New-London, 
but  could  eflfect  no  settlement  of  the  controversy.  The  commis- 
sioners from  Rhode-Island,  insisted  that  Pawcatuck  river  was 
their  boundary,  accordmg  to  the  express  words  of  their  charter. 
Those  from  Connecticut,  insisted  that  their  charter,  which  was 
prior  to  that  of  Rhode-Island,  bounded  them  easterly  upon  Narra- 
ganset bay  and  river,  and  that  the  Pequot  country,  which  they  had 
conquered,  extended  ten  miles  east  of  Pawcatuck;  that,  therefore, 
they  had  a  right  to  that  part,  both  by  charter  and  conquest. 

As  no  agreement  could  be  effected,  the  committee  from  Con- 
necticut, went  into  the  Narraganset  country,  and  read  the  charter 


Il670 


l«f«] 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


367 


at  Wiekford,  and  the  plantations  east  of  Pawcatuck  river,  and,  in 
the  name  of  the  General  Assembly  of  Connecticut,  demanded  the 
submission  and  obedience  of  the  people  to  its  authority  and  laws. 
They  also  appointed  officers  for  the  good  government  of  the  peo- 
ple.^ 

Both  colonies  had  something  plausible  to  plead.  The  case,  truly 
stated,  is  this.  The  old  patent  of  Connecticut,  to  lord  Say  and 
Seal,  lord  Brook,  and  their  associates,  bounded  the  tract  conveyed 
eastward,  by  Narraganset  bay  and  river.  The  charter  granted  in 
April,  1662,  gave  the  same  boundaries  as  the  old  patent  in  163 1. 
Pawcatuck  river  was  never  known  by  the  name  of  Narraganset 
river,  and  it  made  no  bay;  consequently  the  mouth  of  it,  and  the 
sea  there,  could  not  be  called  Narraganset  bay.  But  when  Mr. 
John  Clark  was  in  England,  as  agent  for  the  colony  of  Rhode- 
Island,  in  1663,  there  arose  much  difficulty  between  him  and  Mr. 
Winthrop,  respecting  the  boundaries  between  the  two  colonies. 
They  were  advised,  by  their  friends,  to  submit  the  controverted 
points  to  arbitrators,  in  England,  to  which  they  consented.  Will- 
iam Breereton,  Esq.  major  Robert  Thompson,  capt.  Richard 
Deane,  capt.  John  Brookhaven,  and  doctor  Benjamin  Worseley, 
were  mutually  chosen  to  hear  and  determine  the  differences  be- 
tween them.   They  came  to  the  following  determination : 

"  First,  That  a  river  there  commonly  called  and  known  by 
Pawcatuck  river,  shall  be  the  certain  bounds  between  those  two 
colonies,  which  said  river  shall,  for  the  future,  be  also  called  alias 
Narragance  or  Narraganset  river." 

"  Secondly,  If  any  part  of  that  purchase  at  Quinebaug  doth  lie 
along  upon  the  east  side  of  the  river,  that  goeth  down  by  New- 
London,  within  six  miles  of  the  said  river,  that  then  it  shall  wholly 
belong  to  Connecticut  colony,  as  well  as  the  rest  which  lieth  on  the 
western  side  of  the  aforesaid  river." 

"  Thirdly,  That  the  proprietors  and  inhabitants  of  that  land 
about  Mr.  Smith's  trading  house,  claimed  or  purchased  by  major 
Atherton,  capt.  Hutchinson,  lieut.  Hudson,  and  others,  or  given 
unto  them  by  Indians,  shall  have  free  liberty  to  choose  to  which  of 
thosQ  colonies  they  will  belong." 

"  Fourthly,  That  propriety  shall  not  be  altered  nor  destroyed, 
but  carefully  maintained  through  the  said  colonies." 

To  this  the  two  agents,  John  Winthrop  and  John  Clark,  Es- 
quires, interchangeably  set  their  hands  and  seals,  as  an  agreement 
finally  terminating  the  controversy  between  them.  This  was 
signed  on  the  7th  of  March,  1663. 

In  consequence  of  this  agreement,  the  charter  of  Rhode-Island, 
granted  July  8th,  1663,  bounded  that  colony  westward  by  Paw- 
catuck river,  and  ordained,  with  particular  reference  to  the  agree- 
ment, which  is  recognized  in  the  charter,  that  this  river  should  be 

>  Records  of  Connecticut. 


if 


963 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


[1671 


I H 


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if 


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called  alias  Narragance  or  Narraganset  river;  and  that  the  same 
shall  be  holden  by  the  colony  of  Rhode-Island,  "  any  grant,  or 
clause  in  a  late  grant,  to  the  governor  and  company  of  Connecticut 
colony  in  America,  to  tht  contrary  thereof,  in  any  wise  notwith- 
standing." 

The  proprietors,  mentioned  in  the  agreement,  made  choice  of 
the  government  of  Connecticut,  July  3d,  1663,  and  were  taken 
under  the  jurisdiction  and  protection  of  this  colony. 

Connecticut  insisted,  that  Mr.  Winthrop's  agency  was  finished 
before  the  agreement  with  Mr.  Clark,  and  that  he  had  never  re- 
ceived any  instructions  from  the  colony  authorizing  him  to  enter 
into  any  such  compact.  It  was  also  pleaded,  that  his  Majesty  could 
not  re-grant  that  which  he  had  previously  granted  to  Connecticut. 
Rhode-Island  insisted  on  the  agreement  between  Mr.  Winthrop 
and  Mr.  Clark,  and  on  the  limits  granted  in  the  charter  of  that  col- 
ony. Hence  arose  a  controversy  between  the  colonies,  which  con- 
tinued more  than  sixty  years. 

Governor  Winthrop,  at  the  session  in  October,  again  proposed 
a  resignation  of  his  office,  and  desired  the  consent  and  approba- 
tion of  the  general  assembly.  The  assembly  were  utterly  opposed 
to  it,  and  could,  by  no  means,  be  persuaded  to  give  their  consent. 
Through  the  influence  of  the  houses,  he  was  persuaded  to  keep  the 
chair,  and  means  were  adopted  to  give  him  satisfaction.  The  as- 
sembly, at  the  next  session,  granted  a  hundred  and  fifty  pounds 
salary.  Grants  were  several  times  made  him  of  valuable  tracts  of 
land.  These  considerations,  with  the  great  unanimity  and  esteem 
of  the  freemen,  prevailed  with  him  to  continue  in  office  until  his 
death. 

In  May,  1671,  the  former  officers  were  all  re-chosen. 

During  the  term  of  eighteen  or  twenty  years,  attempts  had  been 
making  to  settle  a  township  at  Paugasset.  About  the  year  1663,  it 
appears  that  governor  Goodyear,  and  several  other  gentlemen  in 
New-Haven,  made  a  purchase  of  a  considerable  tract  there. 
About  the  year  1654,  it  seems  that  some  few  settlements  were 
made.  The  next  year,  at  the  session  in  October,  the  planters  pre- 
sented a  petition  to  the  general  court,  at  New-Haven,  to  be  made 
a  distinct  town,  and  to  order  their  affairs  independently  of  the 
other  towns.  The  court  granted  their  petition ;  gave  them  liberty 
to  purchase  a  tract  sufficient  for  a  township;  released  them  from 
taxes;  and  appointed  Richard  Baldwin  moderator  to  call  meet- 
ings, and  conduct  the  affairs  of  the  plantation.  At  the  next  court, 
however,  Mr.  Prudden,  and  the  people  of  Milford,  made  such 
strong  remonstrances  against  the  act,  that  the  court  determined 
the  people  at  Paugasset  should  continue,  as  they  had  been,  under 
the  town  of  Milford,  unless  the  parties  should  come  to  an  agree- 
ment, respecting  the  incorporation  of  the  inhabitants  there  into  a 
distinct  township.    In  1657  and  1659  a  purchase  was  made  of  the 


[i67i 


167a] 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


269 


lands  of  the  chief  sagamores,  Wetanamow  and  Raskenute.  The 
purchase  appears  to  have  been  confirmed  afterwards  by  Oke- 
nuck,  the  chief  sachem.  Some  of  the  first  planters  were  £d. 
Wooster,  Ed.  Riggs,  Richard  Baldwin,  Samuel  Hopkins,  Thomas 
Langdon,  and  Francis  French.  They  preferred  a  petition  to  the 
general  assembly  of  Connecticut,  praying  for  town  privileges,  in 
1671.  The  assembly  determined  that  their  south  bounds  should 
be  the  north  line  of  Milford,  and  that  they  should  extend  their 
limits  twelve  miles  northward,  to  a  place  called  the  notch.  For 
their  encouragement,  it  was  promised,  that,  as  soon  as  there 
should  be  thirty  families  in  the  plantation,  they  should  be  vested 
with  town  privileges.  About  four  years  after,  Oct.  1675,  they  re- 
newed their  application.  They  represented  that  they  then  con- 
sisted of  twelve  families,  and  that  eleven  more  were  about  moving 
directly  into  the  plantation:  that  they  had  procured  a  minister, 
built  him  a  house,  and  made  provision  for  the  enjoyment  of  divine 
ordinances.  Upon  these  representations,  the  assembly  made  them 
a  town,  by  the  name  of  Derby. 

Major  John  Mason,  who,  for  many  years,  had  been  deputy  gov- 
ernor, and  rendered  many  important  services  to  the  colony,  being 
far  advanced  in  years,  and  visited  with  many  infirmities,  about  this 
time,  excused  himself  from  the  service  of  the  commonwealth.  At 
the  next  election.  May  9th,  1672,  Mr.  John  Nash  was  chosen  mag- 
istrate, to  fill  the  vacancy  made  by  his  resignation.^ 

Until  this  time,  the  colony  had  kept  their  laws  in  manuscript, 
and  had  promulgated  them,  by  sending  copies  to  be  publicly  read 
in  the  respective  towns.  This  year,  the  first  code  of  Connecticut 
was  published.  It  was  printed  at  Cambridge,  in  Massachusetts. 
It  consisted  of  between  seventy  and  eighty  pages,  in  small  folio, 
printed,  and  of  nearly  the  same  number  of  blank  pages.  It  is  a 
great  curiosity.  The  preface  is  written  in  the  most  religious  man- 
ner, sufficiently  solemn  for  an  introduction  to  a  lC'«'V  of  sermons. 
It  is  thus  introduced,  "  To  our  beloved  brethren  k.  d  neighbours, 
the  inhabitants  of  Connecticut,  the  general  court  of  that  colony 
wish  grace  and  peace  in  our  Lord  Jesus."  It  recognizes  the  de- 
sign of  the  first  planters,  "  who,"  as  the  court  express  it,  "  settled 
these  foundations,"  for  the  maintaining  of  "religion  according  to 
the  gospel  of  our  Lord  Jesus;"  which  it  declares  "  ought  to  be  the 

>  John  Mason,  Esq.  was  bred  to  anni  in  the  Dufch  Netherlands,  under  Sir 
Thomas  Fairfax.  He  came  into  New-England  with  Mr.  Warham  and  his  company, 
in  1630.*  Five  years  after,  he  removed  to  Comiecticat,  and  was  one  of  the  first 
planters  of  Windsor.  In  1642  he  was  chosen  magistrate ;  in  which  office  he  con- 
tinued until  May,  1660,  when  he  was  chosen  deputy  governor.  In  this  office  he 
continued  ten  years.  At  the  desire  of  the  inhabitants  of  Saybrook,  and  for  the  de- 
fence of  the  colony,  he  removed  to  that  town  in  1647.  From  thence  he  removed  to 
Norwich,  in  1659,  where  he  died,  in  1673  or  '73,  in  the  73d  year  of  his  age.  He 
was  tall  and  portly,  full  of  martial  fire,  and  shunned  no  hardships  or  dangers  in  the 
defence  and  service  of  the  colony.  He  was  a  gentleman  not  only  of  distinguished 
heroism,  but  of  strict  morals  and  great  prudence. 

*  Savage  thinks  this  may  be  an  error,  ashe  does  not  find  the  name  before  December,  163a,— J.  T. 


.% 


'I 


370 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


[i67t 


1   90  .'I 


;i 


'S! 


endeavour  of  all  those,  that  shall  succeed,  to  uphold  and  encourage 
unto  all  generations."  The  assembly  enacted,  that  every  family 
should  have  a  law  book.  In  the  blank  pages,  all  the  laws  enacted 
after  167a  were  inserted,  in  writing,  until  the  year  1699,  when  the 
book  was  filled  up. 

At  the  election.  May  8th,  1673,  Robert  Treat,  Esq.  was  chosen 
into  the  magistracy. 

At  this  court,  Richard  Smith  was  appointed  a  commissioner  at 
Narraganset,  and  vested  with  the  powers  of  magistracy  through 
that  country.  A  court  of  commissioners  was  instituted  there,  and 
Mr.  Smith  was  appointed  the  chief  judge.  This  court  had  cog- 
nizance of  all  cases  not  exceeding  twenty  pounds,  provided  that  all 
such  as  exceeded  forty  shillings  should  be  tried  by  a  jury.  A  com- 
missioner ^  was  appointed  at  Pettyquamscot. 

As  war  had  been  declared  in  England,  the  last  year,  against  the 
Dutch,  the  colony  was  put  into  a  state  of  defence.  It  was  ordered 
that  a  troop  of  horse  should  be  raised  in  each  county.  This  year, 
the  colony  was  more  thoroughly  alarmed,  and  experienced  the 
benefit  of  being  in  a  good  state  of  preparation.  On  the  30th  of 
July,  a  small  Dutch  fleet,  under  the  command  of  commodores  Cor- 
nelius Everste  and  Jacob  Benkes,  arrived  at  New- York.  One 
John  Manning,  who  commanded  the  fort  and  island  there,  treach- 
erously delivered  them  up  to  the  enemy,  without  firing  a  gun,  or 
attempting  the  least  resistance.  The  inhabitants  of  New- York 
and  New-Jersey  generally  submitted  to  the  Dutch  without  opposi- 
tion. About  the  same  time,  the  Dutch  captured  a  vessel  of  Mr. 
Sillick's  of  this  colony,  near  one  of  the  harbours  of  the  western 
towns. 

Upon  this  emergency,  a  special  assembly  was  convoked,  at 
Hartford,  on  the  7th  of  August.  Orders  were  immediately  issued, 
that  the  respective  troops,  in  the  colony,  with  five  hundred  dra- 
goons, should  forthwith  be  ready  for  service;  and  that  all  the 
trainbands  should  be  complete  in  their  arms.  The  same  day,  Mr. 
James  Richards  and  Mr.  William  Roswell,  were  dispatched,  with  a 
letter  from  the  assembly,  to  the  Dutch  commodores,  to  know  their 
further  intentions.  The  assembly  remonstrated  against  their  con- 
duct in  capturing  Mr.  Sillick's  vessel,  and  in  demanding  the  sub- 
mission of  his  majesty's  English  subjects,  upon  Long-Island,  and 
that  they  should  take  the  oath  ot  allegiance  to  the  States  General. 
They  acquainted  the  Dutch  commanders,  that  the  united  colonies 
were,  by  his  majesty,  constituted  the  defenders  of  the  lives  and  lib- 
erties of  his  subjects,  in  these  parts  of  his  dominions,  and  assured 
them  that  they  would  be  faithful  to  their  trust. 

The  assembly  appointed  the  governor,  deputy  governor,  and  a 
number  of  the  council,  a  committee  of  war,  to  act  as  emergencies 
should  require. 

'  Commiuioner  wu  a  nwne  for  ■  justice  of  the  peace.       ^^^ 


[i67« 


1673I 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


tft 


The  Dutch  commanderk  returned  a  soldierlike  answer  to  the 
messengers  and  letter  from  Connecticut,  purporting,  that  they 
had  a  commission  to  do  all  damages,  in  their  power,  to  their  en- 
emies, by  land  and  sea:  that  they  had  summoned  the  towns  upon 
Long-Island  to  submit  to  them;  end  that,  unless  they  should 
comply,  they  would  reduce  them  to  their  subjection  by  force  ot' 
arms:  that  as  the  vessel  they  had  taken  was  their  enemy's  it  was 
strange  to  them  that  any  questions  were  proposed  concerning  it: 
and  that  while  they  doubted  not  of  the  faithfulness  of  the  united 
colonies  in  defending  their  majesty's  subjects,  they  should  not  be 
less  zealous  and  faithful  in  the  service  of  the  States  General/ 

On  the  nth  of  August,  the  committee  of  war  met  at  Hartford. 
They  appear  to  have  apprehended  an  immediate  invasion.  They 
gave  orders,  that  the  whole  militia  of  the  colony  should  be  ready 
to  march  at  an  hour's  warning,  to  any  place  which  might  be  at- 
tacked. They  made  such  arrangement  of  the  dragoons,  and  sent 
such  assistance  to  their  friends  upon  Long-Island,  as  prevented  an 
invasion  of  any  part  of  the  colony,  and  the  plunder  and  destruction 
of  the  English  upon  the  island. 

On  the  meeting  of  the  assembly,  in  October,  letters  were  sent  to 
Massachusetts  and  Plymouth,  to  solicit  their  united  assistance 
against  the  Dutch,  and  to  know  their  opinion  relative  to  pro- 
claiming war,  and  engaging  in  offensive  operations  against  them. 
Mr.  John  Banks  was  sent  express  to  the  Dutch  commanders,  with 
a  spirited  remonstrance  against  the  conduct  of  the  Dutch,  who 
had  threatened  the  towns  on  the  Island  with  destruction,  by  fire 
and  sword,  unless  they  would  submit  and  swear  allegiance  to  the 
States  General.  They  had  sent  ships  and  an  armed  force  towards 
the  east  end  of  the  island,  to  subdue  the  people;  but  had  been  pre- 
vented. The  assembly  assured  them,  that  they  knew  how  to 
avenge  themselves  upon  their  plantations,  and  not  only  so,  but 
upon  their  head  quarters,  if  the  colonies  should  rise,  and  warned 
them  of  the  consequences  of  injuring  the  English  towns  upon  the 
island. 

Connecticut,  upon  consulting  their  confederates,  found  it  to  be 
the  general  opinion  to  act  offensively  against  the  Dutch.  A  spe- 
cial assembly  was  called  on  the  26th  of  November,  and  war  was  im- 
mediately proclaimed  against  them.  It  was  determined,  that  an 
expedition  should  be  undertaken  against  New- York.  This,  it 
seems,  was  in  conjunction  with  the  other  confederates.  Major 
Treat  was  appointed  to  command  the  troops  from  Connecticut 

The  Dutch  not  only  threatened  the  English  towns  on  the  island 
with  destruction,  but,  it  seems,  made  several  descents  upon  it,  with 
a  view  to  attack  them:  however,  by  the  assistance  of  the  troops 
from  Connecticut,  they  were,  in  all  instances,  repulsed,  and  driven 
from  the  island.'    Before  suitable  preparations  could  be  made  for 


'  Letter  on  file. 


*  Records  of  Connecticut,  and  letters  on  file. 


'ff 


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272 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


I1674 


an  attack  upon  the  Dutch,  at  their  head  quarters,  the  season  was 
too  far  advanced  for  military  operations.  Early  in  the  spring,  the 
news  of  a  general  pacification  between  England  and  Holland,  pre- 
vented all  further  proceedings  of  this  kind.  The  whole  militia  of 
the  colony,  at  this  time,  amounted  to  no  more  than  2,070  men. 
One  quarter,  it  seems,  were  mounted  as  dragoons,  and  employed 
for  the  defence  of  the  colony,  and  of  his  majesty's  English  subjects 
upon  Long-Island. 

The  only  alteration  made  by  the  election  in  1674,  was  the  choice 
of  Thomas  Topping,  Esq.  instead  of  Mr.  Hawkins. 

As  the  inhabitants  of  Long-Island  had  been  protected  and  gov- 
erned, the  latter  part  of  the  last  year,  by  Connecticut,  they  made 
application,  at  this  assembly,  for  the  further  enjoyment  of  its  pro- 
tection and  government.  The  legislature  accepted  them,  and  ap- 
pointed officers  in  the  several  English  towns,  as  they  had  done  at 
their  session  the  preceding  October. 

Upon  the  application  of  the  town  of  Wickford,  and  other  plan- 
tations in  Narraganset,  the  legislature  took  them  under  the  gov- 
ernment of  this  colony.  A  court  was  instituted  at  Stonington,  for 
the  government  of  the  people  in  Narraganset,  that  they  might  not 
live  in  dissolute  practices,  to  the  dishonour  of  God,  of  the  king  and 
nation,  and  to  the  scandalizing  of  the  very  heathens. 

The  legislature,  in  1672,  granted  liberty  to  Mr.  Sherman,  Mr. 
William  Curtiss,  and  their  associates,  to  make  a  plantation  at 
Pomperaug.  Such  a  number  of  settlements  had  been  made  there, 
in  about  two  years,  that  the  assembly,  in  May,  1674,  enacted  that 
it  should  be  a  town,  by  the  name  of  Woodbury. 

Scarcely  had  the  colonies  recovered  from  one  calamity  and  dan- 
ger, before  new  and  more  terrible  scenes  of  alarm  and  destruction 
presented  themselves.  Not  only  Connecticut,  but  all  the  New- 
England  colonies,  were  now  verging  upon  a  most  distressful  and 
important  period,  in  which  their  very  existence  was  endangered. 

Upon  the  pacification  with  the  Dutch,  the  duke  of  York,  to  re- 
move all  doubt  and  controversy  respecting  his  property  in  Amer- 
ica, took  out  a  new  patent  from  the  king,  June  29th,  1674,  granting 
the  same  territory  described  in  the  former  patent.  Two  days  after, 
he  commissioned  major,  afterwards  Sir  Edmund  Andross,  to  be 
governor  of  New- York,  and  all  his  territories  in  these  parts.  The 
major  was  a  mere  tool  of  the  duke,  and  a  tyrant  over  the  people. 
Mr.  Smith,  in  his  history  of  New- York,  observes,  "  That  he  knew 
no  law  but  the  will  of  his  master;  and  that  Kirk  and  Jefferies  were 
not  fitter  instruments  than  he  to  execute  the  despotic  projects  of 
James  the  second." 

Notwithstanding  the  priority  of  the  patent  of  Connecticut  to  the 
duke  of  York's,  and  the  determination  of  his  majesty's  commis- 
sioners about  ten  years  before,  in  1675,  he  set  up  the  duke's  claim 
to  all  that  part  of  the  colony  which  lies  to  the  westward  of  Con- 
necticut river,  and  he  threatened  the  colony  with  an  invasion. 


1675] 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


«;s 


At  the  same  time,  Philip,  sachem  of  the  Wampanoags,  com- 
menced hostilities  against  the  colonies,  and  involved  them  in  a 
most  bloody  and  destructive  war.  It  had  been  supposed,  that  the 
Indians,  for  several  years,  had  been  concerting  a  general  con- 
spiracy against  the  plantations  in  New-England,  with  a  view  of 
extirpating  the  English  from  the  country.  They  viewed  them- 
selves as  a  free  and  independent  people.  Their  sachems  were  men 
of  high  and  independent  spirits.  They  considered  themselves  as 
sovereign  princes,  and  claimed  to  be  the  original  proprietors  and 
lords  of  the  land.  They  viewed  the  English  as  intruders  and 
usurpers.  While,  therefore,  they  saw  them,  in  almost  every  quar- 
ter, extending  their  settlements  over  the  dominions  of  their  an- 
cestors, they  could  not  but  kindle  into  resentment,  and  adopt 
counsels  to  prevent  the  loss  of  their  liberties  and  country.  Though 
they  had  entered  into  treaties  with  the  colonies,  and  acknowledged 
themselves  to  be  subjects  of  the  king  of  England,  yet  it  is  by  no 
means  probable,  that,  by  these  treaties  and  acknowledgments,  they 
designed  to  give  up  their  independence,  or  any  of  their  natural 
rights.  They  viewed  themselves  rather  as  allies,  than  as  subjects 
of  England.  To  be  called  to  an  account  for  their  conduct,  and  to 
be  thwarted  in  their  designs,  by  the  colonies,  or  to  He  holden  as 
amenable  to  them  for  their  actions,  was  a  treatment  which  their 
haughty  spirits  could  not  brook.  These  were  general  reasons  for 
which  they  might  wish  for  the  destruction  of  their  English  neigh- 
bors. But  beside  these,  there  were  others,  which  had  more  imme- 
diate influence  upon  Philip.  John  Sausaman,  a  christian  Indian, 
who  had  once  been  a  subject  of  Philip,  made  a  discovery  of  his 
plots  against  the  English.  Philip,  fired  with  resentment,  procured 
the  murder  of  Sausaman.  The  murderers  were  discovered,  tried 
by  the  English  laws,  and  executed.  Philip,  enraged  at  the  execu- 
tion of  his  subjects,  conscious  of  his  own  guilt,  and  probably  ap- 
prehensive for  his  personal  safety,  armed  his  own  w  arriors,  the 
Wampanoags,  and  such  strange  Indians  as  he  could  engage  to 
embark  in  his  measures,  and,  with  the  most  hostile  appearances, 
began  to  march  up  and  down  the  country. 

As  the  colonies,  for  some  time,  had  been  apprised,  that  the  Ind- 
ians were  forming  designs  against  them,  they,  by  treaties,  and 
such  other  means  as  appeared  to  be  wise  and  politic,  had  been  at- 
tempting to  prevent  the  storm.  Notwithstanding,  it  now  burst 
upon  them  with  uncommon  fury.  Its  destruction  was  wide  and 
dreadful. 

Philip's  numbers  daily  increasing,  gave  him  fresh  courage,  and 
increased  his  insolence.  On  the  20th  of  June,  1675,  his  Indians 
comenced  hostilities  upon  Swanzey,  one  of  the  frontier  towns  of 
New-Plymouth,  bordering  on  the  territories  of  Philip,  whose  chief 
seat  was  at  Mount  Hope.*    They  insulted  the  English,  rifled  their 

■  Mount  Hope  is  ui  eminence  in  the  eaiteni  part  of  the  town  of  Bristol,  in 
Rhode-Island. 


'  i 


4 


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274 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


[1675 


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houses,  and  killed  their  cattle.  Four  days  after,  they  killed  nine, 
and  wounded  seven  of  the  inhabitants.  The  troops  of  that  colony 
marched  immediately  to  the  defence  of  the  town.  In  four  days, 
they  were  reinforced  with  several  companies  from  Boston.  On 
the  29th,  the  troops  were  drawn  forth  against  the  enemy.  They  in- 
stantly fled  before  them,  for  a  mile  or  two,  and  took  refuge  in  a 
swamp.  The  next  day,  major  Savage  arrived  with  more  troops 
and  a  general  command  from  Boston.  He  marched  the  army  into 
the  Indian  towns,  to  surprise  their  head  quarters,  and  give  them 
battle  upon  their  own  grounds.  The  troops  found  the  enemy's 
towns,  and  even  the  seat  of  Philip,  deserted  with  marks  of  the  ut- 
most precipitation.  As  the  Indians  fled,  they  marked  their  route 
with  the  burning  of  buildings,  the  scalps,  hands,  and  heads  of  the 
English,  which  they  had  taken  off  and  fixed  upon  poles  by  the  way 
side.  As  they  could  not  come  up  with  the  enemy,  they  returned  to 
their  head  quarters,  at  Swanzey. 

In  consequence  of  the  war  with  Philip,  the  commissioners  cf  the 
united  colonies  met  at  Boston,  and  governor  Winthrop,  who  was 
one  of  the  commissioners  for  Connecticut,  was  gone  there,  to  at- 
tend the  business  of  the  country.  Deputy-governor  Leet  and  the 
council,  upon  receiving  intelligence  of  the  war,  dispatched  troops 
to  Stonington,  to  defend  that  part  of  the  colony  against  the  enemy. 

At  the  same  time,  it  was  discovered  that  major  Andross  was 
about  to  make  a  hostile  invasion  of  the  colony,  and  to  demand  a 
surrender  of  its  most  important  posts  to  the  government  of  the 
duke  of  York.  Detachments  from  the  militia  were,  therefore,  sent, 
with  the  utmost  expedition,  to  New-London  and  Saybrook.  Cap- 
tain Thomas  Bull,  of  Hartford,  commanded  the  party  sent  to  Say- 
brook. 

About  the  8th  or  9th  of  July,  the  people  of  that  town  were  sur- 
prised by  the  appearance  of  major  Andross,  with  an  armed  force, 
in  the  sound,  making  directly  for  the  fort.  They  had  received  no 
intelligence  of  the  affair,  nor  instructions  from  the  governor  and 
council,  how  to  conduct  themselves  upon  such  an  emergency. 
They  were,  at  first,  undetermined  whether  to  make  any  resistance 
or  not ;  but  they  did  not  hesitate  long.  As  the  danger  approached, 
and  their  surprise  abated,  the  martial  spirit  began  to  enkindle; 
the  fort  was  manned,  and  the  militia  of  the  town  drawn  out  for  its 
defence.^  At  this  critical  juncture,  captain  Bull  with  his  company 
arrived,  and  the  most  vigorous  exertions  were  made,  for  the  de- 
fence of  the  fort  and  town.  On  the  i  ith,  major  Andross,  with  sev- 
eral armed  sloops,  drew  up  before  the  fort,  hoisted  the  king's  flag 
on  board,  and  demanded  a  surrender  of  the  fortress  and  town. 
Captain  Bull  raised  his  majesty's  colors  in  the  fort,  and  arranged 
his  men  in  the  best  manner.    They  appeared  with  a  good  coun- 

*  Letter  from  the  Rev.  Mr.  Buckingham  to  the  governor  and  council,  on  the  sub- 
ject. 


'' 


[1675 


l675] 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


275 


m  the  «ub- 


tenance,  determined  and  eager  for  action.  The  major  did  not  like 
to  fire  on  the  king's  colors,  and  perceiving  that,  should  he  attempt 
to  reduce  the  town  by  force,  it  would  be  a  bloody  affair,  judged  it 
expedient  not  to  fire  upon  the  troops.  He,  nevertheless,  lay  all 
that  day,  and  part  of  the  next,  o&  against  the  fort. 

The  critical  state  of  the  colony  had  occasioned  the  meeting  of 
the  assembly,  at  Hartford,  on  the  9th  of  July.  They  immediately 
proceeded  to  draw  up  a  declaration,  or  protest,  against  the  major, 
in  the  words  following. 

"  Whereas,  we  are  informed  that  major  Edmund  Andross  is 
come  with  some  considerable  force  into  this  his  majesty's  colony 
of  Connecticut,  which  might  be  construed  to  be  in  pursuance  of  his 
letter  to  us,  to  invade  or  intrude  upon  the  same,  or  upon  some 
part  of  our  charter  limits  and  privileges,  and  so  to  molest  his 
majesty's  good  subjects,  in  this  juncture,  when  the  heathen  rage 
against  the  English,  and  by  fire  and  sword  have  destroyed  many 
of  his  majesty's  good  subjects,  our  neighbors  of  Plymouth  colony, 
and  still  are  carrying  their  heads  about  the  country,  as  trophies 
of  their  good  success;  and  yet  are  proceeding  further  in  their 
cruel  designs  against  the  English;  in  faithfulness  to  our  royal 
sovereign,  and  in  obedience  to  his  majesty's  commands,  in  his 
gracious  charter  to  this  colony,  we  can  do  no  less  than  publicly 
declare  and  protest  against  the  said  major  Edmund  Andross,  and 
these  his  illegal  proceedings,  as  also  against  all  his  aiders  and 
abettors,  as  disturbers  of  the  peace  of  his  majesty's  good  subjects 
in  this  colony;  and  that  his  and  their  actions,  in  this  juncture, 
tend  to  the  encouragement  of  the  heathen  to  proceed  in  the  effu- 
sion of  christian  blood,  which  may  be  very  like  to  be  the  conse- 
quence of  his  actions,  and  which  we  shall  unavoidably  lay  at 
his  door,  and  use  our  utmost  power  and  endeavour,  (expecting 
therein  the  assistance  of  Almighty  God)  to  defend  the  good  people 
of  this  colony  from  the  said  major  Andross  his  attempts;  not 
doubting  but  his  majesty  will  countenance  and  approve  our  just 
proceedings  therein,  they  being  according  to  the  commission  we 
have  received  from  his  majesty,  in  his  gracious  charter  to  this 
colony ;  by  which  power  and  trust,  so  committed  unto  us,  we  do 
again  forewarn  and  advise  the  said  major  Andross,  and  all  his 
aiders  and  abettors,  to  forbear  and  desist  such  forenamed  unjust 
and  unwarrantable  practices,  as  they  expect  to  answer  the  same, 
with  all  such  just  damages  and  costs  as  may  arise  or  accrue  there- 
by. And  we  do  further,  in  his  majesty's  name,  require  and  com- 
mand all  the  good  people,  his  majesty's  subjects,  of  this  colony  of 
Connecticut,  under  our  present  government,  utterly  to  refuse  to 
attend,  countenance  or  obey  the  said  major  Edward  Andross,  or 
any  under  him,  in  any  order,  instruction,  or  command,  diverse 
from  or  contrary  to  the  laws  and  orders  of  this  colony  here  es- 


«4 
I,  I 


\l 


m 


i'^-^^ 


I  - 


I 


'f 

I., 
I5i 


B  i 


"I! 


276 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


[1675 


tablished,  by  virtue  of  his  majesty's  gracious  charter,  granted  to 
this  colony  of  Connecticut,  as  they  will  answer  the  contrary  at 
their  peril." 

"  God  save  the  King." 

This  was  voted  unanimously.  It  was  sent  by  an  express  to 
Saybrook,  with  instructions  to  captain  Bull  to  propose  to  major 
Andross  the  reference  of  the  affair  in  dispute  to  commissioners, 
to  meet  in  any  place  in  this  colony  which  he  should  choose.  Early 
in  the  morning  of  the  12th  of  July,  the  major  desired  that  he  might 
have  admittance  on  shore,  and  an  interview  with  the  ministers  and 
chief  officers.  He  probably  imagined,  that  if  he  could  read  the 
duke's  patent  and  his  own  commission,  it  would  make  an  impres- 
sion upon  the  people,  and  that  he  should  gain  by  art  that  which 
he  could  not  by  force  of  arms.  He  was  allowed  to  come  on  shore 
with  his  suit.  Meanwhile,  the  express  arrived  with  the  protest, 
and  instructions  from  the  assembly.  Captain  Bull  and  his  officers, 
with  the  officers  and  gentlemen  of  the  town,  met  the  major,  at 
his  landing,  and  acquainted  him  that  they  had,  at  that  instant, 
received  instructions  to  tender  him  a  treaty,  and  to  refer  the  whole 
matter  in  controversy  to  commissioners,  capable  of  determining 
it  according  to  law  and  justice.  The  major  rejected  the  proposal, 
and  forthwith  commanded,  in  his  majesty's  name,  that  the  duke's 
patent,  and  the  commission  which  he  had  received  from  his  royal 
highness,  should  be  read.  Captain  Bull  commanded  him,  in  his 
majesty's  name,  to  forbear  reading.*  When  his  clerk  attempted 
to  persist  in  reading,  the  captain  repeated  his  command,  with  such 
energy  of  voice  and  manner,  as  convinced  the  major  it  was  not 
safe  to  proceed.  The  captain  then  acquainted  him  that  he  had 
an  address  from  the  assembly  to  him,  and  read  the  protest.  Gov- 
ernor Andross,  pleased  with  his  bold  and  soldier-like  appearance, 
said,  "  What  is  your  name?  "  He  replied,  "  My  name  is  Bull, 
Sir."  "  Bull!  "  said  the  governor,  "  It  is  a  pity  that  your  horns 
are  not  tipped  with  silver."  Finding  he  could  make  no  impres- 
sion upon  the  officers  or  people,  and  that  the  legislature  of  the 
colony,  were  determined  to  defend  themselves,  in  the  possession 
of  their  chartered  rights,  he  gave  up  his  design  of  seizing  the  fort. 
He  represented  the  protest  as  a  slender  affair,  and  an  ill  requital 
of  his  kindness.  He  said,  however,  he  should  do  no  more.  The 
militia  of  the  town  guarded  him  to  his  boat,  and  going  on  board 
he  soon  sailed  for  Long-Island. 

The  general  assembly  considered  this  as  a  great  abuse  and  in- 
sult of  the  colony,  and,  upon  receiving  an  account  of  the  major's 
conduct,  came  to  the  following  resolution. 

"  This  court  orders,  that  this  declaration  shall  forthwith  be  sent 
forth  to  the  several  plantations,  sealed  with  the  seal  of  the  colony, 
and  signed  by  the  secretary,  to  be  there  published." 
'  Captain  Bull's  letter  to  the  assembly. 


[1675 


1675] 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


277 


"  Forasmuch  as  the  good  people  of  his  majesty's  colony  of  Con- 
necticut have  met  with  much  trouble  and  molestation  from  major 
Edmund  Andross,  his  challenge  and  attempts  to  surprise  the  main 
part  of  said  colony,  which  they  have  so  rightfully  obtained,  so  long 
possessed,  and  defended  against  all  invasions  of  Dutch  and  Ind- 
ians, to  the  great  grievance  of  his  majesty's  good  subjects  in  their 
settlements,  and  to  despoil  the  happy  government,  by  charter  from 
his  majesty  granted  to  themselves,  and  under  which  they  have 
enjoyed  many  halcyon  days  of  peace  and  tranquillity,  to  their  great 
satisfaction,  and  to  the  content  of  his  majesty,  graciously  ex- 
pressed by  letters  to  them,  so  greatly  engaging  their  loyalty  and 
thankfulness,  as  makes  it  intolerable  to  be  put  off  from  so  long 
and  just  settlement  under  his  majesty's  government  by  charter. 
Hereupon,  for  the  prevention  of  misrepresentations  into  England, 
by  the  said  major  Andross  against  us,  for  our  refusal,  and  with- 
standing his  attempts,  made  with  hostile  appearances  to  surprise 
us  at  Saybrook,  while  we  were  approaching  towards  a  savage  Ind- 
ian enemy  that  had  committed  much  outrage  and  murder,  by  fire 
and  sword,  upon  our  neighbours  about  Plymouth;  this  court  have 
desired  the  honorable  John  Winthrop  and  James  Richards,  Es- 
quires, or  either  of  them,  (intending  a  voyage  to  England  upon 
their  own  occasions,)  to  take  with  them  the  narrative  and  copies 
of  all  the  transactions  betwixt  us,  and  to  give  a  right  understand- 
ing for  clearing  our  innocence,  and  better  securing  our  enjoy- 
ments as  occasion  shall  ofTer." 

As  the  Narraganset  Indians  were  considered  as  abettors  of 
Philip,  harbouring  the  old  men  and  women  whom  he  had  sent 
off  to  them,  and  as  the  colonies  feared  that  they  would  proceed 
to  open  hostilities,  unless  it  could  be  prevented  by  some  vigorous 
measures,  it  was  determined  to  march  the  army,  which  had  been 
rendezvoused  at  Swanzey,  immediately  into  their  country,  and 
to  treat  with  them  sword  in  hand.  Captain  Hutchinson  was  dis- 
patched commissioner,  from  the  general  court  of  Massachusetts, 
to  conduct  the  treaty.*  On  the  15th  of  July,  a  treaty  was  con- 
cluded between  the  united  colonies  and  the  six  Narraganset  sa- 
chems, and  the  sunk  squaw  or  old  queen  of  Narraganset.  Per- 
petual peace  was  stipulated  between  the  parties.  It  was  also 
agreed,  that  all  stolen  goods  should  be  returned:  that  neither 
Philip  nor  any  of  his  subjects  should  be  harboured  by  the  Nar- 
ragansets;  but  if  any  of  them  should  enter  upon  their  lands  they 
should  kill  and  destroy  them,  until  a  cessation  of  hostilities  should 
be  concluded  between  Philip  and  the  united  colonies:  that  the 
commissioners  should  give  to  any  of  the  Narraganset  Indians, 
who  should  bring  in  Philip  alive,  forty  coats,  and  twenty  for  his 
head:  that  two  coats  should  be  given  for  every  subject- of  Philip 

' '  Major  Wait  Winthrop  and  Mr.  Richard  Smith  were  commissioner*  from  Con< 
necticut. 


I      1' 


278 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


[1675 


n 


t'.4| 


iV' 


delivered  alive  to  the  English,  and  one  for  his  head.  On  the  part 
of  the  Narragansets,  hostages  were  delivered,  as  a  security,  for 
the  faithful  performance  of  the  treaty.  This,  at  best,  was  a  forced 
business,  rather  calculated  to  irritate,  than  to  reconcile  a  free  and 
haughty  people.    The  conditions  were  imposed  by  the  army. 

On  the  17th  of  July,  the  troops  returned  to  Taunton.  Upon 
intelligence,  that  Philip  and  his  warriors  were  in  a  swamp  at 
Pocasset,  the  Massachusetts  and  Plymouth  forces  formed  a  junc- 
tion, and  on  the  i8th,  attacked  them  with  firmness  and  resolution. 
The  enemy  had  chosen  an  advantageous  retreat.  As  the  army 
entered  the  swamp,  they  retired  deeper  and  deeper  into  it,  until 
the  troops  were  led  into  such  an  hideous  thicket,  that  it  was  im- 
possible for  them  to  keep  their  order.  It  was  so  thick  and  dark, 
as  the  night  approached,  that  the  men  were  in  danger,  not  only 
from  the  enemy,  but  from  one  another.  They  fired  at  every  bush 
which  appeared  to  shake.  The  action  was  continued  until  night, 
when  the  English  retreated.  The  attempt  was  unhappy.  Six- 
teen brave  men  were  killed,  and  Philip  and  his  men,  after  they 
had  been  reduced  to  the  greatest  distress,  and  were  upon  the  point 
of  surrendering  themselves,  made  their  escape.  A  fine  army  was 
collected.  Philip  was  enclosed  in  a  swamp  and  neck  of  land,  and 
could  not  at  that  time  have  made  his  escape,  by  any  other  means 
than  by  defeating,  or  fighting  his  way  through  the  army,  had 
the  English  conducted  with  prudence  and  fortitude.  They  might 
have  renewed  the  attack  upon  them  next  morning,  and  had  the 
day  before  them  to  finish  their  work,  and  put  an  end  to  the  war ; 
but,  instead  of  this,  they  left  a  few  companies  to  guard  the  swamp, 
which  was  upon  Pocasset  neck,  and  starve  out  the  enemy.  Philip, 
about  six  or  eight  days  after,  found  means  to  rid  himself  from  the 
danger.  He  either  waded  across  an  arm  of  the  sea,  at  low  water, 
or  passed  over  it  with  his  warriors  upon  rafts.  He  and  his  war- 
riors triumphed,  and  were  blown  up  with  still  g^reater  courage  and 
insolence.  The  Indians  in  general  were  encouraged,  so  that  soon 
after  there  was  a  general  rising  of  them  against  the  English 
throughout  New- England,  for  an  extent  of  nearly  three  hundred 
miles. 

As  the  Indians  had  lived  promiscuously  with  the  English,  in 
all  parts  of  the  country,  they  were  generally  as  well  acquainted 
with  their  dwellings,  fields,  and  places  of  worship,  as  themselves. 
They  were  perfectly  acquainted  with  their  roads,  times,  and  places 
of  resort.  They  were  at  hand,  to  watch  all  their  motions,  to  attack 
them  at  every  difficult  pass,  and  in  every  unguarded  moment. 
Except  some  of  the  thickest  settlements,  and  the  centre  of  the 
towns,  the  country  was  a  vast  wilderness.  This  enabled  the  en- 
emy, not  only  in  small  skulking  parties,  but  in  great  bodies,  to 
make  their  approaches  undiscovered,  almost  into  the  very  midst 
of  them;  and  under  covert  of  the  night,  to  creep  into  their  barns, 


Ii675 


i«75) 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


279 


gardens,  and  out  houses;  to  conceal  themselves  behind  their 
fences,  and  lie  in  wait  for  them  on  the  roads  and  in  their  fields. 
Sometimes  they  concealed  themselves  before  their  very  doors. 
No  sooner  did  they  open  them,  in  the  morning,  than  they  were 
instantly  shot  dead.  From  almost  every  quarter,  they  were  ready 
to  rise  upon  them.  At  midnight,  in  the  morning,  or  whenever 
they  could  obtain  an  advantage,  they  were  ready  to  attack  them. 
While  the  English  were  hunting  them  in  one  place,  they  would 
be  slaying  the  inhabitants,  and  plundering  and  burning  in  another. 
In  a  short  time,  they  would  plunder  and  burn  a  town,  kill  and 
captivate  the  inhabitants,  and  retire  into  swamps  and  fastnesses, 
where  it  was  dangerous  to  pursue,  difHcult  to  discover,  and  impos- 
sible to  attack  them,  but  at  the  greatest  disadvantage. 

Notwithstanding  every  precaution  and  exertion  of  the  colonies, 
they  continued  plundering,  burning,  killing,  and  captivating,  in 
one  place  and  another,  and  kept  the  whole  country  in  continual 
fear  and  alarm.  There  was  no  safety  to  man,  woman,  nor  child; 
to  him  who  went  out,  nor  to  him  who  came  in.  Whether  they 
were  asleep  or  awake — ^whether  they  journeyed,  laboured,  or  wor- 
shipped, they  were  in  continual  jeopardy.  The  inhabitants  of 
Massachusetts,  Plymouth,  and  Rhode-Island,  especially,  were 
killed,  plundered,  and  their  towns  and  buildings  burned,  in  a  most 
distressing  and  terrible  manner. 

Beside  other  damages,  not  so  considerable,  captain  Hutchin- 
son, who  had  been  sent  with  a  party  of  horse,  to  treat  with  the 
Nipmuck  Indians,  was  drawn  into  an  ambush  August  2d,  near 
Brookfield,  and  mortally  wounded.  Sixteen  of  his  company  were 
killed.  The  enemy  then  rushed  in  upon  the  town,  and  burnt  all 
the  dwelling-houses,  except  one,  which  was  defended  by  the  gar- 
rison, until  it  was  reinforced,  two  days  after,  by  major  Willard. 
The  enemy  then  dre\  oflf,  having  burned  twenty  dwelling-houses, 
with  all  the  barns  and  out  houses,  and  killed  all  the  cattle  and 
horses  which  they  could  find.  In  September,  Hadley,  Deerfield, 
and  Northfield,  on  Connecticut  river,  were  attacked,  and  num- 
bers of  the  inhabitants  killed  and  wounded.  Most  of  the  build- 
ings in  Deerfield  were  burnt,  and  Northfield  was  soon  after  aban- 
doned to  the  enemy.  There  were  a  number  of  skirmishes,  about 
the  same  time,  in  that  part  of  the  country,  in  which  the  English, 
on  the  whole,  were  losers. 

Captain  Beers  was  surprised  near  Northfield,  September  12th, 
by  a  large  body  of  the  enemy,  and  he  and  twenty  of  his  party 
were  killed. 

The  officers  who  commanded  in  that  quarter,  finding  that,  by 
sending  out  parties,  they  sustained  continual  loss  and  disappoint- 
ment, and  effected  nothing  of  importance,  determined  to  collect 
a  magazine  at  Hadley,  and  garrison  the  town.  At  Deerfield,  there 
were  about  three  thousand  bushels  of  wheat  in  stack.    It  vfas 


"\' 


•  If 


28o 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


[«67J 


il 


'II 


it 


:  5;* 


resolved  to  thresh  thb  out,  and  bring  it  down  to  Hadley.  On  Sep- 
tember i8th,  while  captain  Lothrop,  with  a  chosen  corps  of 
young  men,  the  flower  of  the  county  of  Essex,  was  guarding  the 
teams  employed  in  this  service,  seven  or  eight  hundred  Indians 
suddenly  attacked  him.  Though  he  fought  with  great  bravery, 
yet  he  fell,  with  nearly  his  whole  party.  Many  of  the  teamsters 
were  also  cut  off.  Ninety  or  an  hundred  men  were  killed  on  the 
spot.  Captain  Mosely,  who  was  stationed  at  Deerfield,  marched 
to  reinforce  captain  Lothrop,  but  he  arrived  too  late  for  his  as- 
sistance. Captain  Mosely  was  then  obliged  to  fight  the  whole 
body  of  the  enemy,  for  several  hours,  until  the  brave  major  Treat, 
of  Connecticut,  with  about  a  hundred  and  sixty  Englishmen  and 
Moheagan  Indians,  marched  up  to  his  ^assistance,  and  put  the 
enemy  to  flight.^  The  fall  of  captain  Lothrop,  and  such  a  fine 
body  of  men,  was  a  heavy  loss  to  the  country;  especially  to  the 
county  of  Essex,  filling  it  with  great  and  universal  lamentation. 
During  the  term  of  about  forty  years,  the  Indians  in  the  vicinity 
of  Springfield  had  lived  in  the  greatest  harmony  with  the  English, 
and  still  made  the  strongest  professions  of  friendship;  yet,  about 
this  time,  they  conspired  with  Philip's  warriors  for  the  destruction 
of  that  town.  At  the  distance  of  about  a  mile  from  it  they  had 
a  fort.  The  evening  before  they  made  their  assault,  they  received 
into  it  about  three  hundred  of  Philip's  warriors.  The  same  even- 
ing, one  Toto,  a  Windsor  Indian,  discovered  the  plot,  and  dis- 
patches were  immediately  sent  off,  from  Windsor  to  Spritfgfield, 
and  to  major  Treat,  who  lay  at  Westfield,  with  the  Connecticut 
troops,  to  apprise  them  of  the  danger.  But  the  people  at  Spring- 
field were  so  strongly  persuaded  of  the  friendship  of  those  Ind- 
ians, that  they  would  not  credit  the  report.  One  lieutenant  Coop- 
er, who  commanded  there,  was  so  infatuated,  that,  as  soon  as  the 
morning  appeared,  instead  of  collecting  his  men  and  preparing 
for  the  defence  of  the  town,  he,  with  another  bold  man,  rode  out, 
with  a  design  to  go  to  the  fort,  and  discover  how  the  matter  was. 
He  soon  met  the  enemy,  who  killed  his  companion,  by  his  side, 
and  shot  several  balls  through  his  body.  As  he  was  a  man  of 
great  strength  and  courage,  he  kept  his  horse,  though  mortally 
wounded,  until  he  reached  the  first  garrisoned  house,  and  gave 
the  alarm.  The  enemy  immediately  commenced  a  furious  attack 
upon  the  town,  and  began  to  set  fire  to  the  buildings.  The  in- 
habitants were  in  the  utmost  consternation.  They  had  none  to 
command  them,  and  must  soon  have  all  fallen  a  bloody  sacrifice 
to  a  merciless  foe,  had  not  major  Treat  appeared  for  their  relief. 

'  The  commissioners,  about  the  middle  of  September,  ordered  looo  men  to  be 
raised  for  the  general  defence.  Of  these  500  were  to  be  dragoons,  with  long  arms. 
Connecticut  was  required  to  raise  315  men,  for  her  proportion.  A  considerable 
part  of  this  force  was  employed  by  Connecticut,  under  major  Treat,  for  the  de> 
fence  of  the  upper  towns.  Captain  Watts  had  been  sent  with  a  company  to  Deer- 
field,  some  time  before. 


[i67S 


1675] 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


281 


Upon  receiving  intelligence  of  the  designs  of  the  enemy,  he 
marched,  without  loss  of  time;  but  meeting  with  considerable 
hindrance  in  crossing  the  river,  for  want  of  boats,  his  arrival  was 
not  in  such  season  as  to  prevent  the  attack.  He  soon  drove  off 
the  enemy,  saved  the  inhabitants,  and  a  considerable  part  of  the 
town.  Great  damage,  however,  was  done  in  a  very  short  time. 
Thirty  dwelling  houses,  besides  barns  and  out  houses,  were 
burned.  Major  Pyncheon  and  Mr.  Purchas  sustained  each  the 
loss  of  a  thousand  pounds.^  Mr.  Pelatiah  Glover,  minister  of  the 
town,  lost  his  house,  with  a  large  and  excellent  library. 

In  this  stage  of  the  war,  the  General  Assembly  of  Connecticut 
convened,  October  14th.  The  court,  sensible  of  the  good  conduct 
of  major  Treat,  in  defending  the  colony,  and  the  towns  on  Long- 
Island  against  the  Dutch,  and  in  relieving  captain  Mosely  and 
Springfield,  returned  him  public  thanks,  appointed  him  to  the 
command  of  all  the  troops  to  be  raised  in  the  colony,  to  act  against 
the  enemy,  and  desired  his  acceptance  of  the  service. 

Upon  intelligence  from  the  Rev.  Mr.  Fitch,  that  a  large  body 
of  the  enemy  were  approaching  the  town  of  Norwich,  major  Treat 
was  directed  to  march  forthwith,  for  the  defence  of  that  part  of 
the  colony.  But  soon  after,  his  orders  were  countermanded,  and 
he  marched  for  Northampton.  Here  he  arrived  in  season  to  ren- 
der his  country  another  piece  of  important  service.  The  enemy 
had  been  so  elated  with  their  various  successes,  that,  having  col- 
lected about  eight  hundred  of  their  warriors,  they  made  a  furious 
attack  upon  Hadley,  October  19th.  Almost  every  part  of  the  town 
was  assaulted  at  the  same  instant.  But  the  town  was  defended  by 
officers  and  men  of  vigilance  and  spirit,  so  that  the  enemy  every 
where  met  with  a  warm  reception.  Several  parties  of  the  Massa- 
chusetts troops,  who  were  in  the  neighboring  garrisons,  flew  to 
their  assistance,  and  major  Treat,  advancing  with  his  usual  dis- 
patch from  Northampton,  soon  attacked  them,  with  his  whole 
force,  and  they  were  put  to  a  total  flight.  They  sustained  such 
loss,  and  were  so  disheartened,  that,  from  this  time,  the  main  body 
of  them  left  that  part  of  the  country,  and  held  their  general  ren- 
dezvous in  Narraganset.  Small  numbers,  however,  remained,  do- 
ing damage  as  they  had  opportunity,  and  keeping  the  people  in 
constant  fear  and  alarm. 

From  the  intelligence  communicated  to  the  general  assembly 
of  Connecticut,  during  the  October  session,  it  appeared  that  the 
enemy  had  designs  upon  almost  all  the  frontier  towns  in  the  col- 
ony. Each  county  was  therefore  required  to  raise  sixty  dragoons, 
complete  in  arms,  horses,  and  ammunition,  for  the  immediate 
defence  of  the  colony,  wherever  their  services  might  be  necessary. 

'  Major  Pyncheon  was  at  Hadley,  but  did  not  come  down,  with  the  troops  there, 
in  season  to  prevent  this  great  damage.  He  had,  until  this  time,  the  chief  com- 
mand in  that  part  of  the  country,  but  he  soon  after  resigned  it,  that  he  might  take 
care  of  his  own  affairs. 


IH  'U 


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283 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


[1675 


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Captain  Avery  was  appointed  to  the  command  of  forty  English- 
men from  the  tovCns  of  New-London,  Stonington,  and  Lyme,  with 
such  a  number  of  Pequots  as  he  should  judge  expedient,  for  the 
defence  of  that  part  of  the  country,  and  the  annoyance  of  the 
enemy,  as  occasion  should  present.  Captain  John  Mason  was 
appointed  to  command  another  party  of  twenty  Englishmen,  and 
the  Moheagan  Indians.  These  parties  were  ordered  to  post  them- 
selves in  the  best  manner  to  g^ard  the  eastern  towns,  and  to  act 
conjointly  or  separately,  as  emergencies  should  require.  An  army 
of  one  hundred  and  twenty  dragoons  was  appointed  to  act  against 
the  enemy,  under  the  command  of  major  Treat.  It  was  ordered 
that  all  the  towns  should  be  fortified,  and  that  every  town  should 
provide  the  best  places  of  defence  of  which  it  was  capable,  for 
the  security  of  the  women  and  children,  who  were  directed  to 
repair  to  them  upon  the  first  intimations  of  danger.  The  inhabi- 
tants of  the  towns  on  the  frontiers,  who  were  few  in  number,  and 
most  exposed,  were  advised  to  remove  their  best  effects,  and 
people  unable  to  defend  themselves,  to  retire  into  the  more  popu- 
lous parts  of  the  colony,  where  they  would  be  in  a  more  probable 
state  of  safety. 

The  Narragansets,  in  direct  violation  of  the  treaty,  which  they 
had  made  with  the  colonies,  gave  a  friendly  reception  to  Philip's 
men  and  other  hostile  Indians.  The  commissioners  of  the  united 
colonies  were  satisfied,  that  some  of  them  had  been  in  actual  ser- 
vice, in  the  assaults  which  had  been  made  upon  the  English.  Their 
young  men  had  returned  wounded  to  Narraganset.  It  was  sup- 
posed, that  the  Narraganset  sachems  could  muster  two  thousand 
warriors,  and  that  they  had  a  thousand  muskets.  It  was  judged 
that,  if  they  should  all  engage,  in  the  spring,  in  open  hostilities, 
and  scatter,  as  they  might,  into  all  parts  of  the  country,  all  the 
force,  which  the  colonies  could  bring  into  the  field,  would  not 
be  sufficient  to  defend  the  plantations  against  the  united  exertions 
of  the  enemy.  In  the  summer  and  fall  past,  one  company  of  brave 
men  after  another  had  been  cut  oflf,  and  future  prospects  were  not 
more  favorable.  The  commissioners  of  the  united  colonies  there- 
fore resolved,  that  an  army  of  a  thousand  men  should  be  raised, 
for  a  winter  campaign,  to  attack  the  enemy  at  their  head  quarters, 
in  the  Narraganset  country.  The  colony  of  Massachusetts  fur- 
nished a  corps  of  five  hundred  and  twenty  seven  men,  consisting 
of  six  companies  of  foot  and  a  troop  of  horse,  commanded  by 
major  Appleton.  Plymouth  furnished  one  hundred  and  fifty-eight 
men,  consisting  of  two  companies,  under  the  command  of  major 
Bradford  and  captain  Gorham.  The  proportion  of  Connecticut 
was  three  hundred  and  fifteen  men,  but  they  sent  into  the  field 
three  hundred  English  men  and  150  Moheagans  and  Pequot  Ind- 
ians. These  were  divided  into  five  companies,  commanded  by 
captains  Seely,  Gallup,  Mason,  W^tts,  and  Marshall.    This  corps 


illllll^ 


1675] 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


283 


was  commanded  by  major  Treat.  The  honorable  Josiah  Winslow, 
Esq.  governor  of  New-Plymouth,  was  appointed  commander  in 
chief.  The  orders  of  the  commissioners  to  Connecticut  were  is- 
sued at  Boston,  the  12th  of  November.  They  required,  that  the 
best  officers  and  firmest  men  should  be  appointed,  and  armed  and 
clothed  in  the  best  manner.  It  was  required,  that  the  troops 
should  rendezvous  at  New-London,  Norwich,  and  Stonington, 
by  the  loth  of  December,  ready  to  receive  orders  from  the  com- 
mander in  chief. 

The  commissioners  were  sensible,  that  an  expedition,  at  this 
season,  would  be  most  distressful  and  hazardous.  Such  is  the 
extremity  of  the  weather,  in  this  climate,  that  they  were  not  with- 
out apprehensions;  the  whole  army  might  perish,  should  the 
troops  be  obliged  to  lie  uncovered  a  single  night  in  the  open  field. 
It  did  not  escape  their  deliberations,  that  the  snow  often  fell  so 
deep,  that  it  would  be  extremely  difficult,  if  not  impossible,  to  send 
any  succours  to  the  army,  in  case  of  any  misfortune;  but  they 
considered  this  as  the  only  probable  expedient  of  defeating  the 
enemy,  and  preventing  the  desolating  of  the  country.  They  ob- 
served, "  It  was  a  humbling  providence  of  God,  that  put  his  poor 
people  to  be  meditating  a  matter  of  war  at  such  a  season."  They 
appointed  the  second  of  December  to  be  observed  as  a  solemn 
fast,  to  seek  the  divine  aid.^ 

The  Connecticut  troops  arrived  at  Pettyquamscot,  on  the  17th 
of  December.  Here  had  been  a  number  of  buildings,  in  which 
the  troops  expected  to  have  been  covered  and  kindly  entertained ; 
but  the  enemy,  a  day  or  two  before,  had  killed  ten  men  and  five 
women  and  children,  and  burned  all  the  houses  and  barns.  The 
next  day,  they  formed  a  junction  with  the  Massachusetts  and 
Plymouth  forces.  Though  the  evening  was  cold  and  stormy,  the 
troops  were  obliged  to  remain  uncovered  in  the  open  field.  The 
next  morning,  at  the  dawning  of  the  day,  they  commenced  their 
march  towards  the  enemy,  who  were  in  a  s^ramp  at  about  fifteen 
miles  distance.  The  troops  from  Massachusetts,  headed  by  cap- 
tains Mosely  and  Davenport,  led  the  van;  their  rear  was  brought 
up  by  major  Appleton  and  captain  Oliver.  General  Winslow, 
with  the  Plymouth  companies,  formed  in  the  centre;  and  the 
troops  of  Connecticut  formed  in  the  rear  of  the  whole,  brought 
up  by  major  Treat.    This  was  the  line  of  march." 

The  troops  proceeded  with  great  spirit,  wading  through  the 
snow,  in  a  severe  season,  until  nearly  one  o'clock,  without  fire 
to  warm  or  food  to  refresh  them,  except  what  had  been  taken 
on  the  way.  At  this  time,  they  had  arrived  just  upon  the  seat 
of  the  enemy.  This  was  upon  a  rising  ground,  in  the  centre  of 
a  large  swamp.    It  was  fortified  with  palisades,  and  compassed 

'  Letters  of  the  comniisxionen  to  Connecticut. 
*  Hubbard's  Narrative,  p.  104. 


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HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


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with  a  hedge  without,  nearly  of  a  rod's  thickness.  The  only  en- 
trance, which  appeared  practicable,  was  over  a  log,  or  tree,  which 
lay  up  five  or  six  feet  from  the  ground.  This  opening  was  com- 
manded in  front  by  a  kind  of  log  house,  and  on  the  left  by  a 
flanker.  As  soon  as  the  troops  entered  the  skirts  of  the  swamp, 
they  discovered  an  advanced  party  of  the  enemy,  upon  whom  they 
immediately  fired.  The  enemy  returned  the  fire,  and  retired  be- 
fore them,  until  they  were  led  to  the  very  entrance  by  the  block- 
house. Without  reconnoitering  the  fort,  or  waiting  for  the  army 
to  march  up  and  form  for  the  attack,  the  Massachusetts  troops, 
led  on  by  their  officers,  with  great  courage,  mounted  the  tree  and 
entered  the  fort;  but  they  were  so  galled  from  the  blockhouse, 
and  received  such  a  furious  and  well  directed  fire  from  almost 
every  quarter,  that,  after  every  exertion  of  skill  and  courage,  of 
which  they  were  capable,  they  were  obliged  to  retreat  out  of  the 
fort.  The  whole  army  pressed  forward  with  the  utmost  courage 
and  exertion,  but  such  were  the  obstructions  from  the  swamp 
and  the  snow,  that  it  was  a  considerable  time  before  the  men  could 
all  be  brought  up  to  action.  By  reason  of  this,  and  the  sharpness 
of  the  fire  from  the  flanker  and  block-house,  a  sufficient  number 
of  men  were  not  able  to  enter  the  fort  to  support  those  brave 
officers  and  men,  who  so  courageously  began  the  assault.  Cap- 
tains Johnson  and  Davenport,  and  many  brave  men  of  the  Massa- 
chusetts, were  killed.  The  Connecticut  troops,  who  formed  in  the 
rear,  coming  up  to  the  charge,  mounted  over  the  log  before  the 
blockhouse,  the  captains  leading  and  spiriting  up  the  men  in  the 
most  undaunted  manner.  About  the  same  time  that  the  main 
body  of  the  Connecticut  troops  were  forcing  their  way  by  the 
block-house,  a  few  bold  men  ran  round  to  the  opposite  part  of 
the  fort,  where  they  found  a  narrow  spot  where  there  were  no 
palisades,  but  a  high  and  thick  hedge  of  trees  and  brush.  The 
sharpness  of  the  action  in  the  front  had  drawn  oflf  the  enemy  from 
this  part,  and  climbing  over  unobserved,  they  ran  down  between 
the  wigwams,  and  poured  a  heavy  and  well  directed  fire  upon  the 
backs  of  the  enemy,  who  lay  wholly  exposed  to  their  shot.^  Thus 
assaulted,  in  front  and  rear,  they  were  driven  from  the  flanker  and 
block-house.  The  captains  crying  out,  they  run,  they  run,  the 
men  pressed  so  furiously  upon  them,  that  they  were  forced  from 
that  part  of  the  fort.  The  soldiers  without  rushed  in,  with  great 
spirit,  and  the  enemy  were  driven  from  one  covert  and  hiding 
place  to  another,  until  the  middle  of  the  fort  was  gained ;  and  after 
a  long  and  bloody  action  they  were  totally  routed  and  fled  into 
the  wilderness.  As  they  retired,  the  soldiers  set  fire  to  the  wig- 
wams, about  six  hundred  of  which  were  instantly  consumed.  The 

'  Manuscripts  of  the  Rev. Mr.  Ruggles.  He  observes,  "It  is  a  pity  things  so 
curious  and  remarkable,  and  wherein  the  hand  of  Providence  so  evidently  appeared, 
as  in  taking  the  fort  at  Narraganset,  should  be  lost.  They  deserve  to  be  recorded 
in  history." 


[i675 


1675] 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


285 


enemy's  corn,  stores,  and  utensils,  with  many  of  their  old  men, 
women,  and  children,  perished  in  the  conflagration.  It  was  sup- 
posed, that  three  hundred  warriors  were  slain,  besides  many 
wounded,  who  afterwards  died  of  their  wounds  and  with  the  cold. 
Nearly  the  same  number  were  taken,  with  three  hundred  women 
and  children.  From  the  number  of  wigwams  in  the  fort,  it  is  prob- 
able that  the  whole  number  of  the  Indians  was  nearly  four  thou- 
sand. Those  who  were  not  killed  in  battle,  or  did  not  perish  in 
the  flames,  fled  to  a  cedar  swamp,  where  they  spent  the  night, 
without  food,  fire,  or  covering. 

It  was,  nevertheless,  a  dearly  bought  victory.  Six  brave  cap- 
tains fell  in  the  action,  and  eighty  men  were  killed  or  mortally 
wounded.  A  hundred  and  fifty  were  wounded,  who  afterwards 
recovered.  After  the  fatiguing  march,  and  hard  fought  battle  of 
three  hours,  in  which  the  troops  had  been  exercised,  the  army, 
just  at  the  setting  of  the  sun,  having  burnt  and  destroyed  all  in 
their  power,  left  the  enemy's  ground,  and,  carrying  about  two 
hundred  dead  and  wounded  men,  marched  back,  sixteen  or  eigh- 
teen miles,  to  head  quarters.  The  night  was  very  cold  and  stormy. 
The  snow  fell  deep,  and  it  was  not  until  midnight,  or  after,  that 
the  army  got  in.  Many  of  the  wounded,  who  otherwise  might  have 
recovered,  died  with  the  cold,  and  the  fatigue  and  inconveniences 
of  such  a  distressing  march.^  After  lying  the  preceding  night  in 
the  open  field,  and  after  all  the  exertions  of  so  long  and  sharp  an 
action,  the  army  marched,  through  snow  and  a  pathless  wilder- 
ness, in  less  than  twenty-four  hours,  more  than  thirty  miles.  The 
courage  exhibited  by  every  part  of  the  army,  the  invincible  hero- 
ism of  the  officers,  the  firmness  and  resolution  of  the  soldiers, 
when  they  saw  their  captains  falling  before  them,  and  the  hard- 
ships endured,  are  hardly  credible,  and  rarely  find  a  parallel  in 
ancient  or  modern  ages.  The  cold  was  extreme,  and  the  snow  fell 
so  deep  that  night,  that  it  was  difficult,  the  next  day,  for  the  army 
to  move.  Many  of  the  soldiers  were  frozen,  and  their  limbs  ex- 
ceedingly swollen.  Four  hundred  were  disabled  and  unfit  for 
duty.  The  Connecticut  troops  were  more  disabled  than  those 
of  the  other  colonies.  They  had  endured  a  tedious  march  from 
Stonington  to  Pettyquamscot;  and  as  the  buildings  there  were 
all  destroyed,  they  endured  great  hardships  before  their  junction 

>  It  appears,  by  the  letters  Irom  the  army,  that  twenty  men  only  were  killed  in 
the  action.  This  was  the  whole  number  dead,  when  the  army  began  their  march 
for  head  quarters.  Eight  were  left  on  the  ground,  and  twelre  carried  off  by  the 
army.  Ten  or  twelve  died  on  the  march,  and  several  next  morning,  so  that  on  the 
aoth  of  December,  thirty-four  were  buried  in  a  grave.  Four  died  the  next  day,  and 
two  the  day  after.  Forty  only  were  dead  on  the  sad.  Though  the  best  surgeons 
which  the  country  could  furnish,  were  provided,  yet  the  season  was  so  severe,  and 
the  accommodations,  after  all  the  exertions  which  could  be  made,  so  poor,  that,  by 
the  end  of  January,  twenty  more  were  in  their  graves.  The  number  mentioned,  as 
killed,  in  the  ancient  histories,  included  all  who  were  killed  or  died  afterwards  of 
their  wounds. 


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with  the  troops  of  the  other  colonies.  They  had  sustained  a  much 
greater  loss  in  the  action,  in  proportion  to  their  numbers,  than 
the  troops  of  the  other  colonies.^  Of  the  five  Connecticut  cap- 
tains, three,  Seely,  Gallup,  and  Marshall,  were  killed,  and  captain 
Mason  received  a  wound,  of  which  he  died  about  nine  months 
after.  Marshall  was  killed  as  he  ascended  the  tree  before  the  log 
house.  The  fire  of  the  enemy  was  dreadful,  when  the  Connecti- 
cut men  were  entering,  and  after  they  first  entered  the  fort,  until 
the  men  who  came  in  upon  the  backs  of  them,  began  to  fire  their 
large  muskets,  loaded  with  pistol  bullets,  upon  the  enemy,  where 
they  stood  together  in  the  closest  manner.  This  at  once  discon- 
certed them,  and  checked  their  fire,  in  that  quarter.  Gallup  and 
Seely,  leading  and  animating  their  men,  in  this  dreadful  moment, 
soon  fell.  The  enemy  made  an  obstinate  defence,  after  the  men 
gained  the  fort  the  second  time,  taking  the  advantage  of  their 
block-houses,  wigwams,  and  every  covert  of  which  they  could 
avail  themselves.  Some  of  the  soldiers  expended  all  their  am- 
munition before  the  action  was  terminated,  and  were  obliged  to 
seek  new  suppHes. 

The  troops  from  Connecticut  had  sustained  such  a  loss  of  offi- 
cers, and  were  so  disabled,  that  major  Treat  judged  it  absolutely 
necessary  to  return  to  Connecticut,  where  he  might  recruit  them, 
and  cover  them  with  more  convenience,  than  could  possibly  be 
done  in  that  part  of  the  country.    The  wounded  men,  who  were 

I  The  whole  number  killed  and  wounded,  wu  about  two  hundred.  From  tl  e 
retumi  and  letters  before  me,  it  appears,  that  of  the  Mastachuietti,  there  were  one 
hundred  killed  and  wounded,  of  whom  thirty-one  were  killed  or  died  of  their 
woundi.  Among  these  were  captains  Johnson,  Davenport,  and  Gardiner.  They 
had,  also,  a  'ieutenant  Upham  mortallv  wounded,  who  died  afterwards  at  Boston. 
Plymouth  sustained  the  loss  of  twenty  killed  and  wounded  ;  eight  or  nine,  it  seems, 
were  killed,  or  died  of  their  wounds  afterwards.  Of  the  three  hundred  English 
men  from  Connecticut,  eighty  were  killed  and  wounded ;  twenty  in  captain  Seely's, 
twenty  in  captain  Gallup's,  seventeen  in  captain  Watts's,  nine  in  captain  Mason's, 
and  fourteen  in  captain  Marshall's  company.  Of  these  about  fortv  were  killed,  or 
died  of  their  wounds.  About  half  the  loss  in  this  bloody  action,  fell  apon  Connect- 
icut. The  legislature  of  the  colony,  in  a  representation  of  the  services  they  had 
performed  in  the  war,  say,  "  In  that  signal  service,  the  fort  fight,  in  Narraganset, 
as  we  had  our  full  number,  in  proportion  with  the  other  confederates,  so  all  say 
they  did  their  full  proportion  of  service.  Three  noble  soldiers,  Seely,  courageous 
Marshall,  and  bold  Gallup,  died  in  the  bed  of  honour  ;  and  valiant  Mason,  a  fourth 
captain,  had  his  death's  wound.  There  died  many  brave  officers,  and  sentinels, 
whose  memory  is  blessed  ;  and  whose  death  redeemed  our  lives.  The  bitter  cold, 
the  tarled  swamp,  the  tedious  march,  the  strong  fort,  the  numerous  and  stubborn 
enemy  they  contended  with,  for  their  God,  king  and  country,  be  their  trophies  over 
death.  He  that  commanded  our  forces  then,  and  now  us,  made  no  less  than  seven- 
teen fair  shots  at  the  enemy,  and  was  thereby  as  oft  a  fair  mark  for  them.  Our 
mourners,  over  all  the  colony,  witness  for  our  men,  that  they  were  not  unfaithful  in 
that  day."  It  is  the  tradition,  that  major,  afterwards  governor  Treat,  received  a  ball 
through  the  brim  of  his  hat,  and  that  he  was  the  last  man  who  left  the  fort,  in  the 
dusk  of  the  evening,  commanding  the  rear  of  the  army.  The  burning  the  wigwams, 
the  shrieks  and  cries  of  the  women  and  children,  and  the  yelling  of  the  warriors, 
exhibited  a  most  horrible  and  affecting  scene,  so  that  it  greatly  moved  some  of  the 
soldiers.  They  were  in  much  doubt  then,  and,  afteiwards,  of  ten  seriously  inquired, 
whether  burning  their  enemies  alive  could  be  consistent  with  humanity,  and  the 
benevolent  principles  of  the  gospel.   [Manuscripts  of  the  Rev.  Mr.  Thomas  Ruggles.] 


'■I  V 


I 


l«675 


were  one 
ed  of  their 
ler.    They 
at  Boston, 
it  leemii, 
English 
lin  Seely'i, 
Muton'i, 
killed,  or 
Connect- 
they  had 
irragantet, 
to  all  tay 
:ourageoui 
in,  a  fourth 
sentinels, 
)itter  cold, 
stubborn 
)phies  over 
ban  seven- 
item.    Our 
[faithful  in 
ived  a  boll 
brt,  in  the 
wigwama, 
I  wuriors, 
iRie  of  the 
y  inquired, 
and  the 
i  Ruggles.] 


1676J 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


i87 


not  able  to  travel,  were  put  on  board  vessels  and  carried  to  Rhode- 
Island.  The  Connecticut  trucps,  n  their  march  from  Stonington 
to  Pettyquamscot,  kilkd  six  and  ciiptivated  seven  of  the  enemy. 
On  their  retutj  home,  they  killed  and  captivated  about  thirty 
more.* 

The  Massachusetts  and  Plymouth  troops  kept  the  field  the 
greatest  part  of  the  winter,  ranged  the  country,  captivated  num- 
bers of  the  enemy,  brought  in  considerable  quantities  of  corn  and 
beans,  and  burned  more  than  200  wigwams ;  but  achieved  noth- 
ing  brilliant  or  decisive.  In  the  whole,  in  the  fort  and  in  the 
country,  the  English  burned  between  eight  and  nine  hundred  wig- 
wams, and  destroyed  almost  the  whole  of  the  enemy's  provisions. 
This  was  much  more  distressing,  and  had  a  greater  influence  in 
their  total  ruin,  than  was  at  first  imagined. 

Meanwhile,  much  pains  were  taken  to  make  peace,  and  various 
messages  passed  between  the  English  and  the  Indians,  on  that 
subject;  but  they  would  not  accept  of  any  overtures  which  the 
colonies  thought  proper  to  make  to  them. 

As  the  enemy  had  lost  their  dwellings  and  principal  stores,  in 
Narraganset,  the  great  body  of  their  warriors  moved  off  to  the 
northward,  to  the  Nipmuck  country,  and  into  the  wilderness, 
north  of  Brookfield.  They  were  not,  however,  idle.  The  latter 
part  of  January,  1676,  they  drove  oflF,  from  one  man,  at  Warwick, 
as  they  took  leave  of  their  country,  sixteen  horses,  fifty  neat  cattle, 
and  two  hundred  sheep.  In  February,  the  Narraganset  and  Nip- 
muck  Indians  fell  upon  Lancaster,  and  plundered  and  burned  the 
greatest  part  of  the  town.  They  either  killed  or  captivated  forty 
of  the  inhabitants.'  Some  days  after,  they  made  an  assault  on 
Medfield,  killed  twenty  men,  and  laid  nearly  half  of  the  town  in 
ashes. 

March  was  a  month  of  still  greater  disasters.  The  towns  of 
Northampton  and  Springfield,  of  Chelmsford,  Groton,  Sudbury, 
and  Marlborough,  in  Massachusetts,  and  of  Warwick  and  Provi- 
dence, in  Rhode- Island,  were  assaulted;  and  some  of  them  partly, 
and  others  entirely,  destroyed.  Many  of  the  inhabitants  were 
killed,  and  others  led  away  into  a  miserable  captivity. 

Captain  Pierce,  about  the  same  time,  with  fifty  Englishmen  and 
twenty  friendly  Indians,  was  drawn  into  an  ambush,  March  26th, 
and  surrounded  by  a  great  body  of  the  enemy,  who  slew  every 
Englishman,  and  the  greatest  part  of  the  Indians.  This  was  a 
great  loss  to  so  small  a  colony  as  Plymouth,  to  whom  captain 
Pierce  and  his  company  belonged.    Two  days  after,  the  enemy 

'  No  mention  is  made  here  of  a  second  expedition  by  major  Treat,  with  about 
300  men  from  New  London,  January  25,  1676.  This  expedition  resulted  in  killing 
or  capturing  about  seventy  of  the  enemy. — J.  T. 

'  The  enemy  set  fire  to  the  garrison  house,  and  the  women  and  children  were  all 
captivated,  among  whom  was  the  wife  and  family  of  Mr.  Rowlandson,  minuter  of 
the  town. 


IS'  t   '1  l''"' 
'al"'       I'' 

m  hi. 
it  hm 


1 1 


H^ 


jn 


II 


i^ 


388 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


[1676 


fell  upon  Rehoboth,  in  the  vicinity  of  Swanzey,  where  hostilities 
first  began,  and  burned  fort}  dwelling  houses,  besides  bams  and 
out  houses. 

Captain  Wadsworth,  a  brave  officer,  with  fifty  men,  marching, 
ten  days  before,  to  the  relief  of  Sudbury,  was  surrounded  by  a 
numerous  body  of  the  enemy,  and  fell  with  his  whole  party.  Mas- 
sachusetts, at  this  time,  was  in  great  distress  and  sorrow.  It  was 
feared  by  many,  that  the  whole  colony  would  be  depopulated. 
But  it  was  now  full  tide  with  the  enemy,  they  soon  received  an 
important  check,  and  began  rapidly  to  decline. 

In  February,  1676,  a  number  of  volunteers  from  Connecticut, 
belonging  principally  to  New-London,  Norwich,  and  Stonington, 
formed  themselves  into  companies,  under  major  Palms,  captain 
George  Denison,  captain  James  Avery,  and  captain  John  Stanton, 
for  the  annoyance  of  the  enemy.  They  engaged  a  number  of  Mo- 
heagans,  Pequots,  and  Narragansets,  to  be  associates  with  them, 
for  the  sake  of  plunder,  and  other  considerations.  The  Mohea- 
gans  were  commanded  by  Onecho,  one  of  the  sons  of  Uncas ;  the 
Pequots,  by  Cassasinamon,  their  chief;  and  the  Narragansets, 
consisting  of  about  twenty  men,  by  Catapazet.  These  latter  were 
Ninigrate's  men,  who,  in  time  past,  had  given  the  colonies  so 
much  trouble;  but  at  this  time  they  remained  quiet,  and  would 
not  join  the  other  Narraganset  sachems.^ 

These  companies  began  to  range  the  Narraganset  country,  and 
harass  the  enemy,  the  latter  part  of  February,  and  continued  mak- 
ing their  incursions  from  that  time  until  the  enemy  were  driven 
from  those  quarters.  As  soon  as  one  company  returned,  another 
went  out  immediately,  so  as  to  keep  the  enemy  in  continual  alarm. 
Tneir  success  was  admirable. 

Captain  Denison,  of  Stonington,  on  the  27th  of  March,  began 
a  very  successful  incursion  into  the  country. 

Nanunttenoo,  or  Canonchet,  the  head  sachem  of  all  the  Narra- 
gansets, son  of  Miantonimoh,  inheritor  of  all  his  pride,  and  of  his 
insolence  and  hatred  towards  the  English,  had  ventured  down 
from  the  northern  wilderness  to  Seaconk,  near  the  seat  of  Philip, 
to  procure  seed  corn,  to  plant  the  towns  which  the  English  had 
deserted,  upon  Connecticut  river.  He  had  been  aiding  in  the 
slaughter  of  captain  Pierce  and  his  men  just  before.  After  cap- 
tain Denison  and  his  party  had  wearied  themselves  for  several 
days,  in  hunting  the  enemy,  they  came  upon  their  tracks  near 
Blackston's  river,  and  soon  discovered,  by  a  squaw  whom  they 
took,  that  Nanunttenoo  was  in  a  wigwam,  not  far  distant.  The 
captain  made  dispositions  immediately  to  surprise  him.  While 
he  was  boasting  of  that  great  feat  of  cutting  off  captam  Pierce, 


'  The  principal  teat  of  Ninigrate  was  at  Westerly,  which  formeny  belonged  to 
Stonington.  He  put  himself  under  the  English,  and  he,  and  his  Indians,  were  the 
only  ones  who  were  not  destroyed,  or  driven  from  that  part  of  the  country. 


arra- 
of  his 
down 
'hilip, 
had 
in  the 
cap- 
everal 
near 
thev 
The 
While 
•iercc, 


i6:6] 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


2S9 


and  dhrertitig  himself  with  the  story,  the  English  came  upon  him. 
Some  of  his  party,  discovering  them,  ran  off  with  great  precipi- 
tation; but  one  more  faithful  than  the  rest,  entered  the  wigwam 
aind  acquainted  him  with  his  danger.  He  instantly  fled  with  all 
his  might.  Catapazet,  from  the  manner  of  his  running,  suspecting 
it  was  Nanunttenoo,  gave  chase  with  as  much  eagerness  as  he 
fled.  The  other  Indians,  who  were  most  light  of  foot,  joined  in 
the  pursuit.  They  pressed  him  so  hard,  that  he  soon  threw  oft 
his  blanket,  and  then  his  silver  laced  coat,  which  had  been  given 
him  at  Boston.  The  pursuers,  perceiving  that  they  were  not  mis- 
taken with  respect  to  the  person,  employed  their  utmost  exertions 
to  seize  him.  At  length,  plunging  through  the  river,  his  foot 
slipped,  upon  a  smooth  stone,  and  he  fell  and  wet  his  gun.  One 
Monopoide,  a  Pequot,  outrunning  the  other  Indians,  leaped 
through  the  river  after  him,  and  soon  laid  hold  upon  him. 
Though  he  was  a  man  of  goodly  stature,  and  of  great  strength 
and  courage,  yet  he  made  no  resistance.  One  Robert  Stanton, 
a  young  man,  was  the  first  Englishman  who  came  up  to  him. 
He  asked  him  several  questions;  but  this  haughty  sachem,  look- 
ing with  disdain  upon  his  youthful  countenance,  replied,  in  broken 
English,  "  You  too  much  child;  no  understand  matters  of  war — 
Let  your  captain  come;  him  I  will  answer."  This  party,  in  about 
sixteen  days,  killed  and  took  nearly  fifty  of  the  enemy,  without 
the  loss  of  a  single  man.  This  success  was  more  important  on 
account  of  the  capture  of  the  chief  sachem,  and  a  number  of 
counsellors  and  war  captains. 

Nanunttenoo  would  not  accept  of  life  when  offered  upon  the 
condition  that  he  should  make  peace  with  the  English ;  nor  would 
he  so  much  as  send  one  of  his  counsellors  to  make  a  single  pro- 
posal for  that  purpose.  When  he  was  made  acquainted  that  it  was 
determined  to  put  him  to  death,  he  said,  "  He  liked  it  well;  that 
he  should  die  before  his  heart  was  soft,  or  he  had  spoken  any 
thing  unworthy  of  himself."  The  Moheagan  sachem,  his  coun- 
sellors, and  the  principal  Fequots,  shot  him  at  Stonington.  Those 
brave  volunteer  captains  and  their  flying  parties  had,  at  this  time, 
killed  and  captivated  forty-four  of  the  enemy,  and  before  the  end 
of  April,  seventy-six  more,  about  a  hundred  and  twenty  in  one 
month.  Among  these  was  another  sachem,  a  grandson  of  Pom- 
ham,  who  was  esteemed  the  best  soldier  and  most  warlike  of  all 
the  Narraganset  sachems.  They  made,  in  the  spring,  summer, 
and  fall,  ten  or  twelve  expeditions,  in  which  they  killed  and  cap- 
tivated two  hundred  and  thirty  of  the  enemy,  took  fifty  muskets, 
and  brought  in  one  hundred  and  sixty  bushels  of  their  corn.  They 
drove  all  the  Narraganset  Indians  out  of  their  country,  except 
those  at  Westerly  under  Ninigrate.^  In  all  these  expeditions  they 
had  not  one  man  killed  or  wounded."    Governor  Hutchinson  ob- 

>  Declaration  of  the  volunteers,  sworn  before  governor  SaltonstalL 
*  Hubbard's  Narrative,  from  p.  125  to  131. 


!  ■'i 


I  B 


1       ( 

;  M 


*  '  if 


as 


li 


if     t„  . 

■  *i  9 

I  I 
t 

i 


If  '    ■ 


li 


I 


II 


:ti\t 


290 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


[1676 


If   ' 


serves,  that "  the  brave  actions  of  the  Connecticut  volunteers  have 
not  been  enough  applauded.  Denison's  name  ought  to  be  per- 
petuated." 

While  Connecticut  had  the  honor  and  happiness  of  giving  a 
check  to  the  war,  the  colony  sustained  a  heavy  loss  in  the  death 
of  governor  Winthrop.  He  had  been  chosen  one  of  the  com- 
missioners from  Connecticut,  the  May  preceding,  to  the  court 
of  the  commissioners  of  the  united  colonies.  Upon  the  meeting 
of  this  court,  early  in  the  spring,  he  went  to  Boston,  where  he 
was  taken  sick  and  died,  April  5th,  1676,  in  the  71st  year  of  his 
age.  He  was  honorably  interred,  at  Boston,  in  the  same  tomb 
with  his  father. 

He  was  the  eldest  son  of  the  honorable  John  Winthrop,  Esq. 
the  first  governor  of  Massachusetts.  His  birth  was  at  Groton  in 
England,  1605.  His  father  gave  him  a  liberal  education,  at  the 
university  of  Cambridge,  in  England;  and  afterwards  supported 
him  some  years  at  the  university  of  Dublin,  in  Ireland.  As  travel- 
ling was  considered  a  great  accomplishment  to  a  young  gentle- 
man, he  travelled  into  France,  Holland,  Germany,  Italy,  and  Tur- 
key. With  these  advantages  he  returned  to  England,  not  only 
a  great  scholar,  rich  in  experience  and  literature,  but  a  most  ac- 
complished gentleman.  While  he  collected  the  literature  and 
excellencies  of  the  various  nations  and  countries  through  which 
he  passed,  he  cautiously  avoided  their  errors  and  vices.  He  was 
a  puritan  of  distinguished  piety  and  morals.  After  his  return  from 
his  travels,  he  came  into  New-England,  with  his  father's  family, 
in  163 1,  and  was  chosen  one  of  the  magistrates  of  the  colony  of 
Massachusetts.  He  afterwards  went  into  England;  and  in  1635, 
returned  with  a  commission  to  erect  a  fort  at  the  mouth  of  Con- 
necticut river,  and  to  be  governor  of  that  part  of  the  country. 
In  1651,  he  was  chosen  one  of  the  magistrates  of  Connecticut. 
In  1657,  he  was  elected  governor,  and  the  next  year  deputy  gov- 
ernor. In  1659,  he  was  again  chosen  governor;  from  which  time 
he  was  annually  rechosen  to  that  office,  until  his  death.  He  was 
one  of  the  greatest  chymists  and  physicians  of  his  age,  a  member 
of  the  royal  society  of  philosophical  transactions,  and  one  of  the 
most  distinguished  characters  in  New-England.  He  rendered 
many  important  serv:  -»;s  to  the  colony,  was  exceedingly  beloved 
in  life,  and  died  greatly  and  universally  lamented. 

At  the  election,  May  nth,  William  Leet,  Esq.  was  chosen  gov- 
ernor, and  Robert  Treat,  Esq.  deputy  governor.  Captain  John 
Mason  was  chosen  magistrate,  to  fill  the  vacancy  made  by  the 
advancement  of  major  Treat,  to  the  office  of  deputy  governor. 
No  alteration  was  made  with  respect  to  the  other  officers. 

The  assembly  voted  three  hundred  and  fifty  men,  who,  with 
the  friendly  Indians,  were  to  be  a  standing  army,  to  defend  the 
country  and  harass  the  enemy.    Major  John  Talcott  was  ap- 


with 
;nd  the 
ras  ap- 


1676] 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


391 


pointed  to  the  chief  command.  The  Rev.  Gershom  Bulkley,  of 
Weathersfield,  was  appointed  surgeon,  and  Mr.  James  Fitch, 
chaplain.  Mr.  Bulkley  was  viewed  as  one  of  the  greatest 
physicians  and  surgeons  then  in  Connecticut.  The  assembly 
ordered  that  the  surgeon  and  chaplain  should  be  of  the  council 
of  war. 

Major  Talcott,  on  his  appointment  to  the  command  of  the  army, 
resigned  the  office  of  treasurer,  and  William  Pitkin,  Esq.  was  ap- 
pointed  to  that  office,  by  the  assembly. 

The  first  general  rendezvous  of  the  army,  this  year,  was  at 
Norwich.  From  thence  major  Talcott  marched,  the  beginning 
of  June,  with  about  two  hundred  and  fifty  English  soldiers  and 
two  hundred  Moheagan  and  Pequot  Indians,  up  towards  the 
Wabaquasset  country,  scouring  the  woods  through  that  long 
tract.  They  found  the  country  every  where  deserted.  The  fort 
and  wigwams  at  Wabaquasset  were  deserted.  Nothing  more 
could  be  done  there,  than  demolish  the  Indian  fortress  and  de- 
stroy about  fifty  acres  of  com  which  the  enemy  had  planted. 
On  the  5th  of  June,  the  army  marched  to  Chanagongum,  in  the 
Nipmuck  country.  There  they  killed  nineteen  Indians,  and  took 
thirty-three  captives.^  The  army  then  marched  to  Quabaug,  or 
Brookfield,  and  thence  to  Northampton.  This  was  a  long  march, 
in  which  the  troops  suffered  greatly  for  want  of  provisions.  It 
has  ever  since,  in  Connecticut,  been  known  by  the  name  of  the 
long  and  hungry  march.  Major  Talcott  expected  to  have  met 
with  the  Massachusetts  forces  at  Brookfield,  or  in  that  vicinity, 
but  they  did  not  arrive. 

On  the  I2th  of  June,  four  days  after  the  arrival  of  the  Connecti- 
cut troops  at  Northampton,  about  seven  hundred  Indians  made 
a  furious  attack  upon  Hadley;  but  major  Talcott,  with  his  party, 
soon  appeared  for  the  reUef  of  the  garrison,  and  drove  off  the 
enemy.  His  seasonable  arrival  was,  providentially,  a  happy  cir- 
cumstance, which  probably  saved  Hadley,  and  other  towns  upon 
the  river. 

Some  time  after,  the  Massachusetts  forces  arrived,  and,  in  con- 
junction with  major  Talcott  and  his  soldiers,  scoured  the  woods 
on  both  sides  the  river,  as  far  as  the  falls  at  Deerfield.  The  en- 
emy, by  this  time,  had  made  their  escape  from  that  part  of  the 
country.  The  army  broke  up  their  fisheries,  destroyed  their  fish 
and  other  stores,  recovered  some  stolen  goods,  and  returned, 
without  eflfecting  any  thing  very  important. 

After  major  Talcott  had  spent  about  three  weeks  in  service 
upon  the  river,  he  left  that  quarter,  and  marched  through  the 
wilderness,  towards  Providence  and  the  Narraganset  country. 
On  the  I  St  of  July,  the  army  came  near  a  large  body  of  the  enemy, 
and  took  four.  Two  days  after,  major  Talcott  surprised  the  main 
>  Major  Talcott'i  letter  to  the  committee  of  war,  June  8,  1676. 


5' '.  , 


^ 


'01 


if 


|!    ! 


.1  i. 
1- 


m 
1* 


292 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


[1676 


body  of  them,  by  the  side  of  a  large  cedar  swamp.  He  made  such 
a  disposition  of  his  men,  and  attacked  them  so  suddenly,  that  a 
considerable  number  were  killed  and  taken  on  the  spot;  others 
escaped  to  the  swamp.  The  troops  compassed  the  swamp,  and, 
after  an  action  of  two  or  three  hours,  killed  and  took  171.  Thirty- 
four  warriors  were  killed  in  the  action,  and  also  Magnus,  the  sunk 
squaw,  or  old  queen  of  Narraganset;  90  of  the  captives  were 
killed,  and  between  40  and  50  women  and  children  preserved  alive. 

The  same  day,  the  troops  marched  to  Providence,  and  com- 
passed the  neck  there,  and  afterwards,  Warwick  neck;  in  which 
places  they  killed  and  captured  67.  Eighteen  were  killed.  In 
these  several  rencontres,  238  were  killed  and  taken,  with  about 
30  arms."- 

About  the  5th  of  July,  the  army  returned  to  Connecticut.  In 
their  route,  they  took  60  more  of  the  enemy.  From  about  the 
beginning  of  April  to  the  6th  of  July,  the  Connecticut  volunteers, 
and  the  troops  under  major  Talcott,  killed  and  captivated  about 
420  of  the  enemy.'' 

The  enemy,  about  this  time,  fell  into  a  state  of  division,  fear, 
and  astonishment.  They  found  that,  by  attempting  to  destroy 
their  English  neighbours,  they  had  utterly  ruined  themselves.  A 
complication  of  evils  conspired  for  their  destruction.  The  de- 
struction of  their  fort  and  principal  stores,  in  the  dead  of  winter, 
the  burning  of  their  wigwams,  and  bringing  off  their  corn  and 
beans,  in  all  parts  of  the  country,  put  them  to  inexpressible  hard- 
ships and  distresses.  They  had  been  able  to  plant  but  little,  in 
the  spring;  what  they  had  planted,  the  English  had  destroyed; 
they  had  been  driven  from  the  sea  and  rivers,  and  cut  off  from 
almost  every  kind  of  subsistence.  They  had  been  obliged  to  lie 
in  swamps  and  marshes;  to  feed  on  horse  flesh,  and  other  un- 
wholesome food;  all  which  gendered  infirmity  and  death;  so  that 
they  became  debilitated  and  disheartened  by  fatigue,  famine,  dis- 
ease, and  mortality.'  They  could  not  keep  together  in  any  con- 
siderable bodies,  for  want  of  sustenance.  They  were  pursued  and 
hunted  from  swamp  to  swamp,  and  from  one  lurking  place  to 
another;  so  that,  in  July  and  August,  they  began  to  come  in  to 
the  English,  in  large  bodies,  and  surrender  themselves  to  the 
mercy  of  their  conquerors. 

Major  Talcott,  after  his  return  from  Narraganset,  having  re- 
cruited his  men  a  short  time  in  Connecticut,  took  his  station  at 
Westfield.  While  he  lay  there,  a  large  body  of  the  enemy  was 
discovered  fleeing  to  the  westward.  Major  Talcott  pursued  them, 
and  on  the  third  day,  about  half  way  between  Westfield  and  Al- 
bany, discovered  them  lying  on  the  west  side  of  Housatonick 

■  Major  Talcott's  letter  to  the  council  of  war,  July  4th,  1676. 
^  Hubbard's  Narrative,  p.  131,  164,  166.     Hutchinson's  history,  vol.  i.,  p.  305 
306. 

*  Some  o{  the  captives  reported,  that  more  died  by  sickness,  than  the  swotd. 


>.,  p.  30s 

I  swoid. 


1676] 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


293 


river,  entirely  secure.  It  was  judged  too  late  in  the  day  to  attack 
them  to  any  purpose.  The  army,  therefore,  retreated,  and  lay 
upon  their  arms,  in  great  silence,  during  the  night.  Towards 
morning,  the  troops  were  formed  in  two  divisions.  One  was  or- 
dered to  pass  the  river  below  the  enemy,  and  to  advance  and 
compass  them  in  on  that  side.  The  other  party,  creeping  silently 
up  to  the  east  bank  of  the  river,  were  to  lie  prepared  instantly  to 
fire,  when  they  should  receive  the  signal  from  the  other  division, 
who,  when  they  had  reached  their  ground,  were  to  fire  a  single 
gun.  But  this  well  contrived  plan  was  in  some  measure  discon- 
certed. An  Indian  had  left  his  companions  in  a  dead  sleep,  and 
proceeded  down  the  river  to  catch  fish.  As  the  division  on  the 
west  side  of  the  river  was  advancing  to  surround  the  enemy,  he 
discovered  them,  and  roared  out,  "  Awannux,  Awannux."  Upon 
this,  one  of  the  party  fired,  and  killed  him  on  the  spot.  The  other 
division,  on  the  east  bank  of  the  river,  supposing  this  to  be  the 
signal  gun,  discharged  upon  the  enemy,  as  they  were  rising  in 
surprise,  or  lay  upon  the  ground,  and  killed  and  wounded  a  great 
number  of  them.  Those  who  were  not  killed,  or  disabled  by 
wounds,  instantly  fled,  leaving  their  camp,  baggage,  provisions, 
and  many  of  their  arms.  As  the  division  on  the  west  side,  had 
not  advanced  to  the  ground  designed,  before  the  alarm  was  given, 
the  enemy  made  their  escape  with  much  less  damage,  than  other- 
wise they  could  have  done.  The  troops  pursued  them  some  dis- 
tance, but  the  woods  were  so  extremely  thick,  that  they  soon 
disappeared,  and  the  army  returned.  The  sachem  of  Quabaug  or 
Brookfield  was  killed,  and  44  other  Indians  were  killed  and  taken. 
Among  the  killed  were  25  warriors.* 

Several  brave  captains  and  officers  in  the  Massachusetts,  in 
July  and  August,  were  very  successful.  Captain  Church,  of  Plym- 
outh, afterwards  major  Church,  a  famous  partisan,  took  several 
small  parties  of  the  enemy.  The  Indians,  who  were  taken  or  came 
in  to  the  English  to  save  their  own  lives,  betrayed  their  friends, 
and  led  the  English  captains  to  their  haunts  and  hiding  places. 
Thus  assisted,  the  Massachusetts  and  Plymouth  soldiers  hunted 
Philip  from  week  to  week,  and  from  place  to  place.  They  killed 
and  captured  his  brother,  his  counsellors,  and  chief  men,  his  wife 
and  family;  but  his  mind  continued  firm  and  unbroken.  In  the 
midst  of  all  this  misfortune  and  distress,  he  would  hear  no  pro- 
posals of  peace.  At  length,  on  the  12th  of  August,  captain 
Church,  led  by  one  of  Philip's  men,  whom  he  had  disaffected, 
by  shooting  his  brother,  only  for  proposing  to  him  to  make  peace 
with  the  colonies,  surprised  this  famous  sachem,  in  a  swamp,  near 
Mount  Hope.  As  he  was  flying  to  make  his  escape,  the  Indian 
who  had  been  guide  to  the  party,  shot  him  through  the  heart. 
Thus  fell  a  brave  enemy,  who  had  defended  himself  and  his  coun- 
'  .Manuscripts  of  the  Rev.  Thomas  Ruggles  and  Hubbard's  Narrative. 


s  ■?*. 


J  ii  I 


M-'il 


'*t<'V 


m 


294 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


[1676 


h  6 


; 

'I 


try,  and  what  he  imagined  to  be  his  own,  and  the  just  rights 
of  his  countrymen,  to  the  last  extremity. 

The  Indians  in  this  part  of  the  country,  now  generally  submitted 
to  the  English,  or  fled  and  incorporated  with  distant  and  strange 
nations.    After  this  time,  very  little  damage  was  done. 

Connecticut  offered  the  same  conditions  to  the  enemy,  upon 
their  submission,  which  had  been  given  to  the  Pequots:  That 
they  should  have  life,  liberty,  protection,  and  ground  to  plant. 
Some  principal  incendiaries  and  murderers,  however,  were  ex- 
cepted. They  disdained  to  accept  the  terms,  and  generally  fled 
their  country.  The  Nipmucks,  Nashawas,  Pocomtocks,  the  Had- 
ley  and  Springfield  Indians,  fled  to  the  French  and  their  Indians, 
in  Canada.  About  200  of  them,  after  their  surprise  at  Housa- 
tonick  river,  fled  to  the  Moheaganders,  upon  Hudson's  river,  in- 
corporated and  became  one  with  them. 

When  Philip  began  the  war,  he,  and  his  kinswoman,  Wetamoe, 
had  about  500  warriors,  and  the  Narragansets  nearly  2000.  The 
Nipmuck,  Nashawa,  Pocomtock,  Hadley,  and  Springfield  Ind- 
ians, were  considerably  numerous.  It  is  probable,  therefore,  that 
there  were  about  3000  warriors  combined  for  the  destruction  of 
the  New-England  colonies,  exclusive  of  the  eastern  Indians.  The 
war  terminated  in  their  entire  conquest,  and  almost  total  extinc- 
tion. At  the  same  time,  it  opened  a  wide  door  to  extensive  set- 
tlement and  population. 

This,  however,  in  its  connection  with  the  war  with  the  eastern 
Indians,  which  commenced  about  the  same  time,  was  the  most 
impoverishing  and  distressing,  of  any  which  New-England  has 
ever  experienced,  from  its  first  settlement  to  the  present  time. 
The  war  with  the  eastern  Indians  continued  until  the  spring  of 
the  year  1678.  The  enemy  killed  and  captivated  great  numbers 
of  the  people,  captured  nearly  twenty  fishing  vessels,  with  their 
crews,  and  rioted  in  plunder  and  devastation,  until  most  of  the 
settlements  in  thore  parts  were  swept  away,  and  the  country  was 
reduced  to  their  domination.^ 

About  600  of  the  inhabitants  of  New-England,  the  greatest  part 
of  whom  were  the  flower  and  strength  of  the  country,  either  fell 
in  battle,  or  were  murdered  by  the  enemy.  A  great  part  of  tlie 
inhabitants  of  the  country  were  in  deep  mourning.  There  were 
few  families  or  individuals  who  had  not  lost  some  near  relative 
or  friend.  Twelve  or  thirteen  towns,  in  Massachusetts,  Plymouth, 
and  Rhode-island,  were  utterly  destroyed,  and  others  greatly 
damaged.  About  600  buildings,  chiefly  dwelling  !  cr'ses,  were 
consumed  with  fire.*   An  almost  insuperable  debt  v.  as  contracted 

*  Dr.  Belknap's  hist  vol.  i.  p.  157,  159. 

'  This  statement  of  the  loss  of  lives,  towns,  and  buildings,  is  made  from  an  ac- 
curate enumeration  of  the  various  numbers  mentioned,  in  the  ancient  histories,  of 
the  lives  lost,  and  of  the  towns  and  buildings  burned.  But  as  there  were,  doubt- 
less, many  persons  killed,  and  others  who  died  of  their  wounds,  not  mentioned  in 


1676] 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


295 


by  the  colonies,  when  their  numbers,  dwellings,  goods,  cattle,  and 
all  their  resources,  were  greatly  diminished. 

Connecticut,  indeed,  had  suffered  nothing,  in  comparison  with 
her  sister  colonies.  Her  towns  and  inhabitants  had  been  pre- 
served from  the  ravages  of  the  enemy;  but  about  a  seventh  part 
of  the  whole  militia  was  out  upon  constant  service,  besides  the 
volunteers.  A  large,  proportion  was  obliged  to  watch  and  guard 
the  towns  at  home.  The  particular  towns  were  necessitated  to 
fortify  themselves  with  an  inclosure  of  pallisades,  and  to  prepare 
and  fortify  particular  dwellings  for  garrison  houses,  which  might, 
in  the  best  manner,  command  the  respective  towns;  and  to  which 
the  aged  people,  women,  and  children  might  repair,  and  be  in 
safety,  in  the  time  of  danger.  For  three  years  after  the  war 
commenced,  the  inhabitants  paid  eleven  pence  on  the  pound,  upon 
the  grand  list,  exclusive  of  all  town  and  parish  taxes.  After  the 
war  was  finished,  they  had  a  considerable  debt  to  discharge.  The 
colony,  nevertheless,  was  highly  distinguished  and  favoured  in 
many  respects.  The  numerous  Indians  within  it,  were  not  only 
peaceable,  but  the  Moheagans  and  Pequots  were  of  great  service 
in  the  war.  They  were  not  only  a  defence  to  the  eastern  towns, 
but  especially  advantageous  in  discovering  and  harassing  the 
enemy,  and  in  preventing  a  surprise  by  them.  Connecticut  had 
not  one  party  of  men  surprised  and  cut  off  during  the  war;  nor 
did  the  colony  sustain  any  considerable  loss  of  men,  at  any  time, 
except  in  taking  the  fort  in  Narraganset.  At  the  same  time,  the 
legislature  and  people  were  happy,  in  giving  seasonable  and  pow- 
erful assistance  to  their  confederates,  and  in  repeatedly  rescuing 
whole  towns  and  parties,  when  in  the  most  imminent  danger. 

those  acconnti,  they  must  have  exceeded  the  number  here  stated.  The  histories  of 
those  troubles,  rarely  mention  the  bams,  stores  and  out  houses  burned  ;  and  some- 
times there  is  notice  of  the  bumine  of  part  of  a  town,  and  of  the  buildings  in  such 
a  tract,  without  any  specification  ofthe  number.  All  the  buildings  in  Narraganset. 
from  Providence  to  Stonington,  a  tract  of  about  fifty  miles,  were  burned,  or  other- 
wise destroyed,  by  the  enemy,  but  the  number  is  not  mentioned.  The  loss  of  build- 
ings must,  therefore,  have  been  much  greater  than  has  been  mentioned. 

The  militia  of  Connecticut,  in  1675,  amounted  to  3,250  men.  Of  these,  the 
commissioners  re<}uired  315,  as  their  proportion  of  the  i,oco  men  then  to  be  raised. 

If  the  proportion  was  just,  there  were  about  7,150  of  the  militia  of  the  united 
colonies.  Reckoning  every  fifth  man  a  soldier,  and  five  persons  to  every  family, 
there  were  7,150  families,  and  ^5,750  inhabitants,  st  that  time  in  the  united  coK 
onies.  According  to  this  estimation,  about  one  fencible  man  in  eleven  was  killed, 
and  every  eleventh  family  was  burned  out ;  or  an  eleventh  part  of  the  whole  mili- 
tia, and  of  all  the  buildings  of  the  united  colonies  were  swept  away  by  this  preda- 
tory war.  This  greatly  exceeded  the  loss  in  the  late  war  with  Great-Britain,  in  pro- 
portion to  the  numbers  and  wealth  of  the  United  States. 


t 


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i    t' 


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:| 
i 


t'f^i' 


«N 


990 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


I1676 


CHAPTER  XV. 

CONNECTICUT  had  now  conquered  the  Narraganset  coun- 
try, and,  in  conjunction  with  the  other  confederates,  terminated 
the  war  in  this  part  of  New- England.  The  legislature,  therefore, 
addressed  themselves  to  discharge  the  public  debt;  to  settle  the 
friendly  Indians  in  a  state  of  peace  among  themselves,  and  with 
the  colonies;  and  to  extend  their  settlements  in  the  Narraganset 
country,  as  well  as  in  other  parts  of  their  jurisdiction.  To  dis- 
charge the  public  debt,  they  levied  a  tax  of  eight  pence  on  the 
pound,  upon  the  whole  list  of  the  colony,  in  October  annually, 
during  the  term  of  two  years.  They  appointed  a  committee  to 
hear  all  affairs,  which  the  Moheagans,  Pequots,  and  Narragansets, 
under  Ninigrate,  or  Ninicraft,  had  to  lay  before  them;  and  to 
do  whatever  they  should  judge  expedient  to  promote  peace  among 
them,  and  to  preserve  their  friendship  and  attachment  to  the  Eng- 
lish. For  their  encouragement,  the  legislature  granted  liberty  for 
them  to  hunt,  in  all  the  conquered  lands,  during  their  pleasure. 
They  were  also  authorised  to  kill  and  destroy  any  of  the  enemy, 
who  should  return  to  their  country,  without  submitting  to  the 
colony  and  accepting  the  terms  which  had  been  offered  them. 

At  the  election,  in  May,  1677,  there  was  no  alteration  in  the 
legislature,  excepting  the  choice  of  Andrew  Leet,  Esq.  into  the 
magistracy,  instead  of  captain  John  Mason,  who  died,  the  Sep- 
tember before,  of  the  wounds  he  had  received  in  taking  the 
Narraganset  fort.  The  same  governor,  deputy  governor,  and 
magistrates  were  re-elected  for  several  years  successively.  A 
committee  was  appointed,  by  the  assembly,  to  settle  all  affairs  of 
government  in  the  Narraganset  country,  and  to  report  what  places 
there  were  there  adapted  to  the  purpose  of  planting  new  towns. 

As  the  Rhode-Islanders  had  deserted  the  country,  in  the  war, 
and  had  done  nothing  in  the  defence  of  it,  and  as  the  Connecticut 
volunteers  had  driven  the  enemy  entirely  from  that  extensive 
tract,  the  legislature  determined  to  plant  and  govern  it,  as  part 
of  this  colony. 

For  various  reasons  they  viewed  the  act  of  his  majesty's  com- 
missioners, determining  that  Rhode-Island  and  Narraganset 
should  be  a  province  for  the  king,  as  a  mere  nullity.  Their  com- 
mission gave  them  no  power  to  make  new  colonies.  It  required 
that  colonel  Nichols  should  always  be  one  of  the  council,  that 
any  of  its  acts  might  be  valid ;  but  he  was  not  present  at  that  de- 
termination. Further,  colonel  Nichols,  with  two  or  three  of  his 
council,  afterwards  reversed  that  judgment. 

In  the  same  point  of  light  they  viewed  the  agreement  with  Mr. 


1x676 


1677] 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


287 


Clark,  as  it  was  after  Mr.  Winthrop  had  obtained  the  Connecticut 
charter,  and  sent  it  to  the  colony,  at  which  time  his  agency  was 
terminated.  Further,  that  agreement  was  entirely  alien  from  the 
business  of  his  agency,  and  without  any  instructions  or  authority 
from  the  colony.  The  agreement  with  Mr.  Gark  was  considered 
as  a  nullity,  in  another  point  of  light,  as  the  charter  to  Rhode- 
Island  recognized  and  had  reference  to  one  article  of  the  agree- 
ment only,  and  as  Rhode-Island  had  never  submitted  to  one  of 
the  other  articles.  In  direct  contravention  of  them,  they  had  in- 
vaded the  property  of  the  settlers  named  in  it,  wantonly  carried 
off  the  productions  of  their  lands  and  fruits  of  their  labors,  driven 
off  their  cattle,  forced  the  inhabitants  from  their  possessions, 
burned  their  fences,  and  even  pulled  down  their  houses.^  They 
had  claimed  jurisdiction  over  them,  after  they  had,  in  the  year 
1663,  chosen  to  belong  to  Connecticut,  and  formally  put  them- 
selves under  the  government  of  that  colony.  They  had  not  re- 
garded the  agreement  even  with  respect  to  the  boundaries,  but 
attempted  to  extend  their  limits  beyond  what  was  expressed  in 
the  charter.  Besides,  when  his  majesty  had  previously  granted 
that  tract  to  Connecticut,  there  remained,  in  law  and  reason,  no 
further  right  in  him  to  that  country.  He  had  nothing  there  fur- 
ther to  grant.  Therefore  he  could  grant  nothing  there  to  Rhode- 
Island.  Connecticut  well  knew  that  Pawcatuck  never  was  called 
Narraganset  river,  and  that  the  Narragansets  never  extended 
their  claims  so  far  westward;  but  that  Pawcatuck,  and  the  coun- 
try some  miles  to  the  east  of  it,  belonged  to  the  Pequots."  For 
these  reasons,  the  legislature  considered  their  title  and  claim  to 
this  part  of  the  colony  as  clear  and  just,  as  to  any  other  part  of 
it  whatever. 

Elisha  Hutchinson,  William  Hudson,  and  others,  their  associ- 
ates, claiming  a  large  tract  in  the  Pequot  and  Narraganset  coun- 
try,°  applied  to  the  general  assembly  for  their  assistance  and  pro- 
tection, against  Rhode-Island,  in  the  re-settlement  of  their  lands. 
The  assembly  determined  to  extend  their  protection  and  govern- 
ment to  them. 

At  the  session  in  October,  the  upper  towns,  upon  Connecticut 
river,  sent  messengers  to  the  assembly,  acquainting  them,  that 
there  were  considerable  bodies  of  Indians  collected  together  in 
their  vicinity;  and  that  they  made  proposals  of  peace.  The  mes- 
sengers solicited  the  assembly  to  send  major  Treat,  the  deputy 

'  Prayer  of  the  inhabitants  to  the  general  court  of  Connecticut,  on  file,  repre- 
senting the  outrages  of  the  Khode*Islanders. 

'  Case  of  Connecticut,  with  respect  to  Narraganset,  stated,  in  which  these  arti- 
cles are  largely  insisted  on. 

^  It  appears,  by  the  report  of  the  committee,  appointed  to  view  and  make  re- 
port concerning  the  state  of  Narraganset,  that  the  gentlemen  mentioned  above 
major  Atherton,  and  their  associates,  owned  a  tract  of  more  than  5,000  acres,  only 
on  what  was  called  Boston  neck,  and  that  large  tracts  were  owned  by  other  pur- 
chasers.   Indeed,  the  principal  part  of  Narraganset  was  owned  by  them. 


I' 


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298 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


[1678 


governor,  with  a  detachment  of  forty  men,  to  Northampton,  to 
treat  with  them,  or  to  defend  those  towns,  as  occasion  might  re- 
quire. The  assembly  complied  with  the  request,  and  the  deputy 
governor  proceeded  immediately  to  Northampton.  He  was  in- 
structed, in  the  first  place,  to  use  his  utmost  endeavours  for  the  re- 
demption of  the  captives,  with  money,  goods,  or  by  any  other 
means  in  his  power.  The  terms  of  peace,  which  he  was  authorized 
to  propose,  were  life  and  liberty,  upon  the  submission  of  the  Ind- 
ians to  the  English,  in  the  several  places  where  they  should  be 
settled.  He  was  directed  to  assure  the  Indians  of  protection  and 
safety  during  the  treaty.  It  does  not  appear,  that  many  of  the 
northern  Indians  accepted  the  terms  proposed,  or  ever  returned 
to  their  former  places  of  abode.  Little  more  appears  to  have  been 
effected  by  the  treaty,  than  the  redemption  of  some  of  the  captives. 

The  colonies,  at  this  time,  had  many  enemies,  and  the  most  in- 
jurious complaints  and  unfavorable  representations  were  made  of 
them  in  England.  Edward  Randolph,  especially,  wl  cm  the  peo- 
ple of  New-England  represented  as  going  about  to  ;U\=troy  them, 
was  indefatigable  in  his  complaints  against  them,  and  in  aggra- 
vating whatever  he  imagined  might  serve  to  their  disadvantage. 
He  came  over  to  Boston,  in  1676,  and  annually,  in  person  or  by 
writing,  made  complaints  against  them.  He  generally  returned 
to  England  in  the  fall,  and  in  the  spring  or  summer,  came  over 
fraught  with  new  mischief.  He  busied  himself,  among  other  af- 
fairs, in  complaining  of  the  colonies  for  their  opposition  to  the  acts 
of  trade  and  navigation.  Unhappily  V"  Great-Britain  and  the 
colonies,  they  were  suffering  under  an  arbitrary  prince,  inimical 
to  the  civil  and  religious  rights  of  his  subjects.  His  ear  was  open 
to  complaints  against  those,  who  did  not  cheerfully  submit  to  his 
despotic  impositions;  and  he  readily  promoted  those  who  made 
them.  The  colonies  knew  how  affairs  were  conducted  in  Eng- 
land, and  were  deeply  apprehensive  of  the  danger  they  were  in, 
of  a  total  deprivation  of  their  liberties. 

The  commissioners  of  the  united  colonies,  in  these  views,  rec- 
ommended a  general  fast  to  the  confederate  colonies  to  humble 
themselves  for  their  offences,  and  to  pray  for  the  divine  favor, 
in  the  continuation  of  their  just  rights  and  privileges. 

In  consequence  of  this  recommendation,  the  general  assembly 
of  Connecticut  appointed  the  third  Tuesday  in  November  a  public 
fast,  in  union  with  their  confederates,  to  humble  themselves,  and 
pray  for  the  purposes  recommended. 

The  general  assembly,  at  their  session  in  May,  1679,  to  prevent 
the  people  of  Rhode-Island,  and  other  intruders,  from  taking  up 
lands  in  Narraganset,  enacted,  that  none  of  the  conquered  lands 
should  be  taken  up,  or  laid  out  into  farms,  without  special  and 
express  order  from  them.* 

*  Records  of  Connecticut. 


.1 


># 


[1678 


1679] 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


i9» 


The  Rhode-Islanders,  in  the  time  of  danger,  deserted  the  coua- 
try  and  bore  no  part  in  the  war.  However,  as  soon  as  the  inhabi- 
tants, who  had  settled  under  Connecticut,  began  to  return  to  their 
former  settlements,  to  build  upon  their  lands,  and  cultivate  their 
farms,  under  the  government  of  this  colony,  the  legislature  of 
Rhode-Island  began  to  usurp  authority  and  practice  their  former 
vexations. 

John  Cranston,  Esq.  governor  of  Rhode-Island,  held  a  court 
in  Narraganset,  in  September,  and  made  attempts  to  introduce 
the  authority  and  officers  of  Rhode-Island,  into  that  part  of  Con- 
necticut. The  general  assembly  therefore,  in  October,  protested 
against  his  usurpation,  and  declared  his  acts  to  be  utterly  void. 
They  also  prohibited  all  the  inhabitants  to  receive  any  office  from 
the  legislature  of  Rhode-Island,  or  to  yield  obedience  to  its  au- 
thority.* 

The  acts  of  trade  and  navigation  were  exceedingly  grievous 
to  the  colonies.  They  viewed  them  as  utterly  inconsistent  with 
their  chartered  rights.  This  made  them  extremely  unwilling  to 
submit  to  them.  Massachusetts  never  would  fully  submit;  but  as 
it  was  matter  of  great  and  continual  complaint  against  the  col- 
onies, and  as  his  majesty  insisted  on  the  respective  governors  tak- 
ing the  oath,  respecting  trade  and  navigation,  it  was  judged  ex- 
pedient, that  governor  Leet  should  take  it,  in  the  presence  of  the 
assembly.  It  was  accordingly  administered  to  him,  at  the  session 
in  May,  1680. 

This  assembly  ordered,  that  a  letter  should  be  written  to  the 
general  court  of  Massachusetts,  desiring  their  concurrence  in 
mutually  settling  the  line  between  that  colony  and  Connecticut. 
It  was  requested,  that  the  court  would  appoint  a  committee  fully 
authorised  for  that  purpose,  to  join  with  one  from  Connecticut 
vested  with  similar  powers.  If  the  general  court  of  the  Massa- 
chusetts should  refuse  to  comply  with  this  proposal,  then  the  gov- 
ernor and  his  council,  with  such  as  they  should  appoint  to  that 
service,  were  authorised  to  run  the  line  without  them. 

The  lords  of  trade  and  plantations  having  trasmitted  a  number 
of  queries  to  the  governor  and  company,  the  governor  and  coun- 
cil were  desired  to  answer  them.  By  their  answers,  it  appears, 
that  there  were  twenty-six  towns  in  the  colony: "  that  the  militia, 
including  horse  and  foot,  consisted,  in  1679,  of  2,507  men:  that 
the  annual  exports  were  about  9,oool.:  that  there  were  in  the 
colony  about  twenty  small  merchants,  trading  to  Boston,  New- 
York,  Newfoundland,  and  the  West-Indies:  and  that  its  ship- 
ping consisted  of  four  ships,  three  pinks,  eight  sloops,  and  other 
small  vessels,  amounting  in  the  whole  to  twenty-seven,  the  ton- 
nage of  which  was  only  1,050.    The  number  of  inhabitants  is  not 

'  Records  of  Connecticut. 

*  Rye  and  Bedford  appear  to  have  been  included  in  this  number. 


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300 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


[16I0 


mentioned,  but,  from  the  number  of  the  militia,  it  must  have  been 
nearly  13,000.  To  one  of  the  enquiries,  the  following  answer  is 
given:  "  If  so  be  Hartford,  New-London,  New-Haven,  and  Fair- 
field, might  be  made  free  ports,  for  fifteen  or  twenty  years,  it  would 
be  a  means  to  bring  trade  there,  and  much  increase  the  navigation 
and  wealth  of  this  poor  colony."  * 

About  this  time,  Sir  Edmund  Andross,  governor  of  New- York, 
asserted  his  right  of  jurisdiction  over  Fisher's  Island,  as  included 
in  the  duke  of  York's  patent. 

Upon  this  claim,  the  legislature  of  the  colony  asserted,  "  that 
the  said  island  was  a  part,  and  member  of  this  colony  of  Connecti- 
cut, and  under  the  government  thereof;  and  that  they  have  ever 
exercised,  and  shall,  and  will  exercise  government  there,  as  occa- 
sion shall  require;  and  do  hereby  declare,  and  protest  against  sir 
Edmund  Andross,  and  all  other  persons,  their  claims,  or  exercise 
of  any  authority  or  government,  on,  or  over  the  said  island." 

At  the  election,  in  1683,  major  Robert  Treat  was  chosen  gov- 
ernor, and  James  Bishop  deputy-governor.  The  former  magis- 
trates were  generally  re-chosen;  but  by  reason  of  several  vacan- 
cies which  had  been  made,  captain  Robert  Chapman,  captain 
James  Fitch,  Mr.  Samuel  Mason,  and  Mr.  Joseph  Whiting,  were 
elected  magistrates.  The  change  of  governors  was  occasioned  by 
the  death  of  governor  Leet,  who,  after  faithfully  serving  the  col- 
onies, for  many  years,  had  now  finished  his  course." 

As  there  had  been  long  disputes  relative  to  the  Narraganset 
country,  and  as  the  king,  in  consequence  of  the  act  of  his  commis- 
sioners, in  1665,  claimed  it  as  his  province,  commissioners  were 
appointed  to  hear  and  determine  all  titles  and  claims  respecting 

'  Connecticut  book  of  patents,  letten,  &c.    • 

*  The  governor,  William  Leet,  Eaq.  was  bred  a  lawyer  in  Eneland,  and  was,  for 
a  considerable  time,  clerk  of  a  bishop's  court.  In  this  service  he  became  acquainted 
with  the  conduct  of  the  bishops  towards  the  puritans,  with  the  pleas,  and  serious 
conversation  and  conduct  of  the  latter,  when  arraiened  before  them.  He  observed 
the  great  severity  which  the  court  exercised  towards  them,  for  going  to  hear  good 
sermons  in  the  neighbouring  parishes,  when  they  had  none  at  home,  and  what  Tight 
matters  they  made  of  wantonness,  and  other  instances  of  gross  sin,  and  how  much 
better  persons  guilty  of  such  crimes  were  treated,  than  the  puritans.  This  brought 
him  to  a  serious  consideration  of  the  affair,  and  to  acquaint  himself  more  thoroughly 
with  the  doctrines  and  discipline  of  the  puritans.  In  consequence  of  this  he  became 
a  puritan,  left  the  bishop's  court,  and,  in  1638,  came  into  New-England,  with  Mr. 
Whitfield  and  his  company.  He  was  one  of  the  seven  pillars  of  his  church.  In 
1643,  ^c  w^s  chosen  magistrate  for  the  colony  of  New-Haven,  and  was  annually  re- 
elected, until  May,  1658.  He  was  then  chosen  deputy-governor  of  that  colony,  in 
which  office  he  continued  until  he  was  elected  governor  in  1661.  He  continued 
chief  magistrate  of  that  colony,  until  the  union  in  1665.  He  was  then  chosen  one 
of  the  magistrates  of  Connecticut.  In  1669,  he  was  elected  deputy-covemor,  and 
was  annually  re-elected,  until  1676,  when  he  was  chosen  governor  of  Connecticut. 
During  the  term  of  forty  years,  he  was  magistrate,  deputy-governor,  or  governor  of 
one  or  other  of  the  colonies.  In  both  colonies  he  presided  in  times  of  the  greatest 
difficulty,  yet  always  conducted  himself  with  such  integrity  and  wisdom,  as  to  meet 
the  public  approbation.  After  he  was  chosen  governor  of  Connecticut,  he  removed 
to  Hartford,  where  he  died  full  of  years  and  good  works.  He  left  a  numerous 
offspring.  One  of  his  sons,  Andrew  Leet,  Esq.  was  some  years  one  of  the  magis- 
trates of  the  colony. 


[i68o 

ave  been 
inswer  is 
ind  Fair- 
,  it  would 
avigation 

ew-York, 
included 

id,  "  that 
Zonnecti- 
lave  ever 
,  as  occa- 
g;ainst  sir 
:  exercise 
land." 
)sen  gov- 
er  magis- 
al  vacan- 
1,  captain 
ing,  were 
sioned  by 
§;  the  col- 

rraganset 

commis- 

lers  were 

especting 

and  WM,  for 

acquainted 

and  serious 

^e  observed 

hear  good 
d  what  Tight 
'  how  much 
his  brought 
thoroughly 
8  he  became 
d,  with  Mr. 
church.  In 
annually  re- 
t  colony,  in 
I  continued 
chosen  one 
vemor,  and 
Connecticut, 
governor  of 
the  greatest 

as  to  meet 
he  removed 

numerous 
the  magis- 


1683] 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


301 


that  tract.  On  the  7th  of  April,  1683,  his  majesty  king  Charles 
II.  granted  a  commission  to  Edward  Cranfield,  Esq.  lieutenant- 
governor  of  New-Hampshire,  William  Stoughton,  Joseph  Dud- 
ley, Edward  Randolph,  Samuel  Shrimpton,  John  Fitz  Winthrop, 
Edwar  I  Palms,  Nathaniel  Saltonstall,  and  John  Pyncheon,  jun. 
Esqiii  es,  or  any  three  of  them,  of  whom  Edward  Cranfield,  or 
Edward  Randolph  was  to  be  of  the  quorum,  "  to  examine  and 
enquire  into  the  respective  claims  and  titles,  as  well  of  his  maj- 
esty, as  of  all  persons  and  corporations  whatsoever,  to  the  imme- 
diate jurisdiction,  government,  or  propriety  of  the  soil  of  a  cer- 
tain tract  of  land,  within  his  majesty's  dominion  of  New-England, 
called  the  king's  province,  or  Narraganset  country;  and  to  call 
before  them  any  person,  or  persons,  and  to  search  records,  as 
they  shall  find  requisite,  and  the  proceedings  therein,  with  the 
opinions  upon  the  matters  that  shall  be  examined  by  them,  to 
state,  and  with  all  convenient  speed,  report  thereof  to  make  to 
his  majesty." 

The  commissioners  convened  on  the  22C  of  August,  1683,  at 
the  house  of  Richard  Smith,  in  the  Narraganset  country.  They 
summoned  all  persons  and  corporations,  in  whatever  place,  who 
were  concerned  in  the  title  or  government  of  that  country,  to  ap- 
pear before  them,  and  to  produce  all  charters,  deeds,  rev^ords, 
letters,  and  orders,  from  his  majesty  and  council,  or  of  any  of  his 
commissioners,  to  the  respective  colonies,  governors,  or  j^overn- 
ments,  which  might  give  information  on  the  subject.  At  the  time 
and  place  appointed,  the  records  represent,  "  that  there  was  the 
greatest  appearance  of  the  most  ancient  English  and  Indians, 
then  living,  to  testify  the  truth  of  their  knowledge,"  respecting  the 
matters  then  to  be  determined. 

The  commissioners,  having  fully  heard  every  thing  respecting 
the  claims  and  title  to  that  part  of  New-England,  adjourned  to 
Boston,  and  there  made  a  report  to  his  majesty,  in  an  ample  man- 
ner, declaring,  that  the  government  of  it  belonged  to  Connecticut. 
The  report,  so  far  as  it  respects  this  colony,  and  can  reflect  light 
on  the  subject,  is  as  followeth: 

"  In  humble  obedience  to  your  majesty's  commands,  we,  your 
majesty's  commissioners,  have  seriously  considered  the  several 
claims  before  us.  We  find,  that  your  majesty,  by  your  letters 
patent,  dated  at  Westminster,  the  three  and  twentieth  of  April, 
in  the  fourteenth  year  of  your  majesty's  reign,  granted  to  the 
governor  and  company  of  Connecticut,  and  their  successors,  all 
that  part  of  your  dominions  in  New-England,  bounded  on  the 
east  by  Narraganset  bay,  where  the  said  river  falls  into  the  sea, 
and  on  the  north  by  the  line  of  the  Massachusetts  plantation, 
and  on  the  south  by  the  sea." 

"  We  have  also  had  information,  that,  some  time  after  your 
majesty's  grant,  and  said  patent  was  sent  to  your  colony  of  Con- 


i  ! 


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302 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


[1683 


1 


I 


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I 

■ 

: 
:: 

1 


necticut,  the  said  country  of  the  Narragansct  was  hkewise,  by 
patent,  granted  by  your  majesty  to  the  governor  and  company 
of  Rhode-Island  plantation,  and  is,  by  charter,  bounded  by  a  river 
called  Pawcatuck,  which,  by  said  charter,  is  for  ever  to  be  ac- 
counted and  called  the  Narraganset  river:  And  this  latter  grant 
of  your  majesty  to  Rhode-Island,  seems  to  be  founded  upon  ad- 
vice submitted  to  by  John  Winthrop,  Esq.  said  to  be  agent  for 
Connecticut  colony,  and  Mr.  John  Gark,  agent  for  Rhode-Island: 
to  which  Connecticut  plead,  that  Mr.  Winthrop's  agency  for  them 
ceased,  when  he  had  obtained  and  sent  the  patent  to  them ;  and 
that  no  submission,  or  act  of  his,  could  invalidate,  or  deprive 
them  of  any  of  the  benefits  graciously  granted  by  your  majesty's 
charter:  and  that,  notwithstanding  the  seeming  boundaries,  set 
by  said  articles,  signed  by  Mr.  Winthrop  and  Mr.  Clark,  it  is  in 
the  same  articles  provided,  that  the  proprietors  and  inhabitants 
of  the  Narraganset  country  should  choose  to  which  of  the  two 
governments  to  belong,  and  that  they  unanimously  chose  and 
subjected  to  the  government  of  Connecticut." 

"  With  humble  submission,  we  cannot  see  any  cause  to  judge, 
that  the  said  Pawcatuck  river  anciently  was,  or  ought  to  be,  called 
or  accounted  the  Narraganset  river." 

I.  "  Because  it  lies  Some  miles  within  the  Pequot  country,  a 
nation,  till  extirpated  by  the  English,  often,  or  always,  at  war 
with  the  Narragansets,  and  to  which  territories  the  Narragansets 
never  pretended." 

II.  "Because  Pawcatuck  river  falls  into  the  sea  many  miles 
westward  of  any  part  of  Narraganset  bay,  which  is  the  river  an- 
ciently called  Narraganset  river,  both  because  it,  on  the  eastward, 
washes  and  bounds  the  whole  length  of  the  Narraganset  country; 
and  for  that  Plymouth  colony,  which  hath  now  been  planted  near 
three  score  years,  have  ever  since  bounded  themselves  according 
to  the  sense  and  meaning,  or  limitation  of  their  patent,  by  the 
same  bay,  called  Narraganset  river,  towards  the  south." 

"  Thus,  after  most  strict  and  impartial  inquiry  and  examina- 
tion, having  stated,  we  most  humbly  lay  before  your  majesty  the 
several  original  claims  and  pretensions  offered  to  us  with  respect 
to  the  propriety,  both  of  jurisdiction  and  soil,  in  your  majesty's 
province,  or  Narraganset  country;  and,  in  further  obedience  to 
your  said  commission,  have  seriously  weighed  and  considered  all 
evidences,  pleas,  proofs,  and  allegations,  &c.  and  with  most 
humble  submission  and  reservation  of  your  majesty's  right,  offer 
our  opinions,  that  by  virtue  of  your  said  letters  patent,  granted 
to  Connecticut,  jurisdiction  in,  and  through  the  said  province, 
or  Narraganset  country,  of  right  belongs  to  the  colony  of  Con- 
necticut; and  that  propriety  of  soil,  as  derived  from  Mr.  Win- 
throp and  major  Atherton,  is  vested  upon  the  heirs  and  assigns 
of  said  Mr.  Winthrop,  the  heirs  of  Thomas  Chiffinch,  Esq.  major 


[1683 


1683] 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


303 


AthertoM,  Mr.  Richard  Smith,  Mr.  Simon  Lyndc,  Mr.  Elisha 
Hutchinson,  Mr.  John  SafKn,  Mr.  Richard  Wharton,  and  part- 
ners." 

"  Finally,  we  hold  it  our  duty  humbly  to  inform  your  majesty, 
that  so  long  as  the  pretensions  of  the  Rhode-Islanders  to  the 
government  of  the  said  province  continue,  it  will  much  discourage 
the  settlement  and  improvement  thereof;  it  being  very  improb- 
able, that  either  the  aforenamed  claimers,  or  others  of  like  repu- 
tation and  condition,  will  remove  their  families,  or  expend  their 
estates  under  so  loose  and  weak  a  government." 

"  Your  majesty's  most  loyal  and  obedient  subjects. 

"  Edward  Cranfikld, 

-  "William  Stououtom, 

"  Samuel  Shrimpton, 
"  John  Pvncheon,  jun. 
"  Nathaniel  Saltonstall." 

"  Boston,  Oct.  20th,  1683." 

Connecticut  had  no  sooner  gained  their  point  against  the  claims 
of  his  majesty  and  Rhode-Island,  than  they  were  obliged  to  an- 
swer to  a  new  antagonist.  Edward  Randolph,  Esq.  on  the  30th 
of  June,  1683,  had  received  a  power  of  attorney  from  William  and 
Ann,  duke  and  duchess  of  Hamilton,  and  James,  carl  of  Aran, 
son  and  heir  of  William  and  Ann,  and  grandson  of  James,  mar- 
quis of  Hamilton,  to  sue  for  and  recover  their  right  and  interest 
in  lands,  islands,  houses,  and  tenements,  in  New-England.  He 
appeared  before  the  commissioners  at  Boston,  and,  in  the  name 
of  the  said  duke,  duchess,  and  earl,  claimed  the  lands  which  they 
supposed  had  been  granted  to  their  ancestor,  in  the  deed  of  1635. 

This  renewed  claim  of  that  tract  of  country,  occasioned  an- 
swers from  the  proprietors  of  the  lands,  and  from  Connecticut, 
with  several  opinions  on  the  case. 

It  may  be  proper  to  communicate  the  substance  of  these  to  the 
public. 

Mr.  Saffin,  in  November,  gave  the  following  answer,  in  behalf 
of  the  proprietors. 

"  The  ends  aimed  at  and  propounded  in  the  king's  charter  to 
the  great  council  of  Plymouth,  was  the  propagation  of  the  gospel 
among  the  heathen,  and  the  enlargement  of  his  majesty's  empire, 
by  plantation;  and  whatsoever  grants  were  made  by  said  council, 
were  founded  upon  those  considerations;  which  being  not  pur- 
sued, rendereth  all  grants  of  land  void.  Qui  sentit  commodum,  in- 
commodum  sentire  debet  et  onus.^  And  it  doth  not  appear,  that  his 
grace,  (as  other  patentees,)  did  transport  any  person,  or  plant 
any  colony,  nor  used  any  other  means,  either  to  instruct  the  na- 
tives, or  purchase  their  right  in  the  lands,  or  appointed  any  agent 

*  He  who  enjoys  the  benefit  of  a  grant,  ought  to  bear  its  disadvantage  and 
liurthen. 


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304 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


[1683 


to  take  possession,  in  order  to  the  improvement  of  the  same.  But 
it  is  probable,  that  the  duke,  understanding  a  former  patent  was 
granted,  by  the  council  of  Devon,  to  the  lords  Say  and  Brook, 
&c.  in  and  about  the  year  1631,  and  purchased  and  improved  by 
the  colony  of  Connecticut,  might  divert  him  from  any  procedure 
therein.  The  copy  of  said  patent,  as  we  have  been  informed, 
when  exhibited  by  John  Winthrop,  Esq.  before  the  king  in  coun- 
cil, the  then  lord  chancellor,  Hyde,  declared,  the  lords  Say  and 
Brook's  title  to  be  good  and  unquestionable;  and  upon  that  in- 
terest, we  presume,  it  was,  that  Connecticut  made  application  to 
his  majesty,  and  that  their  charter  was  granted;  the  lords  Say 
and  Brook,  and  partners,  having  expended  nine  thousand  pounds 
in  settlement  of  the  lands  claimed  by  his  grace;  and  had  made 
considerable  improvements  and  fortifications  upon  the  lands,  in 
several  places,  divers  years  before  the  date  of  duke  Hamilton's 
grant. 

"  Our  present  gracious  sovereign,  &c.  hath,  by  his  royal  letters, 
manifested  his  approbation  of  the  purchase,  possession,  and  im- 
provement of  his  loyal  subjects,  the  proprietors  here.  The  said 
proprietors  have  been  necessarily  engaged  in  a  bloody  war  with 
the  Indians,  in  their  late  rebellion. 

"  We  further  humbly  offer,  that,  in  regard  that  the  copy  of  the 
duke's  deed,  presented  by  Mr.  Randolph,  in  behalf  of  his  grace, 
seems  to  have  no  signification  of  any  hand  or  seal  affixed  to  it, 
nor  mention  made  of  any  witnesses,  said  to  be  the  original  instru- 
ment, (yet  affirmed  to  be  a  true  copy  thereof,)  it  may  be  presumed 
the  said  original  deed  was  n  ver  completed  according  to  law." 

The  governor  and  council  of  Connecticut  answered,  December 
13th,  1683,  in  the  manner  following. 

"  As  to  the  substance  of  the  duke's  claim,  so  far  as  it  concerns 
us,  it  is  preceded,  some  years,  by  a  grant  from  the  right  honour- 
able, Robert,  earl  of  Warwick,  to  the  lord  Say,  and  other  persons 
of  honour  and  credit,  March  19th,  1631,  whereas  his  grace's  deed 
was  made  four  years  after,  viz.  on  the  20th  of  April,  1635. 

"  By  virtue  of  his  majesty's  grant  to  lord  Say,  Brook,  &c.  they, 
and  their  assigns,  our  predecessors,  did,  at  their  own  proper 
charge,  about  the  year  1634,  begin  to  enter  upon  the  said  lands, 
and  so  have  continued  ever  since,  in  actual  possession  and  im- 
provement thereof,  without  challenge  or  claim  from  duke  Ham- 
ilton: which  improvement  hath  been  with  great  cost,  hazard,  and 
labour  of  his  majesty's  subjects;  yet  by  the  blessing  of  God,  and 
his  majesty's  grace,  hath,  in  a  good  measure,  answered  the  ends 
of  those  grants  or  patents;  as  the  propagating  the  christian  re- 
ligion, and  the  increase  and  enlargement  of  his  majesty's  empire: 
of  all  which,  his  grace,  duke  Hamilton,  hath,  in  these  parts,  done 
nothing  that  we  know  of." 

"  His  present  majesty,  understanding  the  condition  of  his  sub- 


[1683 


1683] 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


30s 


jects  in  this  colony,  upon  our  humble  address,  April  23d,  1662, 
was  graciously  pleased  to  grant  us  a  charter,  for  holding  the  lands 
therein  granted  firm,  to  us  and  our  successors,  for  ever;  and  in 
his  letters,  dated  April  23d,  1664,  sent  to  us  by  his  majesty's  hon- 
ourable commissioners,  he  is  pleased  to  call  his  grant  a  renewing 
of  our  charter,  which  must  relate  to  that  grant  made  by  the  earl 
of  Warwick,  in  the  year  1631 ;  for  we  had  no  other,  before  his 
majesty's  grant  and  confirmation  aforesaid. 

"  Under  these  securities  and  encouragements,  we  laid  out  our 
estates,  labors,  &c.  and  suddenly  after  our  first  settling  we  were 
engaged  in  a  bloody  war,  anno  37,  with  the  Pequots,  which  was 
chargeable  and  expensive  to  us.  Also,  in  the  year  1675,  a  great 
people,  who  inhabited  the  Narraganset  country,  rose  up  against 
his  majesty's  subjects,  who  were  planted  in  these  parts,  slew  many 
of  them,  burnt  their  houses,  and  destroyed  their  cattle,  whereby 
we  were  engaged  in  another  bloody  war,  which  was  the  cause  of 
great  expense  of  blood  and  treasure,  (his  grace  duke  Hamilton 
being  no  partaker  with  us  in  any  of  those  expenses,  or  helper  of 
us  therein,)  and  by  the  assistance  of  Almighty  God,  and  counte- 
nance of  his  majesty,  in  both  these  forementioned  wars,  we  over- 
came our  enemies,  that  rose  up  against  us,  without  which  all  our 
grants  would  have  been  of  little  benefit  to  us. 

"  It  is  required  by  his  majesty's  good  laws,  as  in  the  twenty- 
first  of  king  James,  i6th,  that  the  duke,  and  all  others,  should 
have  sued  out  his  claims:  The  reason  of  which  law,  as  it  is  very 
great,  so  it  is  pleadable  on  our  account;  for  it  being  latent  unto 
us,  for  near  fifty  years,  would  prove  our  ruin,  if  thereupon  our 
property  be  altered.  Had  the  duke's  grace,  or  his  predecessors 
timeously  set  his  claim,  in  competition  with  lord  Say's  patent, 
that  we  had  purchased,  the  people  had  known  how  to  have  applied 
themselves;  but  after  half  a  century's  settlement,  as  aforesaid, 
we  hope  his  majesty  will  be  pleased  to  secure  the  same  to  his  good 
subjects  here. 

"  We  desire,  that  we  may  have  a  more  fit  opportunity  to  make 
a  more  full  answer,  and  to  present  our  proofs. 

"  Per  order  of  the  governor  and  council, 
•      -  <  "signed  per  me, 

"John  Allen,  Secretary." 

Some  years  after,  several  opinions,  by  gentlemen  learned  in  the 
law,  were  given  on  the  case,  both  as  it  respected  the  duke  of  Ham- 
ilton and  the  colony  of  Rhode-Island. 

Sir  Francis  Pemberton,  having  largely  stated  the  case  between 
Connecticut  and  the  duke  of  Hamilton,  says,  "  Marquis  Hamil- 
ton, nor  his  heirs,  or  any  deriving  from  him,  have  ever  had  pos- 
session or  laid  out  any  thing  upon  the  premises,  nor  made  any 
claim,  in  said  country,  until  the  year  1683,  which  was  about  forty- 
eight  years  after  said  grant,  the  said  heir  by  his  attorney,  claimed 


V 

II 

f  I '     ■    \ 

If  1^ 

m 


m 


;l!j 


'i 


;;  (3!  . 
i  8|] 


3o6 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


[1683 


the  said  lands,  at  Boston,  in  New-England,  which  is  above  seventy 
miles  from  the  premises,  and  in  another  country." 

"  The  heir  of  said  marquis  Hamilton,  after  threescore  and  two 
years,  demands  the  said  premises,  or  a  quit  rent.  I  am  of  the 
opinion,  that  the  heir  of  M.  H.  after  such  purchases  and  so  long 
quiet  enjoyment  of  them,  &c.  ought  not  to  recover  any  of  the 
lands  or  grounds  or  quit-rents  out  of  them. 

"  I  am  of  the  opinion,  that  these  purchasers,  by  virtue  of  their 
purchases,  and  so  long  and  uninterrupted  possession  under  them, 
have  an  undoubted  right  and  title  to  these  grounds  and  lands, 
and  the  buildings  and  improvement  of  them,  and  ought  not  now, 
after  so  much  money  laid  out  upon  them,  and  such  enjoyment 
of  them,  to  be  disturbed  in  their  possession  of  them. 

"  Francis  Pemberton." 

Mr.  Trevor,  having  stated  the  case  between  Connecticut  and 
Rhode-Island,  gives  his  opinion  to  the  lords  of  trade  and  planta- 
tions, in  the  words  following.  '''  I  am  humbly  of  opinion,  that 
this  grant  to  Rhode-Island  is  void  in  law,  because  the  country  of 
Narraganset  bay  was  granted  before  to  Connecticut,  and  that 
therefore  the  government  of  Narraganset  bay  doth,  of  right,  be- 
long to  Connecticut,  and  not  to  Rhode-Island:  all  which  is  humbly 
submitted  to  your  honor's  great  wisdom. 

"Thomas  Trevor. 

"  October  28, 1696." 

The  aspects  of  Providence  upon  the  colony,  this  year,  were  ex- 
ceedingly gloomy.  Besides  the  dangers  which  threatened  them, 
with  respect  to  their  civil  and  religious  privileges,  the  people  were 
visited  with  great  sickness  and  mortality.  The  instances  of  death 
among  the  clergy  were  uncommonly  numerous,  and  many 
churches  were  made  to  sit  in  widowhood.  The  fruits  of  the  field 
were  also  diminished,  and  <^he  inhabitants  in  various  ways  im- 
poverished and  distressed. 

The  general  assembly,  in  October,  considered  the  divine  dis- 
pensations so  afflictive  as  to  demand  their  deepest  humiliation. 
A  general  fast  was  appointed,  and  the  people  called  upon  to 
repent  and  humble  themselves.^ 

Colonel  Dungan  having  lately  arrived  at  New- York,  the  assem- 
bly, in  November,  appointed  major  Nathan  Gould,  captain  John 
Allen,  and  Mr.  William  Pitkin,  a  committee,  to  congratulate  him 

'  The  proclamation  is  introduced  in  these  words,  "  Whereas  it  is  rvident  to  all 
who  obsenre  the  footsteps  of  Divine  Providence,  that  the  dispensations  of  God, 
towards  his  poor  wilderness  people,  have  been  very  solemn,  awful,  and  speaking, 
for  many  years  past ;  and  particularly  towards  ourselves  in  this  colony,  this  present 
year,  by  occasion  of  general  sickness  in  most  places,  and  more  than  ordinary  mor- 
tality in  some,  as  also  excessive  rains  and  flooids  in  several  plantations,  shortening 
us  in  our  enjoyments  ;  and  considering  also  the  holy  hand  of  God,  in  bereaving  so 
many  churches  and  congregations  of  a  settled  ministry,  whereby  they  are  left,  and 
have  been,  some  of  them,  a  long  time,  as  sheep  without  a  shepherd,  as  if  Uie  Lord 
intended,  for  our  sins,  to  quench  the  light  of  our  Israel." 


[t683 

5  seventy 

and  two 
tn  of  the 
I  so  long 
ly  of  the 

;  of  their 
ier  them, 
id  lands, 
not  now, 
njoyment 

RTON." 

ticut  and 
id  planta- 
lion,  that 
ountry  of 
and  that 
right,  be- 
is  humbly 

'revor. 

,  were  ex- 
led  them, 
ople  were 
5  of  death 
nd  many 
f  the  field 
ways  im- 

ivine  dis- 

miliation. 

upon  to 

he  assem- 
tain  John 
ulate  him 

vident  to  all 
ons  of  God, 
d  speaking, 
thU  present 
rdinary  mor- 
I,  shortening 
bereaving  so 
are  left,  and 
if  the  Lord 


1683] 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


307 


upon  his  arrival  at  his  seat  of  government;  and  to  agree  with 
him  upon  a  settlement  of  boundaries  between  the  colonies.  The 
committee  were  instructed  not  to  exceed  his  demands  of  twenty 
miles  east  of  Hudson's  river:  To  examine  his  powers  to  treat, 
and  if  they  were  only  conditional,  to  treat  with  him  upon  the  same 
terms.  They  were  directed  to  insist  upon  this,  that  there  was  no 
mistake  with  respect  to  the  rise  of  the  line  at  Memoronock.  If 
they  should  be  obliged  to  give  up  jurisdiction  at  any  place,  they 
were  instructed  to  preserve  property  inviolably  to  the  proprie- 
tors; and  to  insist  on  the  former  line,  unless  it  should,  in  any 
place,  approach  nearer  to  Hudson's  river  than  the  distance  of 
twenty  miles.  In  fine,  they  were  required  to  make  his  honor 
sensible,  that  the  former  line  was  legal  and  firm,  and  that  the 
present  settlement  was  solely  for  the  purpose  of  promoting  peace 
and  a  good  correspondence  between  his  majesty's  colony  of  Con- 
necticut and  the  duke's  territories,  and  their  successive  gov- 
ernors. 

As  the  colony  had  been  certified,  by  letters  from  his  majesty, 
of  a  conspiracy  against  himself  and  the  duke  of  York,  the  assem- 
bly addressed  him  on  the  subject.  They  declared,  in  the  strong- 
est terms,  their  utmost  abhorrence  of  all  plots  against  his  royal 
person  and  government:  That  they  prayed  for  kings  and  all 
men,  and  especially  for  his  majesty,  and  all  in  authority  under 
him:  That  they  feared  God  and  honored  the  king.  In  such  sup- 
pliant language  as  follows,  they  prayed  for  the  continuance  of 
their  chartered  rights. 

"  Most  dread  sovereign,  we  humbly  pray  the  continuance  of 
your  g^ace  and  favor  in  the  full  enjoyment  of  those  former  privi- 
leges and  liberties  you  have,  out  of  your  princely  grace  and 
bounty,  bestowed  upon  us,  in  your  royal  charter,  granted  this 
corporation,  that  our  poor  beginnings  may  prosper,  under  your 
shadow,  to  the  glory  of  God,  and  the  enlargement  of  your  maj- 
esty's dominions."  ^ 

The  committee  appointed  to  agree  with  colonel  Dungan,  with 
respect  to  the  line  of  partition  between  Connecticut  and  New- 
York,  came  to  an  agreement  respecting  it,  November  28th,  1683. 
It  was  agreed, "  That  the  line  should  begin  at  Byram  river,  where 
it  falleth  into  the  sound,  at  a  point  called  Lyon's  point,  to  go  as 
the  said  river  runneth  to  the  place  where  the  common  road,  or 
wading  place,  over  the  said  river  is ;  and  from  the  said  road  or 
wading  place,  to  go  north  northwest  into  the  country,  as  far  as 
will  be  eight  English  miles  from  the  foresaid  Lyon's  point;  and 
that  a  line  of  twelve  miles,  being  measured  from  the  said  Lyon's 
point,  according  to  the  line  or  general  course  of  the  sound  east- 
ward, where  the  said  twelve  miles  endeth,  another  line  shall  be 

'  The  number  of  persons  giving  in  their  lists,  October,  1683,  was  2,735,  ""^  ^^^ 
grand  list  was  ;^i  59,385. 


■      t  :% 


;ii  M 


1    U^ 


laii 


8: 


,  .1: 
-I  & 


;  rfji 


!  ii; 


308 


HISTORY  OF  CON  ^ECTICUT. 


[1683 


1 


'Mi 


hA 


''■J 


J 


m 


I' 


i 


run  from  the  sound,  eight  miles  into  the  country,  north  north- 
west, and  also,  that  a  fourth  line  be  run,  (that  is  to  say,)  from  the 
northernmost  end  of  the  eight  miles  line,  being  the  third  men- 
tioned line,  which  fourth  line,  with  the  first  mentioned  line,  shall 
be  the  bounds  where  they  shall  fall  to  run;  and  that  from  the  east- 
ernmost end  of  the  fourth  mentioned  line,  (which  is  to  be  twelve 
miles  in  length,)  a  line  parallel  to  Hudson's  river,  in  every  place 
twenty  miles  distant  from  Hudson's  river,  shall  be  the  bounds 
there,  between  the  said  territories  or  province  of  New- York,  and 
the  said  colony  of  Connecticut,  so  far  as  Connecticut  colony  doth 
extend  northwards;  that  is  to  the  south  line  of  the  Massachusetts 
colony:  only  it  is  provided,  that  in  case  the  line  from  Byram 
brook's  mouth,  north  north-west  eight  miles,  and  the  line,  that  is 
then  to  run  twelve  miles  to  the  end  of  the  third  forementioned  line 
of  eight  miles,  do  diminish  or  take  away  land  within  twenty  miles 
of  Hudson's  river,  that  then  so  much  as  is  in  land  diminished  of 
twenty  miles  of  Hudson's  river  thereby,  shall  be  added  out  of 
Connecticut  bounds  unto  the  line  aforementioned,  parallel  to 
Hudson's  river,  and  twenty  miles  distant  from  it;  the  addition 
to  be  made  the  whole  length  of  the  said  parallel  line,  and  in  such 
breadth,  as  will  make  up  quantity  for  quantity,  what  shall  be 
diminished  as  aforesaid." 

The  assembly,  in  the  session  of  May,  1684,  approved  ot  ihis 
agreement,  and  appointed  major  Nathan  Gould,  Mr.  Jehu  Burr, 
and  Mr.  Jonathan  Selleck,  to  lay  out  the  lines  according  to  the 
stipulation.  The  lines  accordingly  were  run,  and  on  the  24th  of 
February,  1685,  were  ratified  by  governor  Dungan  and  governor 
Treat. 

Great  complaints  had  been  made,  in  England,  against  the  col- 
onies for  harbouring  pirates;  and  that  no  laws  had  been  made 
agfainst  them.  A  letter  had  been  written  to  the  governor  and 
company,  by  Lyonel  Jenkins,  Esq.  complaining  of  this  neglect, 
and  demanding,  in  his  majesty's  name,  that  a  law  should  forth- 
with be  made  against  piracy.  A  special  assembly  was  consequent- 
ly called  on  the  5th  of  July,  and  a  law  enacted  against  it,  anrl 
a  copy  of  it  forwarded  immediately  to  his  majesty's  secretary  of 
state. 

At  the  election,  in  1685,  Giles  Hamlin  was  chosen  into  the  mag- 
istracy, in  the  place  of  Mr.  Topping,  who  seems  now  to  have  been 
dead. 

The  legislature,  at  this  session,  addressed  a  letter  of  condolence 
to  his  majesty,  king  James  II.  on  account  of  the  demise  of  his 
brother,  king  Charles  II.  and  congratulating  him  on  his  peaceful 
accession  to  the  throne  of  his  ancestors.  They  presented  him 
with  the  strongest  assurances  of  their  loyalty  and  attachment  to 
his  royal  person  and  government.  At  the  same  time,  sensible  of 
their  danger,  under  a  prince  of  his  character,  thev  most  humbly 


[1683 

rth  north- 
)  from  the 
bird  men- 
line,  shall 
a  the  east- 
be  twelve 
very  place 
le  bounds 
York,  and 
>lony  doth 
sachusetts 
m  Byram 
ne,  that  is 
:ioned  line 
enty  miles 
inished  of 
led  out  of 
)arallel  to 
e  addition 
id  in  such 
t  shall  be 

ed  ot  this 
ehu  Burr, 
ng  to  the 
le  24th  of 
governor 

t  the  col- 
een  made 
rnor  and 
s  neglect, 
ild  forth- 
isequent- 
st  it,  and 
;retary  of 

the  mag- 
>ave  been 

ndolence 
se  of  his 

peaceful 
ited  him 
iment  to 
nsible  of 

humbly 


1686] 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


309 


besought  him  to  continue  to  them  their  civil  and  religious  privi- 
leges, and  that  he  would  preserve  to  them  the  peaceable  enjoy- 
ment of  their  property. 

Upon  the  petition  of  a  number  of  the  inhabitants  of  Farm- 
ington,  presented  to  the  assembly  in  1673,  a  committee  was 
appointed  to  view  Mattatock,  and  report  to  the  assembly, 
whether  a  plantation  might  not  be  made  in  that  tract.  In  May, 
1674,  the  committee  reported,  that  Mattatock  was  a  place  suffi- 
cient to  accommodate  thirty  families.  Upon  this  report,  a  com- 
mittee was  appointed  to  settle  a  plantation  there.  Some  time 
after  the  settlement  commenced.  The  number  of  sharers  was 
about  twenty-eight.  May  13th,  1686,  they  appear  to  have  been 
vested  with  town  privileges,  by  the  name  of  Waterbury.^ 

In  the  last  years  of  the  reign  of  king  Charles  the  second,  the 
rights  of  the  nation  were  violated,  and  a  great  number  of  corpora- 
tions in  England  and  Wales  were  obliged  to  resign  their  charters. 
Indeed,  he,  and  his  officers,  seemed  to  sport  with  the  liberty,  prop- 
erty, and  lives  of  his  subjects.  King  James  the  second  began  his 
reign  in  the  most  flagrant  violation  of  the  laws  of  his  three  king- 
doms. His  reign  grew  more  intolerable,  from  year  to  year,  until 
he  became  the  general  abhorrence  of  the  nation.  He  proceeded  in 
the  same  lawless  and  cruel  manner  with  the  colonies,  vacating 
their  charters,  and  governing  them  by  the  worst  measures  and  the 
worst  men. 

In  July,  1685,  a  quo  warranto  was  issued  against  the  governor 
and  company  of  Connecticut,  requiring  their  appearance  before 
him,  within  eight  days  of  St.  Martin's,  to  show  by  what  warrant 
they  exercised  certain  powers  and  privileges. 

The  governor,  having  received  intelligence  of  the  measures 
adopted  against  the  colony,  on  the  6th  of  July,  1686,  called  ?  fe- 
cial assembly,  to  consult  what  might  be  done  for  the  preservation 
of  the  just  rights  of  the  colony. 

The  assembly,  after  most  serious  deliberation,  addressed  a  let- 
ter, in  the  most  suppliant  terms,  to  his  majesty,  beseeching  him  to 
pardon  their  faults  in  government,  and  continue  them  a  distinct 
colony,  in  the  full  enjoyment  of  their  civil  and  religious  privileges. 
Especially,  they  besought  him  to  recall  the  writ  of  quo  warranto, 

*  Several  misfortunes  attended  the  plantstion,  which  very  greatly  impoverished 
it,  and  prevented  its  population.  In  February,  1691,  the  town  was  nearly  ruined  by 
an  inundation.  The  rain  fell  in  great  abundance,  and  the  frost  came  out  of  the 
ground  very  suddenly,  which  rendered  it  uncommonly  soft.  At  the  same  time,  the 
river  rose  to  an  unusual  height,  overflowed  the  meadows,  and  ran  with  such  nu 
pidity  and  violence,  that  it  tore  away  a  great  part  of  them.  Other  parts  were  cov- 
ered with  earth  and  stone,  so  as  to  be  greatly  damaged.  Numbers  of  the  inhabi- 
tants were  so  discouraged,  that  they  left  the  town,  and  it  did  not  recover  its  former 
state  for  some  years. 

In  1712,  on  the  15th  of  October,  began  a  great  sickness  in  the  town,  which 
continued  until  the  12th  of  September,  17 13,  and  was  so  general,  that  there  were 
scarcely  a  sufficient  number  well  to  attend  the  sick,  and  bury  the  dead.  Between 
twenty  and  thirty  persons  died  of  the  sickness.     [Manuscripts  of  Mr.  Southmayd.] 


l\ 


:!i! 


*-''i 


•:»;?  , 


m  if  I 


310 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


[1686 


^1 


which  they  heard  had  been  issued  against  them,  though  it  had  not 
yet  arrived.  They  pleaded  the  charter  which  they  received  of  his 
royal  brother,  and  his  commendation  of  them,  for  their  loyalty,  in 
his  gracious  letters,  and  his  assurances  of  the  continuance  of  their 
civil  and  religious  rights.  They  made  the  strongest  professions  of 
loyalty,  and  of  their  constant  supplications  to  the  Supreme  Ruler, 
that  he  would  save  and  bless  his  majesty. 

On  the  2ist  of  July,  1686,  two  writs  of  quo  warranto  were  de- 
livered to  governor  Treat.  They  had  been  brought  over  by  Ed- 
ward Randolph,  that  indefatigable  enemy  of  the  colonies.  The 
time  of  appearance  before  his  majesty,  was  past  before  the  writs 
arrived. 

Upon  the  reception  of  the  writs,  and  a  letter  from  Richard  Nor- 
mansel,  one  of  the  sheriffs  of  London,  the  governor  immediately 
convoked  another  special  assembly,  which  met  on  the  28th  of  July. 
The  assembly  appointed  Mr.  "Whiting  to  be  their  agent,  to  present 
their  petition  to  the  king.  He  was  instructed  to  acquaint  his 
majesty  with  the  time  of  the  colony's  receiving  the  quo  warrantos, 
and  of  the  impossibility  of  its  making  its  appearance  before  his 
majesty,  at  the  time  appointed:  fully  to  represent  the  great  injury 
which  the  colonists  would  sustain,  by  the  suspending  their  charter 
rights ;  and  especially  by  a  division  of  the  colony.  If  Connecticut 
could  not  be  continued  a  distinct  government,  he  was  instructed 
to  supplicate  his  majesty  to  continue  to  them  the  enjoyment  of 
their  property,  their  houses  and  lands,  and  especially  their  relig- 
ious privileges. 

On  the  28th  of  December,  another  writ  of  quo  warranto  was 
served  on  the  governor  and  company,  bearing  date  October  23d, 
requiring  their  appearance  before  his  majesty  within  eight  days 
of  the  purification  of  the  blessed  Virgin.  Though  the  writs  gave 
no  proper  time  for  the  appearance  of  the  colony,  and,  conse- 
quently, no  time  at  all;  yet  they  declared  all  its  chartered  rights 
vacated,  upon  its  not  appearing,  at  time  and  place.  The  design  of 
the  king  and  his  corrupt  court  was  to  re-unite  all  the  colonies  to 
the  crown.  James  the  second  was  an  obstinate,  cruel  tyrant, 
and  a  bigoted  Roman  catholic;  destitute  of  all  the  principles  of 
true  honour,  faith,  justice,  or  humanity.  He  wantonly  trampled 
on  the  constitution,  laws,  and  liberties  of  the  nation;  and,  with  his 
ministers  and  officers,  in  an  unrighteous  and  merciless  manner, 
shed  the  blood  of  his  subjects,  and  wreaked  his  vengeance  on  all 
who  made  the  least  opposition  to  his  lawless  proceedings.  The 
most  humble  petitions,  argumcnto  from  reason,  charters,  the  most 
solemn  compacts  and  royal  promises,  from  justice,  humanity,  or 
any  other  consideration,  which  a  subject  could  plead,  had  no 
weight  or  influence  with  him.  Nearly  fifty  corporations  in  Eng- 
land had  been  deprived  of  their  charters.  The  city  of  London,  and 
the  corporation  of  Bermudas,  had  stood  trial  with  his  majesty,  and 


[i686 


1687] 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


311 


1  it  had  not 
ived  of  his 
loyalty,  in 
ice  of  their 
fessions  of 
!me  Ruler, 

>  were  de- 
rer  by  Ed- 
lies.  The 
!  the  writs 

hard  Nor- 
imediately 
1th  of  July, 
to  present 
:}uaint  his 
varrantos, 
before  his 
•eat  injury 
sir  charter 
innecticut 
instructed 
)ynient  of 
leir  relig- 

ranto  was 

ober  23d, 

ight  days 

irrits  gave 

conse- 

ed  rights 

design  of 

)lonies  to 

tyrant, 

iciples  of 

trampled 

,  with  his 

manner, 

ice  on  all 

gs.    The 

the  most 

lanity,  or 

had  no 

in  Eng- 

don, and 

esty,  and 


their  charters  had  been  taken  from  them.  The  charter  of  Massa- 
chusetts had  been  vacated,  and  Rhode-Island  had  submitted  to  his 
majesty.  A  general  government  had  been  appointed  over  all 
New-England,  except  Connecticut.  By  the  commission,  institu- 
ting this  general  government,  Connecticut  was  totally  excluded 
from  all  jurisdiction  in  the  Narraganset  country,  or  king's  prov- 
ince.* 

The  governor  and  company  of  Connecticut,  however,  in  these 
discouraging  circumstances,  spared  no  pains,  nor  omitted  any 
probable  means  for  the  preservation  of  their  chartered  rights. 

A  special  assembly  was  called  on  the  26th  of  January,  1687,  afte** 
the  reception  of  the  third  writ  of  quo  warranto,  to  deliberate  on  the 
measures  to  be  adopted,  in  the  then  present  circumstances  of  the 
colony.  Little  more,  however,  was  done,  than  to  desire  the  gov- 
ernor and  council  to  transact  all  business,  which  they  should  judge 
necessary  and  expedient,  further  to  be  done  for  the  preservation  of 
their  privileges. 

The  election  in  May  proceeded  regularly,  but  the  assembly  did 
nothing  important.  Fear  and  hesitation  appear  to  have  attended 
the  legislature.  They  knew  not  what  course  to  steer,  with  safety, 
either  to  themselves,  or  their  constituents.  They,  with  the  colony 
in  general,  were  in  great  fear  and  distress,  lest,  after  all  their  ex- 
pense, hardships,  and  dangers,  in  settling  and  defending  the  coun- 
try, and  all  their  self-denial  and  sufferings  for  the  sake  of  enjoying 
the  worship  and  ordinances  of  Christ,  according  to  the  gospel, 
they  should  not  only  be  deprived  of  all  their  civil  and  religious  lib- 
erties, but  even  of  their  houses  and  lands.  There  was  no  security 
for  any  thing  under  a  prince  like  James  the  second.  He  had,  in- 
deed, in  his  letters,  promised  them*  the  preservation  of  all  their 
liberties;  yet,  without  any  fault  on  their  part,  he  was  arbitrarily 
wresting  them  from  their  hands.  It  is  difficult  to  conceive,  and 
much  more  to  express,  the  anxiety  of  our  venerable  ancestors  in 
this  terrible  crisis  of  their  affairs. 

Mr.  Whiting  exerted  himself  in  England,  to  procure  all  the  in- 
fluence, and  make  all  the  opposition  he  possibly  could,  against  a 
general  governor  of  the  colonies,  and  especially  to  prevent  the  sus- 

'  This  general  commiuion  was  granted  by  king  James  II.  in  the  first  year  of  his 
reign,  Oct.  8th,  i68s.  Joseph  Dudley,  Esq.  was  appointed  president  of  the  com- 
missioners. On  the  28th  of  May,  1686,  the  president  issued  a  proclamation,  dis- 
charging all  the  inhabitants  of  Rhode-Island,  and  the  Narraganset  country,  from 
all  obedience  either  to  Connecticut  or  Rhode-Island  ;  and  prohibiting  all  govern- 
ment of  either  in  the  kine's  province.  At  the  same  time,  the  president  required  the 
entire  submission  of  all  the  inhabitants  to  the  commissioners,  and  the  officers  whom 
they  should  appoint.    Proclamation  on  file. 

'  In  his  letter  to  governor  Treat,  June  26th,  1685,  he  says:  "As  we  cannot 
doubt  of  the  ready  and  dutiful  assurances  and  expressions  of  loyalty  and  obedience, 
from  our  good  subjects  under  your  government,  since  our  accession  to  the  crown,  so 
shall  we,  at  all  times,  extend  our  royal  care  and  protection  to  them,  in  the  preserva- 
tion of  their  rights,  and  in  the  defence  and  security  of  their  persons  and  estates  ; 
which  we  think  fit  that  you  signify  unto  the  inhabitants  of  that  our  colony."  Let- 
ter of  king  James  IL  on  file. 


''jii 


■I 


■!  i 


3IS 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


[2687 


ill 


«t»i 


pension  of  the  government  of  Connecticut,  according  to  charter; 
but  he  found  his  utmost  exertions  to  be  in  vain.  He  wrote  to  the 
governor,  January  15th,  1687,  that  if  the  governor  and  council 
would  detend  their  charter  at  law,  they  must  send  over  one  or  mort 
from  among  themselves.  A  special  assembly  was  called  upon  the 
reception  of  the  agent's  letter,  which  convened  on  the  15th  of  June, 
to  deliberate  on  the  expediency  of  sending  another  agent.  The 
prospects  appeared  so  unfavourable,  that  it  was  determined  not  to 
send  another.  Mr.  Whiting  was  thanked  for  his  services,  in 
favour  of  the  colony,  and  desired  to  continue  them. 

Mr.  Dudley,  while  president  of  the  commissioners,  had  written 
to  the  governor  and  company,  advising  them  to  resign  the  charter 
into  the  hands  of  his  majesty,  and  promising  to  use  his  influence 
in  favour  of  the  colony.  Mr.  Dudley's  commission  was  super- 
seded by  a  commission  to  Sir  Edmund  Andross  to  be  governor  of 
New-England.  He  arrived  at  Boston,  on  the  19th  of  December, 
1686.  The  next  day  his  commission  was  published,  and  he  took 
on  him  the  administration  of  government.  Soon  after  his  arrival, 
he  wrote  to  the  governor  and  company,  that  he  had  a  commission, 
from  his  majesty,  to  receive  their  charter,  if  they  would  resign  it; 
and  he  pressed  them,  in  obedience  to  the  king,  and  as  they  would 
give  him  an  opportunity  to  serve  them,  to  resign  it  to  his  pleasure. 
At  this  session  of  the  assembly,  the  governor  received  another  let- 
ter from  him,  acquainting  him,  that  he  was  assured,  by  the  advice 
which  he  had  received  from  England,  that  judgment  was,  by  that 
time,  entered  upon  the  quo  warranto  against  their  charter,  and 
that  he  soon  expected  to  receive  his  majesty's  commands  respect- 
ing them.  He  urged  them,  as  he  represented  it,  that  he  might  not 
be  wanting  in  serving  their  welfare,  to  accept  his  majesty's  favour, 
so  graciously  offered  ttiem,  in  a  present  compliance  and  surrender. 
Colonel  Dungan  also  used  his  influence  to  persuade  them  to  re- 
sign, and  put  themselves  under  his  government.*  But  the  colony 
insisted  on  their  charter  rights,  and  on  the  promise  of  king  James, 
as  well  as  of  his  royal  brother,  to  defend  and  secure  them  in  the  en- 
joyment of  their  privileges  and  estates;  and  would  not  surrender 
their  charter  to  either.  However,  in  their  petition  to  the  king,  in 
which  they  prayed  for  the  continuance  of  their  chartered  rights, 
they  desired,  if  this  could  not  be  obtained,  and  it  should  be  re- 
solved to  put  them  under  pnother  government,  that  it  might  be 
under  Sir  Edmund's,  as  the  Massachusetts  had  been  their  former 
correspondents  and  confederates,  and  as  they  were  acquainted 
with  their  principles  and  manners.  This  was  construed  into  a  res- 
jg;nation,  though  nothing  could  be  further  from  the  design  of  the 
colony. 

The  assembly  met,  as  usual,  in  October,  and  the  government 
continued  according  to  charter,  until  the  last  of  the  month.  About 
'  Letters  of  Dudley,  Andross,  and  Dungan,  on  file. 


r:687 


«687] 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


313 


.'M 


t'i  I 


this  time,  Sir  Edmund,  with  his  suit,  and  more  than  sixty  regular 
troops,  came  to  Hartford,  when  the  assembly  were  sitting,  de- 
manded the  charter,  and  declared  the  government  under  it  to  be 
dissolved.  The  assembly  were  extremely  reluctant  and  slow  with 
respect  to  any  resolve  to  surrender  the  charter,  or  with  respect  to 
any  motion  to  bring  it  forth.  The  tradition  is,  that  governor  Treat 
strongly  represented  the  great  expense  and  hardships  of  the  colo- 
nists, in  planting  the  country;  the  blood  and  treasure  which  they 
had  expended  in  defending  it,  both  against  the  savages  and  for- 
eigners; to  what  hardships  and  dangers  he  himself  had  been  ex- 
posed for  that  purpose;  and  that  it  was  like  giving  up  his  life,  now 
to  surrender  the  patent  and  privileges,  so  dearly  bought,  and  so 
long  enjoyed.  The  important  affair  was  debated  and  kept  in  sus- 
pence,  until  the  evening,  when  the  charter  was  brought  and  laid 
upon  the  table,  where  the  assembly  were  sitting.  By  .is  time, 
great  numbers  of  people  were  assembled,  and  men  sufiBciently  bold 
to  enterprise  whatever  might  be  necessary  or  expedient.  The 
lights  were  instantly  extinguished,  and  one  captain  Wadsworth, 
of  Hartford,  in  the  most  silent  and  secret  manner,  carried  off  the 
charter,  and  secreted  it  in  a  large  hollow  tree,  fronting  the  house 
of  the  Hon.  Samuel  Wyllys,  then  one  of  the  magistrates  of  the 
colony.  The  people  appeared  all  peaceable  and  orderly.  The 
i-andles  were  officiously  re-lighted;  but  the  patent  was  gone,  and 
no  discovery  could  be  made  of  it,  or  of  the  person  who  had  con- 
veyed it  away.  Sir  Edmund  assumed  the  government,  and  the 
records  of  the  colo'  y  were  closed  in  the  following  words.  . 

"  At  a  general  »;ourt  at  Hartford,  October  31st,  1687,  his  excel- 
lency, Sir  Edmund  A..dross,  knight,  and  captain-general  and  gov- 
ernor of  his  majesty's  territories  and  dominions  in  New- England, 
by  order  from  his  majesty,  James  the  second,  king  of  England, 
Scotland,  France,  and  Ireland,  the  31st  of  October,  1687,  took  into 
his  hands  the  government  of  the  colony  of  Connecticut,  it  being, 
by  his  majesty,  annexed  to  Massachusetts,  and  other  colonies  un- 
der his  excellency's  government." 

"  FINIS." 

Sir  Edmund  appointed  officers  civil  and  military,  through  the 
colony,  according  to  his  pleasure.  He  had  a  council,  at  first,  con- 
sisting of  about  forty  persons,  and  afterwards,  of  nearly  fifty. 
Four  of  this  number,  governor  Treat,  John  Fitz  Winthrop,  Wait 
Winthrop,  and  John  Allen,  Esquires,  were  of  Connecticut. 

Sir  Edmund  began  his  government  with  the  most  flattering  pro- 
fessions of  his  regard  to  the  public  safety  and  happiness.  He  in- 
structed the  judges  to  administer  justice,  as  far  as  might  be  con- 
sistent with  the  new  regulations,  according  to  the  former  laws  and 
customs.  It  is,  however,  well  observed,  by  governor  Hutchinson, 
that  "  Nero  concealed  his  tyrannical  disposition  more  years,  than 
Sir  Edmund  and  his  creatures  did  months."    He  soon  laid  a  re- 


4 


'  ('. 


u 


^(J! 


ii  •'; 


314 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


[1687 


''i>' 


f*\ 


^: 


w^ 


w 


1^ 


ll:|i 


fttraint  upon  the  liberty  of  the  press;  and  then,  one  far  more  griev- 
ous upon  marriage.  This  was  prohibited,  unless  bonds  were  pre- 
viously given,  with  sureties,  to  the  governor.  These  were  to  bo 
forfeited,  in  case  it  should  afterwards  appear,  that  there  was  any 
lawful  impediment  to  the  marriage.  Magistrates  only  were  allowed 
to  join  people  in  the  bands  of  wedlock.  The  governor  not  only  de- 
prived the  clergy  of  the  perquisite  from  marriages,  but  soon  sus- 
pended the  laws  for  their  support,  and  would  not  suffer  any  person 
to  be  obliged  to  pay  any  thing  to  his  minister.  Nay,  he  menaced 
the  people,  that,  if  they  resisted  his  will,  their  meeting-houses 
should  be  taken  from  them,  and  that  any  person  who  should  give 
two  pence  to  a  non-conformist  minister,  should  be  punished. 

The  fees  of  all  officers,  under  this  new  administration,  were 
exorbitant.  The  common  fee  for  the  probate  of  a  will  was  fifty 
shillings.  The  widow  and  fatherless,  how  distant  soever,  were 
obliged  to  appear  at  Boston,  to  transact  all  business  relative  to  the 
settlement  of  estates.*  This  was  a  grievous  oppression  of  the  poor 
people;  especially,  of  the  fatherless  and  widow. 

Sir  Edmund,  without  an  assembly,  nay,  without  a  majority  of 
his  council,  taxed  the  people  at  pleasure.  He  and  Randolph,  with 
four  or  five  others  of  his  creatures,  who  were  sufficiently  wicked  to 
join  with  him,  in  all  his  oppressive  designs,  managed  the  affairs  of 
government,  as  they  pleased.  But  these  were  but  the  beginnings 
of  oppression  and  sorrow.  They  were  soon  greatly  increased  and 
more  extensively  spread. 

In  1688,  Sir  Edmund  was  made  governor  of  New- York,  as  well 
as  of  New-England,  and  the  same  kind  of  government  was  exer- 
cised in  that  department."  As  the  charters  were  now  either  va- 
cated, surrendered,  or  the  government  under  them  suspended,  it 
was  declared,  that  the  titles  of  the  colonists  to  their  lands  were  of 
no  value.  Sir  Edmund  declared,  that  Indian  deeds  were  no  better 
than  "  the  scratch  of  a  bear's  paw."  Not  the  fairest  purchases  and 
most  ample  conveyances  from  the  natives,  no  dangers,  disburse- 
ments nor  labors,  in  cultivating  a  wilderness,  and  turnmg  it  into 
orchards,  gardens,  and  pleasant  fields,  no  grants  by  charter,  nor 
by  legislatures  constituted  by  them,  no  declarations  of  precedinj:; 
kings,  nor  of  his  then  present  majesty,  promising  them  the  quiet 
enjoyment  of  their  houses  and  lands,  nor  fifty  or  sixty  years  undis- 
turbed possession,  were  pleas  of  any  validity  or  consideration  witli 
Sir  Edmund  and  his  minions.  The  purchasers  and  cultivators, 
after  fifty  and  sixty  years  improvement,  were  obliged  to  take  out 
patents  for  their  estates.  For  these,  in  some  instances,  a  fee  of  fifty 
pounds  was  demanded.  Writs  of  intrusion  were  issued  against 
persons  of  principal  character,  who  would  not  submit  to  such  im- 

'  Hutchinson's  Hist.  Vol.  I.  p.  358. 

*  The  same,  p.  3^1.  It  is  strange,  that  Mr.  Smith,  in  his  history  of  New>York, 
•Ices  no  notice  of  this,  nor  gives  any  account  of  Sir  Edmund's  administration. 


[1687 

are  griev- 
were  prc- 
'ere  to  be 
:  was  any 
e  allowed 
t  only  de- 
soon  sus- 
ny  person 

menaced 
ig-houses 
ould  give 
hed. 
ion,  were 

was  fifty 
ver,  were 
live  to  the 
f  the  poor 

ajority  cf 
jlph,  with 
wicked  to 
!  affairs  of 
eginnings 
^ased  and 

k,  as  well 
ivas  exer- 
ither  va- 
)ended,  it 
s  were  of 
no  better 
lases  and 
disburse- 
ig  it  into 
irter,  nor 
)recedin;:j 
the  quiet 
rs  undis- 
tion  with 
Itivators, 
take  out 
ee  of  fifty 
against 
such  im- 


New-York, 
ration. 


1688] 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


315 


positions,  and  their  lands  were  patented  to  others.  Governor 
Hutchinson  observes,  with  respect  to  Massachusetts,  that  "  men's 
titles  were  not  all  questioned  at  once.  Had  this  been  the  case,  ac- 
cordmg  to  the  computation  then  made,  all  the  personal  estate  in 
the  colony  would  not  have  paid  the  charge  of  the  new  patents."  ' 

The  governor,  and  a  small  number  of  his  council,  in  the  most 
arbitrary  manner,  fined  and  imprisoned  numbers  of  the  inhabi- 
tants of  Massachusetts,  and  denied  them  the  benefit  of  the  act  of 
habeas  corpus.  All  town  meetings  were  prohibited  except  one  in 
the  month  of  May,  for  the  election  of  town  officers,  to  prevent  the 
people  from  consulting  measures  for  the  redress  of  their  griev- 
ances. No  person  indeed  was  suffered  to  go  out  of  the  country, 
without  leave  from  the  governor,  lest  complaints  should  be  carried 
to  England  against  his  administration.  At  the  same  time,  he  so 
well  knew  the  temper  and  views  of  his  royal  master,  that  he  feared 
little  from  him,  even  though  complaints  should  be  carried  over 
against  him.  Hence  he  and  his  dependants  oppressed  the  people, 
and  enriched  themselves  without  restraint. 

The  most  humble  petitions  were  presented  to  his  maj(  ty,  from 
corporations  of  various  descriptions,  beseeching  him,  that  the  gov- 
ernor's council  might  consist  of  none  but  men  of  considerable 
property  in  lands;  that  no  act  might  be  passed  to  bind  the  people, 
but  by  a  majority  of  the  council ;  and  that  he  would  quiet  his  good 
subjects  in  the  enjoyment  of  all  property  in  houses  and  lands." 
But,  in  the  reign  of  James  the  second,  petitions  so  reasonable  and 
just  could  not  be  heard.  The  prince,  at  home,  and  his  officers 
abroad,  like  greedy  harpies,  preyed  upon  the  people  without  con- 
trol. Randolph  was  not  ashamed  to  make  his  boast,  in  his  letters, 
with  respect  to  governor  Andross  and  his  council,  "  that  they 
were  as  arbitrary  as  the  great  Turk."  All  New-England  groaned 
under  their  oppression.  The  heaviest  share  of  it,  however,  fell 
upon  the  inhabitants  of  Massachusetts  and  New- Plymouth.  Con- 
necticut had  been  less  obnoxious  to  government,  than  Massachu- 
setts, and  as  it  was  further  removed  froii  *he  seat  of  government, 
was  less  under  the  notice  and  influence  of  those  oppressors. 

Governor  Treat  was  a  father  to  the  people,  and  felt  for  them,  in 
their  distressed  circumstances.  The  other  gentlemen,  who  were 
of  the  council,  and  had  the  principal  management  of  affairs,  in 
Connecticut,  were  men  of  principle,  lovers  of  justice  and  of  their 
fellow  subjects.  They  took  advantage  of  Sir  Ecimund's  first  in- 
structions, and  as  far  as  they  possibly  could,  consistently  with  the 
new  regulations,  governed  the  colony  according  to  the  former 
laws  and  customs.     The  people  were  patient  and  peaces   le, 

'  Hutchinson's  Hist.  vol.  I.  p.  359. 

'  Sir  Edmund,  with  all  his  vigilance,  could  not  prevent  the  carrying  over  of  com- 
plaints against  him.  Mr.  Increase  Mather,  got  on  board  a  ship,  and  sailed  to  Eng- 
land, for  this  very  purpose,  and  delivered  the  complaints,  which  he  carried  over, 
into  his  majesty's  hands. 


■'•I 


m 

Ml 

•t- 


I  c, 


4 


i 

-J 


? 


!     f 


III  I;': 


316 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


[1689 


though  in  sreat  fear  and  despondency.  They  were  no  strangers 
to  what  was  transacted  in  the  neighbouring  colonies,  and  expected 
soon  fully  to  share  with  them,  in  all  their  miseries.  It  was  gen- 
erally believed,  that  Andross  was  a  papist;  that  he  had  employed 
the  Indians  to  ravage  the  frontiers,  and  supplied  them  with  ammu- 
nition ;  and  that  he  was  making  preparations  to  deliver  the  coun- 
try into  the  hands  of  the  French.  All  the  motives  to  great  actions, 
to  industry,  economy,  enterprise,  wealth,  and  population,  were  in 
a  manner  annihilated.  A  general  inactivity  and  languishment  per- 
vaded the  whole  public  body.  Liberty,  property,  and  every  thing, 
which  ought  to  be  dear  to  men,  every  day,  grew  more  and  more  in- 
secure. The  colonies  were  in  a  state  of  general  despondency,  with 
respect  to  the  restoration  of  their  privileges,  and  the  truth  of  that 
divine  maxim, "  when  the  wicked  beareth  rule  the  people  mourn," 
was,  in  a  striking  manner,  every  where  exemplified. 


,i| 


Vt    I 


i    'i 

I      ;  I 

f      •  * 
t        ' 

•    ::| 

;  <' 

;.    I 

II 


' 


' 


:,it 


CHAPTER  XVI. 

SCARCELY  any  thing  could  be  more  gloomy  and  distressful, 
than  the  state  of  public  affairs,  in  New-England,  at  the  beginning 
of  this  year.  But  in  the  midst  of  darkness  light  arose.  While  the 
people  had  prayed  in  vain  to  an  earthly  monarch,  their  petitions 
had  been  more  successfully  presented  to  a  higher  throne.  Provi- 
dence wrought  gloriously  for  their  and  the  nation's  deliverance. 
On  the  5th  of  November,  1688,  the  prince  of  Orange  landed  at 
Torbay,  in  England.  He  immediately  published  a  declaration  of 
his  design,  in  visiting  the  kingdom.  A  copy  of  this  was  received 
at  Boston,  by  one  Mr.  Winslow,  a  gentleman  from  Virginia,  in 
April,  1689.  Governor  Andross  and  his  coui^cil  were  so  alarmed 
with  the  news,  that  they  ordered  Mr.  Winslow  to  be  arrested  and 
committed  to  gaol  for  bringing  a  false  and  traitorous  libel  into  the 
country.  They  also  issued  a  proclamation  commanding  all  the 
officers  and  people  to  be  in  readiness  to  prevent  the  landing  of  any 
forces,  which  the  prince  of  Orange  might  send  into  that  part  of 
America.  But  the  people,  who  sighed  under  their  burthens,  se- 
cretly wished  and  prayed  for  suc.'iss  to  his  glorious  undertaking. 
The  leaders  in  the  country  determined  quietly  to  wait  the  event; 
but  the  great  body  of  the  inhabitants  had  less  patience.  Stung 
with  past  injuries,  and  encouraged  at  the  first  intimations  of  relief, 
the  fire  of  liberty  rekindled,  and  the  flame,  which,  for  a  long  time, 
had  been  smothered  in  their  bosoms,  burst  forth  with  irresistible 
violence. 

On  the  18th  of  April,  the  inhabitants  of  Boston  and  the  adja- 
cent towns  rose  in  arms,  made  themselves  masters  of  the  castle, 


1  : 


[i689 


1689] 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


317 


seized  Sir  Edmund  Andross  and  his  council,  and  persuaded  the  old 
governor  and  council,  at  Boston,  to  resume  the  government 

On  the  9th  of  May,  1689,  governor  Robert  Treat,  deputy  gov- 
ernor James  Bishop,  and  the  former  magistrates,  at  the  desire  of 
the  freemen,  resumed  the  government  of  Connecticut.  Major 
general  John  Winthrop  was,  at  the  same  time  chosen  into  the 
magistracy,  to  complete  the  number  appointed  by  charter.  The 
freemen  voted,  that,  for  the  present  safety  of  that  part  of  New- 
England  called  Connecticut,  the  necessity  of  its  circumstances  so 
requiring,  "  they  would  re-establish  government,  as  it  was  before, 
and  at  the  time,  when  Sir  Edmund  Andross  took  it,  and  so  have  it 
proceed,  as  it  did  before  that  time,  according  to  charter;  engaging 
themselves  to  submit  to  it  accordingly,  until  there  should  be  a 
legal  establishment  among  them." 

The  assembly  having  formed,  came  to  the  following  resolution: 
"  That  whereas  this  court  hath  been  interrupted,  in  the  manage- 
ment of  the  government  in  this  colony  of  Connecticut,  for  nineteen 
months  past,  it  is  now  enacted,  ordered,  and  declared,  that  all  the 
laws  of  this  colony,  made  according  to  charter,  and  courts  consti- 
tuted for  the  administration  of  government,  as  they  were  before 
the  late  interruption,  shall  be  of  full  force  and  virtue,  for  the  future, 
and  until  this  court  shall  see  cause  to  make  further  and  other  alter- 
ations, according  to  charter."  The  assembly  then  confirmed  all 
military  officers  in  their  respective  posts,  and  proceeded  to  appoint 
their  civil  officers,  as  had  been  customary  at  the  May  session. 

It  was  expected,  that  it  might  soon  be  necessary  to  transact  mat- 
ters of  the  highest  importance,  respecting  the  most  essential  rights 
of  the  colony.  The  deputies  therefore  resolved,  that  if  occasion 
should  require  any  thing  to  be  acted,  respecting  the  charter,  the 
governor  should  call  the  assembly,  and  not  leave  the  affair  with  the 
council. 

Upon  the  26th  of  May,  a  ship  arrived  at  Boston  with  advice  that 
William  and  Mary  were  proclaimed  king  and  queen  of  England. 
The  joyful  news  soon  reached  Connecticut.  A  special  assembly 
was  called,  which  convened  on  the  13th  of  June.  On  the  same  day, 
William  and  Mary,  prince  and  princess  of  Orange,  were  pro- 
claimed with  great  ceremony  and  joy.  Never  was  there  greater  or 
more  general  joy  in  New-England,  than  upon  the  accession  of 
William  and  Mary  to  the  throne  of  Great-Britain.  The  bands  of 
oppression  were  now  loosed,  the  fears  of  the  people  dissipated,  and 
joy  brightened  in  every  countenance. 

The  legislature  addressed  his  majesty,  in  the  most  loyal  and  du- 
tiful manner.  They  represented,  that  the  Lord,  who  sitteth  king 
upon  the  floods,  had  separated  his  enemies  from  him,  as  he  di- 
vided the  waters  of  Jordan  before  his  chosen  people;  and  that,  by 
the  great  actions  which  he  had  performed,  in  rescuing  the  nation 
from  popery  and  despotism,  God  had  begun  to  magnify  him,  as  he 


i  ?. 


.  *; 


: 


w  ■  li 


III  m 


i  I 


318 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


[1689 


•'* 


m 


^   'd 


did  Joshua,  in  the  sight  of  all  Israel.  In  strong  terms,  they  de- 
clared, that  it  was  because  the  Lord  loved  his  people,  that  he  had 
exalted  him  to  be  king  over  them,  to  execute  justice  and  judgment. 
They  most  humbly  presented  their  grateful  acknowledgments  to 
him,  for  his  zeal  for  the  welfare  of  the  nation,  and  for  the  protestant 
interest  At  the  same  time,  they  represented  to  his  majesty  the 
charter  privileges,  which  they  had  obtained,  and  the  manner  in 
which  Sir  Edmund  Andross  had  suppressed  their  government  by 
charter:  That  they  had  never  surrendered  it,  and  that  there  had 
been  no  enrolment  of  any  surrender  of  it,  or  act,  in  law,  against  it: 
And  that,  to  avoid  the  inconveniences  of  having  no  government, 
and  for  their  defence  against  their  enemies,  they  had,  at  the  desfre 
of  the  freemen,  resumed  the  government  according  to  their  an- 
cient form.  They  humbly  prayed  for  his  majesty's  directions,  and 
his  gracious  confirmation  of  their  charter  rights.^  The  court  or- 
dered, that  Mr.  Whiting  should  present  their  address  to  his  maj- 
esty. 

Meanwhile  a  revolution  had  been  made  at  New- York.  One 
captain  Jacob  Leisler  had  assumed  the  government  of  that  prov- 
ince, aiid  kept  the  fort  and  city  in  behalf  of  king  William.  He  had 
written  to  Connecticut  and  solicited  assistance  in  defending  the 
province.  The  assembly  appointed  major  Gould  and  captain 
James  Fitch  to  proceed  to  New- York,  and  confer  with  Leisler  and 
his  council  relative  to  the  defence  of  the  frontiers.  The  commit- 
tee, with  captain  Leisler,  were  authorized  to  determine  the  num- 
ber of  men  to  be  employed  and  the  measures  to  be  adopted  for 
that  purpose.  In  consequence  of  their  determination,  the  gov- 
ernor and  council  dispatched  captain  Bull,  with  a  company,  to  Al- 
bany, for  the  defence  of  that  part  of  the  country,  and  to  assist  in  a 
treaty  with  the  Five  Nations,  with  a  view  to  secure  theiv  friendship 
and  attachment,  as  far  as  possible,  to  the  English  colonies.  Con- 
necticut also  sent  a  detachment  of  men  to  assist  captain  Leisler  in 
the  defence  of  the  fort  and  city  of  New- York. 

While  the  French  and  Indians  were  threatening  the  northern 
frontiers,  the  eastern  Indians  were  carrying  on  their  depredations 
in  the  eastern  parts  of  New-England.  In  September,  a  special  as- 
sembly was  called  on  that  account.  Commissioners  were  ap- 
pointed tc  consult  with  the  commissioners  of  the  other  colonies, 
relative  to  the  war  in  those  parts.  As  it  was  imagined  the  Indians 
there  had  been  injured,  by  governor  Andross  and  his  officers,  the 
commissioners  were  instructed  to  enquire  into  the  grounds  of  the 
war  with  them ;  and  if  it  should  appear  that  they  had  been  injured, 
to  use  their  utmost  Influence,  that  justice  might  be  done  them,  and 
the  country  quieted  in  that  way.  But  if  they  found  the  war  to  be 
just  and  necessary,  they  were  authorized  to  engage  the  colony's 
full  proportion  of  men,  unless  it  should  amount  to  more  than  two 

>  Appendix  No.  XXm. 


S    '^^ 


[i689 

,  they  de- 
lat  he  had 
(udgment. 
^ents  to 
protestant 
ajesty  the 
nanner  in 
'nment  by 
there  had 
against  it: 
vemment, 
the  desfre 

their  an- 
itions,  and 

court  or- 
0  his  maj- 

jrk.  One 
that  prov- 
1.  He  had 
nding  the 
id  captain 
^eisler  and 
B  commit- 

the  num- 
iopted  for 

the  gov- 

ny,  to  Al- 
assist  in  a 
friendship 
ies.    Con- 

Leisler  in 

northern 
)redations 
special  as- 

were  ap- 

colonies, 
le  Indians 
ficers,  the 
nds  of  the 
n  injured, 
them,  and 
war  to  be 
;  colony's 

than  two 


1689] 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


319 


hundred.  Two  companies  were  afterwards  appointed  to  that  ser- 
vice, under  the  command  of  captains  George  Denison  and  Ebene- 
zer  jfohnson. 

At  the  session  in  October,  it  was  resolved,  that  by  reason  of  the 
great  expense  of  the  colony,  in  defending  his  majesty's  subjects,  in 
other  parts,  it  was  necessary  to  withdraw  the  aid  which  they  had 
sent  to  New- York. 

At  this  general  court,  the  law  respecting  the  choice  of  the  gov- 
ernors and  magistrates  was  enacted  nearly  in  the  words  in  which 
it  now  stands;  but  it  instituted  a  mode  of  nomination  different 
from  the  present.  This  was  to  be  made  on  the  third  Tuesday  in 
March  annually,  and  the  votes  were  to  be  carried  to  Hartford  by 
the  constables  of  the  county  towns,  and  on  the  last  Tuesday  in  the 
month  were,  by  them,  to  be  sorted  and  counted  in  the  council 
chamber.  The  nomination  was  then  transmitted  to  the  several 
towns. 

While  the  revolution  delivered  the  nation  from  vassalage  and 
popery,  it  involved  it  in  an  immediate  war  with  France,  and  the 
colonies  in  a  French  and  Indian  war.  A  large  number  of  troops 
and  a  considerable  fleet  were  sent  from  France,  in  1689,  with  a  spe- 
;i|  cial  view  to  the  reduction  of  New- York.    The  enterprise  was 

|-  rustrated  by  the  distressed  condition  to  which  the  incursions  of 

the  Mohawks  had  reduced  Canada. 

Count  Frontenac,  to  raise  the  depressed  spirits  of  the  Cana- 
dians, sent  out  several  parties  of  French  and  Indians  against  the 
settlements  in  New- York  and  New-England.  A  detachment  of  be- 
tween two  and  three  hundred  French  and  Indians,  under  the  com- 
mand of  D'Aillebout,  De  Mantel,  and  Le  Moyn,  were  dispatched 
from  Montreal  against  the  frontiers  of  New- York.  They  were 
furnished  with  every  thing  necessary  for  a  winter's  campaign.  Af- 
ter a  march  of  two  and  twenty  days,  in  the  dead  of  winter,  they 
reached  Schenectady,  on  Saturday,  the  8th  of  February,  1690. 
They  had  been  reduced  to  such  straits  that  they  had  thoughts  of 
surrendering  themselves  prisoners  of  war.  But  their  scouts,  who 
had  been  a  day  or  two  in  the  village,  entirely  unsuspected,  re- 
turned with  such  accounts  of  the  security  of  the  inhabitants,  as 
determined  them  to  make  an  attack  upon  them.  They  found  the 
gates  open  and  unguarded.  They  entered  them  about  eleven 
o'clock,  and  that  they  might  invest  every  house,  at  the  same  time, 
they  divided  into  small  parties  of  six  or  seven  men.  The  inhabi- 
tants were  in  a  profound  sleep,  and  unalarmed  until  the  enemy  had 
broken  open  their  doors,  and  they  were  on  the  verge  of  destruc- 
tion. Never  were  a  poor  people  more  dreadfully  surprised.  Be- 
fore they  had  time  to  rise  from  their  beds,  the  enemy  began  the 
perpetration  of  the  most  inhuman  barbarities.  No  tongue,  says 
colonel  Schuyler,  in  his  letter  to  the  colonies,  can  express  the  cru- 
elties which  were  committed.     The  inhabitants  were  instantly 


'if 


^' 


i  r.J 


1*1      W' 


!i'!' 


., 
'< 


I 
I 
I 


"  4 


.  .1! 


'   *     1 


'  Hi 


320 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


[1630 


slain,  and  the  whole  village  was  in  flames.  Pregnant  women  were 
ripped  open,  and  their  infants  cast  into  the  flames  or  dashed 
against  the  posts  of  the  doors.  Sixty  persons  perished  in  the  mas- 
sacre, and  twenty  were  captivated.  The  rest  of  the  inhabitants  es- 
caped in  their  shirts,  in  a  most  stormy  and  severe  night,  and 
through  a  deep  snow,  which  fell  at  the  same  time.  Twenty  five  of 
the  fugitives  lost  their  limbs,  in  the  flight,  through  the  sharpness  of 
the  frost.  Captain  Bull's  lieutenant,  one  of  his  sergeants,  and 
three  other  men  were  killed,  and  five  captivated.  The  enemy 
killed  all  the  cattle  and  horses,  which  they  could  find,  except  about 
fifty  of  the  best  horses,  which  they  carried  off,  loaded  with  the 
plunder  of  the  village. 

When  the  news  of  this  destruction  reached  Albany,  the  next 
morning,  an  universal  fear  and  consternation  seized  the  inhabi- 
tants. The  country  became  panick  struck,  and  many  entertained 
thoughts  of  destroying  the  town  and  abandoning  that  part  of  the 
country  to  the  enemy.  Indeed,  the  whole  province  of  New- York 
was  in  deplorable  circumstances.  Leisler,  who  had  assumed  the 
government,  was  a  weak,  imprudent  man,  and  there  was  a  violent 
opposition  both  to  him  and  his  measures,  especially  at  Albany. 
Government  was  nearly  dissolved.  The  people  would  not  suffer 
the  officers,  posted  at  Albany  and  Schenectady,  to  keep  a  regular 
watch,  or  to  maintain  any  kind  of  military  order.  Captain  Bull 
had  remonstrated  against  their  conduct,  and  threatened  to  with- 
draw his  troops,  unless  they  would  submit  to  order.  The  bad 
weather  only  had  prevented  him  from  withdrawing  the  detach- 
ment from  Schenectady.  The  people  had  been  warned  of  their 
danger,  and  that  an  expedition  had  been  undertaken  by  the  enemy 
against  that  part  of  the  country;  but  they  imagined,  that  it  was 
impracticable  for  any  men  to  march  hundreds  of  miles,  with  their 
arms  and  provisions,  through  the  snow,  in  the  depth  of  winter. 
This  infatuation  and  disorder  was  the  occasion  of  their  destruc- 
tion.* 

A  second  party  of  the  enemy,  which  count  Frontenac  had  de- 
tached from  the  three  rivers,  under  the  command  of  the  sieur  Har- 
tel,  an  officer  of  distinguished  character  in  Canada,  on  the  i8th  of 
March,  fell  upon  Salmon  Falls.  This  was  a  plantation  on  the  river 
which  divides  New-Hampshire  from  the  province  of  Maine.  This 
party  consisted  of  about  fifty  men,  nearly  half  Indians.  They  com- 
menced the  attack  at  break  of  day,  in  three  different  places. 
Though  the  people  were  surprised,  yet  they  flew  to  their  arms, 
and  defended  themselves  with  a  bravery  which  even  their  enemies 
applauded.  But  they  were  finally  overpowered  by  numbers,  and 
the  whole  settlement  was  pillaged  and  burned.  Six  and  thirty  men 
were  killed,  and  fifty-four,  principally  women  and  children,  carried 
into  captivity. 

*  Colonel  Schuyler's  and  captain  Bull's  leUers  on  file. 


[1690 

omen  were 
or  dashed 
in  the  mas- 
abitants  es- 
night,  and 
enty  five  of 
liarpness  of 
^eants,  and 
fhe  enemy 
:cept  about 
d  with  the 

U  the  next 

the  inhabi- 

zntertained 

part  of  the 

New- York 

isumed  the 

IS  a  violent 

at  Albany. 

not  suffer 

p  a  regular 

iptain  Bull 

;d  to  with- 

The  bad 

he  detach- 

i;d  of  their 

the  enemy 

hat  it  was 

with  their 

of  winter, 

ir  destruc- 

ic  had  de- 
sieur  Har- 
he  i8th  of 
n  the  river 
line.  This 
rhey  com- 
nt  places, 
leir  arms, 
ir  enemies 
ibers,  and 
hirty  men 
;n,  carried 


X690] 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


321 


These  depredations  filled  the  country  with  fear  and  alarm.  The 
most  pressing  letters  were  sent  to  Connecticut  for  immediate 
assistance.  A  special  assembly  was  called  on  the  nth  of  April. 
Letters  were  laid  before  the  assembly  from  Massachusetts,  solicit- 
ing that  soldiers  might  be  sent  from  Connecticut,  to  guard  the  up- 
per towns  upon  Connecticut  river;  and  that  there  might  be  a  gen- 
eral meeting  of  commissioners  from  the  several  colonies,  at 
Rhode-Island,  to  consult  the  common  defence.  There  were  also 
'etters  from  captain  Leisler,  at  New- York,  and  from  colonel 
Schuyler,  and  other  principal  gentlemen  at  Albany,  urging,  that 
captain  Bull  and  the  soldiers  there  might  be  continued,  and  that 
reinforcements  might  be  forwarded  for  the  defence  of  that  place 
and  the  adjacent  country.  It  was  also  urged,  that  Connecticut 
would  unite  with  the  other  colonies,  in  raising  an  army  for  the  re- 
duction of  Canada. 

The  assembly  determined,  that  there  was  a  necessity  of  their  ut- 
most exertions  to  prevent  the  settlement  of  the  French,  at  Albany. 
It  was  resolved,  that  two  companies,  of  a  hundred  men  each, 
should  be  raised  and  sent  forward  for  that  purpose.  The  colony 
also  gave  assistance  to  the  frontier  towns  of  Massachusetts  upon 
the  river. 

For  the  defence  of  Connecticut,  it  was  ordered,  that  a  constant 
watch  should  be  kept  in  the  several  towns,  and  that  all  the  males  in 
the  colony,  except  the  aged  and  infirm,  should  keep  watch  in  their 
turns.  If  the  aged  and  infirm  were  more  than  fifty  pounds  in  the 
list,  they  were  obliged  to  procure  a  man,  in  their  turns,  to  watch 
and  guard  in  their  stead. 

Though  the  colony  had  received  no  instructions  from  king 
William,  confirming  their  charter,  or  directing  the  mode  of  gov- 
ernment, yet  at  the  general  election.  May  8th,  the  freemen  pro- 
ceeded, as  had  been  usual,  to  the  choice  of  their  officers.  Robert 
Treat,  Esq.  was  re-chosen  governor,  and  James  Bishop,  Esq. 
deputy-governor.  Samuel  Wyllys,  Nathan  Gould,  William  Jones, 
John  Allen,  Andrew  Leet,  James  Fitch,  Samuel  Mason,  Samuel 
Talcott,  John  Burr,  William  Pitkin,  Nathaniel  Stanley,  and  Daniel 
Witherell,  Esquires,  were  chosen  magistrates. 

At  this  session  of  the  assembly,  that  part  of  Weathersfield  which 
lay  on  the  east  side  of  Connecticut  river,  was  made  a  distinct  town, 
by  the  name  of  Glastenbury. 

The  proposed  meeting  of  commissioners,  was  holden  at  New- 
York,  instead  of  Rhode-Island,  on  the  ist  of  May,  1690.  The  com- 
missioners from  Connecticut,  were  Nathan  Gould  and  William 
Pitkin,  Esquires.  It  appears,  that,  at  this  meeting,  the  commis- 
sioners conceived  the  plan  of  an  expedition  against  Canada.  They 
ordered,  that  eight  hundred  and  fifty  men  should  be  raised  for  that 
purpose.  The  quotas  of  the  several  colonies  were  fixed,  and  gen- 
eral rules  adopted  for  the  management  of  the  army.   A  small  ves- 


;i! 


i 


333 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


[1690 


sel  was  sent  express  to  England,  the  beginning  of  April,  carrying 
a  representation  of  the  exposed  state  of  the  colonies,  and  of  the 
necessity  of  the  reduction  of  Canada.  A  prayer  was  also  sent  to 
his  majesty,  for  a  supply  of  arms,  ammunition,  and  a  number  of 
frigates,  to  attack  the  enemy  by  water,  while  the  colonial  troops 
made  an  invasion  by  land.  But  the  affairs  of  the  nation  were  such, 
at  that  time,  that  no  assistance  could  be  given  to  the  colonies. 
New- York  and  the  New-England  colonies,  however,  determined 
to  prosecute  their  original  plan  of  attacking  Canada.  It  was  pro- 
posed, with  about  eight  or  nine  hundred  Englishmen,  and  five  or 
six  hundred  Indians,  to  make  an  attack  upon  Montreal;  ^  while  a 
fleet  and  army,  of  eighteen  hundred  or  two  thousand  men,  were  to 
proceed  up  the  St.  Lawrence,  and,  at  the  same  time,  make  an  at- 
tack upon  Quebec.  It  was  hoped,  by  this  means,  so  to  distract  and 
divide  the  enemy,  that  the  whole  country  might  be  reduced  to  his 
majesty's  government.  It  was  expected,  that  a  powerful  assist- 
ance would  be  given  by  the  five  nations,  who  had,  but  a  few  years 
before,  so  exceedingly  harassed  and  distressed  the  whole  French 
colony.  Jacob  Milbom,  son  in  law  to  Leisler,  was  commissary, 
and  it  was  expected,  that  New- York  would  furnish  provisions,  and 
make  preparations  for  the  army  to  pass  the  waters  to  Montreal. 

John  Winthrop,  Esq.  was  appointed  major-general  and  com- 
mander in  chief  of  the  land  army.  He  arrived,  with  the  troops 
under  his  command,  near  the  falls  at  the  head  of  Wood  creek,  early 
in  the  month  of  August.  About  the  same  time,  the  fleet  sailed 
from  Nantasket  for  Quebec.  It  consisted  of  between  thirty  and 
forty  vessels,  great  and  small.  The  largest  carried  forty-four 
guns,  and  two  hundred  men.  Sir  William  Phipps,  governor  of 
Massachusetts,  had  the  chief  command.  The  fleet  had  a  long  pas- 
sage, and  did  not  arrive  before  Quebec  until  the  5th  of  October. 

When  the  land  army  arrived  at  the  place  appointed  for  thb 
rendezvous  of  the  Indians  from  the  five  nations,  instead  of  finding 
that  powerful  body,  which  they  expected,  and  which  the  Indians 
had  promised,  there  were  no  more  than  seventy  warriors  from  the 
Mohawks  and  Onei<jas.  A  messenger  was  sent  to  the  other  na- 
tions, to  know  what  they  designed;  whether  they  would  join  the 
army  and  go  forward,  or  not.  The  messenger  returned,  and  re- 
ported that  they  wished  for  some  delay;  and  they  never  came  on 
to  join  the  army.  When  the  general  had  advanced  about  a  hun- 
dred miles,  he  found  that  there  were  not  canoes  provided  sufficient 
to  transport  one  half  of  the  English  soldiers  across  the  lake.  Upon 
representing  to  the  Indians,  that  the  army  could  not  pass  into 
Canada,  without  a  much  greater  number  of  canoes,  they  replied, 
that  it  was  then  too  late  in  the  season  to  make  canoes,  as  the  bark 
would  not  peel.    In  short,  they  artfully  evaded  every  proposal 

'  Determination  of  the  commiisioners  at  New- York,  and  colonel  Schuyler's  let- 
ter, on  file. 


m.*i 


1690] 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


J23 


which  the  council  of  war  made  for  the  service;  and,  finally,  told 
the  general  and  his  officers,  that  they  looked  too  high,  and  ad- 
vised them  only  to  attack  Chambly,  and  the  out  settlements,  on 
this  side  of  the  St.  Lav^rence.^  There  was  another  insuperable 
difficulty  arose.  Milbom,  commissary  of  the  army,  had  not  made 
a  sufficient  provision  for  the  carrying  on  and  supplying  of  pro- 
visions for  the  army,  so  that  it  was  necessitated  to  retreat  to  Al- 
bany for  subsistence.  This  was  determined  by  a  council  of  war. 
At  the  same  time,  about  a  hundred  and  forty  of  the  sprightliest 
young  men,  English  and  Indians,  were  dispatched  into  Canada, 
to  make  all  the  diversion  possible  in  favour  of  the  fleet.  However, 
the  retreat  of  the  army,  and  the  late  arrival  of  the  armament  before 
Quebec,  defeated  the  expedition. 

Count  Frontenac,  who  had  advanced  with  all  his  force  to  Mon- 
treal, to  defend  the  country  against  the  army  advancing  towards 
the  lake,  no  sooner  received  intelligence,  by  his  scouts,  that  it  was 
retreating,  than  he  returned,  with  all  possible  dispatch,  to  Quebec. 
Though  but  tw  or  three  days  before  Sir  William  Phipps  arrived 
before  the  town,  there  were  not  more  than  two  hundred  French- 
men in  the  city,  and,  according  to  their  own  historians,  it  would 
have  surrendered  upon  the  first  summons,  yet,  afterwards,  the 
count  was  able  to  employ  his  whole  force  in  its  defence. 

On  the  8th  of  October,  the  troops  landed  and  advanced  towards 
the  town.  The  ships,  the  next  day,  were  drawn  up  before  it,  and 
cannonaded  it  with  all  their  force ;  but  they  were  not  able  to  do  any 
great  injury  to  the  town,  while  they  were  considerably  damaged 
by  the  enemy's  fire  from  their  batteries.  On  the  nth,  the  troops 
were  re-embarked.  Though  they  had  advanced  and  maintained 
their  ground  with  spirit,  yet  they  received  such  accounts  of  the 
strength  of  the  enemy,  as  very  much  discouraged  them.  Soon 
after,  tempestuous  weather  came  on,  the  ships  were  driven  from 
their  anchors,  and  the  whole  fleet  scattered.  Thus,  for  want  of  a 
sufficient  preparation  for  the  advancing  of  the  land  army,  and  in 
consequence  of  the  too  late  sailing  of  the  fleet,  an  otherwise  well 
concerted  plan  was  defeated. 

Though  general  Winthrop  had  acted  in  perfect  conformity  to 
the  agreement  of  the  commissioners,  at  New- York,  and  to  the  in- 
structions which  had  been  given  him,  and  though  he  had  retreated 
and  taken  all  his  measures  by  the  advice  of  his  officers,  in  repeated 
v-f^uncils  of  war,  yet  Leisler,  Milbom,  and  their  party,  were  filled 
with  the  utmost  rage  and  madness  at  the  retreat.  It  was  ordained 
by  the  commissioners,  that,  in  all  matters  of  great  importance,  the 
general  should  be  governed  by  a  council  of  war,  consisting  of  him- 
self and  his  officers;  and  Leisler  was  the  first  signer  to  the  instruc- 
tions and  orders  given.    It  was  impossible  to  pass  the  lake  without 

'  Proposals  made  to  the  Indians  and  their  answers,  with  colonel  Schuyler's,  and 
the  recoraer  of  Albany's  letter,  on  file. 


'M 


§ 


I 


4i 


i; 


I 


V 


'^  .J 


i       1 


li     i't 


324 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


[1690 


boats  and  canoes.  It  would  have  been  madness  to  have  crossed  it, 
if  there  had  been  canoes,  when  they  had  found,  that,  by  all  the 
means  and  exertions  in  their  power,  they  could  not  procure  pro- 
visions for  the  army  on  this  side  of  the  lake.  Leisler,  however, 
took  the  advantage  of  the  general,  after  the  army  had  crossed 
Hudson's  river,  and  lay  encamped  on  this  side  of  it,  to  arrest  and 
confine  him,  that  he  might  try  him  by  a  court  martial  of  his  own 
appointment.  He  was  some  days  under  the  arrest.  But  when  he 
was  brought  upon  trial,  the  Mohawks,  who  were  in  the  camp, 
crossed  the  river  and  brought  him  off,  with  great  triumph,  and  to 
the  universal  joy  of  the  army.  Leisler,  Milbom,  and  their  party, 
were  so  enraged  with  some  of  the  principal  gentlemen  in  Albany, 
who  were  of  the  general's  council,  that  they  were  obliged  to  flee 
to  Connecticut  for  safety.  Mr.  Livingston  and  others  resided 
some  time  at  Hartford.  Leisler  confined  the  commissary  of  the 
Connecticut  troops,  so  that  the  army  suffered  for  want  of  his  as- 
sistance. 

This  was  viewed,  by  Connecticut,  as  an  entirely  lawless  proceed- 
ing; not  only  highly  injurious  to  general  Winthrop  and  the 
colony,  but  to  all  New- England.  The  governor  and  council  re- 
monstrated against  his  conduct,  and  demanded  the  release  of  gen- 
eral Winthrop  and  their  commissary.  They  certified  him,  that  it 
belonged  not  to  him  to  judge  of  the  general's  conduct,  but  to  the 
colonies  in  general;  that  it  was  inconsistent  with  the  very  instruc- 
tions which  he  had  subscribed  with  his  own  hand;  and  that,  if  he 
proceeded  in  his  unprecedented  and  violent  measures,  they  would 
l^jave  him  and  New- York  to  themselves,  without  any  further  aid 
from  Connecticut,  let  tKe  consequences  be  what  they  might.^ 
They  observed,  that  he  needed  friends  and  assistance,  but  was  pur- 
suing measures  not  only  to  make  the  powerful  friends  of  general 
Winthrc^,  but  all  New- England,  his  enemies;  and,  that  the  char- 
acter of  the  general  was  too  good,  and  too  well  known,  to  be  drawn 
into  question  or  disrepute  by  his  conduct  towards  him. 

At  the  general  court,  in  October,  a  narrative  of  the  conduct  of 
the  general  was  exhibited,  attested  by  the  officers  of  the  army,  and 
by  numbers  of  the  principal  gentlemen  of  Albany.  Attested  an- 
swer9  of  the  Indian?  to  the  several  councils  of  war,  with  such  other 
evidence  9S  the  assembly  judged  proper  to  examine,  were  heard. 
Upon  a  full  examination  of  the  affair,  the  assembly  resolved: 
"  That  the  general's  conduct,  in  the  expedition,  had  been  with 
good  fidelity  to  his  majesty's  interest,  and  that  his  confinement,  at 
Albany,  on  the  account  thereof,  deserved  a  timely  vindication,  as 
being  very  injurious  and  dishonoiable  to  himself,  and  the  colonies 
of  New-England,  at  whose  instance  he  undertook  that  difficult 
service."  The  court  appointed  two  of  the  magistrates  in  their 
name,  "  To  thank  the  general  for  his  good  service  to  their  maj- 

»  Appendin  No,  XXIV. 


[1690 

crossed  it, 
by  all  the 
ocure  pro- 
,  however, 
id  crossed 
arrest  and 
of  his  own 
It  when  he 
the  camp, 
ph,  and  to 
heir  party, 
in  Albany, 
fed  to  flee 
rs  resided 
ary  of  the 
of  his  as- 

s  proceed- 
3  and  the 
:ouncil  re- 
ise  of  gen- 
im,  that  it 
but  to  the 
ry  instruc- 
that,  if  he 
hey  would 
urther  aid 
:y  might.* 
it  was  pur- 
of  general 
t  the  char- 
>  be  drawn 

ronduct  of 
army,  and 
tested  an- 
5uch  other 
ere  heard, 
resolved : 
been  with 
lement,  at 
ication,  as 
e  colonies 
It  difficult 
IS  in  their 
their  maj- 


1691! 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


sn 


esties,  and  to  this  colony,  and  assure  him,  that,  on  all  seasonable 
occasions,  they  would  be  ready  to  manifest  their  good  sentiments 
of  his  fidelity,  valor,  and  prudence."  *  The  assembly  made  him  a 
grant  of  forty  pounds,  as  a  present,  which  they  desired  him  to  ac- 
cept, as  a  further  testimonial  of  their  entire  approbation  of  his  ser- 
vices. 

Besides  the  troops  employed  in  the  expedition  a£:ainst  Canada, 
Connecticut  maintained  a  company  upon  the  river,  for  the  defence 
of  the  towns  in  the  county  of  Hampshire.  Upon  an  alarm  in  the 
winter,  the  governor  and  council  dispatched  a  company  to  Deer- 
field,  for  the  protectic  n  of  that  and  the  neighboring  towns. 

At  the  election,  ilay,  1691,  all  the  former  officers  were  re- 
elected. 

On  the  account  of  the  death  of  the  deputy-governor,  James 
Bishop,  Esq.*  a  special  assembly  was  convened,  on  the  9th  of  July, 
1691 ;  when  William  Jones,  Esquire,  was  chosen  deputy-gov*?rnor, 
and  captain  Caleb  Stanley,  magistrate. 

The  Rev.  Increase  Mather,  of  Boston,  was  a  most  faithful 
friend  to  the  liberties  of  his  country;  ana  though  he  was  agent  for 
the  Massachusetts,  yet  he  was  indefatigable  u:  his  labors,  and,  as 
opportunity  presented,  performed  essential  serviced  f'^'*  the  other 
colonies.  At  the  accession  of  William  and  Mary  he  had  prevented 
the  bill  for  establishing  the  former  governors  of  New-England. 
He  had  united  all  his  influence  with  Mr.  Whiting  for  the  benefit 
of  Connecticut.  One  Mr.  James  Porter,  who  was  in  London,  had 
been  very  serviceable  to  the  colony.  The  assembly,  therefore,  or- 
dered, that  a  letter  of  thanks  should  be  addressed  to  those  gentle- 
men, for  the  good  services  which  they  had  rendered  the  colony. 
They  were,  also,  desired  to  use  their  influence  to  obtain,  from  his 
majesty,  a  letter  approving  of  their  administration  of  government, 
according  to  charter,  as  legal ;  and  expressing  his  determination 
to  protect  them  in  the  enjoyment  of  their  civil  and  religious  privi- 
leges. 

The  violation  of  the  charters,  in  England,  had  been  declared 
illegal  and  arbitrary.  The  charter  of  the  city  of  London,  and  those 
of  other  corporations,  in  Great  Britain,  had  been  restored.  The 
case  of  Connecticut,  respecting  their  charter,  had  been  stated,  and 
the  opinions  of  gentlemen,  learned  in  the  law,  had  been  given  rela- 

>  Record!  of  the  colony. 
'' '  James  Bishop,  Esq.  died  June  22d,  169 1.  He  appears  to  have  been  a  gentle- 
man of  good  ability  and  distinguished  morals.  The  time  of  his  coming  over  to 
America  is  uncertain.  His  first  appearance  upon  the  public  records,  was  about  the 
year  1648.  In  1661,  he  was  chosen  secretary  of  the  colony  of  New- Haven ;  in 
which  office  he  continued  until  the  union  of  the  colonies  of  Connecticut  and  New- 
Haven.  In  May,  1668,  he  was  chosen  one  of  the  magistrates  of  Connecticut,  in 
which  office  he  continued  until  May  loth,  1683,  when  he  was  elected  deputy<gov- 
ernor.  To  this  office  he  was  annually  re-elected  until  his  death.  His  family  has 
continued  respectable  to  the  present  time.  Samuel  Bishop,  Esq.  chief  judge  of  the 
court  of  common  pleas,  for  the  county  of  New-Haven,  and  mayor  of  the  city,  is  one 
of  his  descendants. 


!     ii 


t'?l 


'4:jijt     ifi  j 


I-. 
1, 


Jit 


.A  ( 


H 

k 


»•#• 


^ 


326 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


tl6»>i 


tive  to  the  legality  o{  the  government  assumed  by  the  colony. 
They  are  thus  expressed. 

**  Query,  Whether  the  charter  belonging  to  Connecticut,  in 
New-England,  is  by  means  of  their  involuntary  submission  to  Sir 
Edmund  Andross's  government,  void  in  law,  so  as  that  the  king 
may  send  a  governor  to  them,  contrary  to  their  charter  privileges, 
when  there  has  been  no  judgment  entered  against  their  charter, 
nor  any  surrender  thereof  upon  record? " 

"  I  am  of  opinion,  that  such  submission,  as  is  put,  in  this  case, 
doth  not  invalidate  the  charter,  or  any  of  the  powers  therein,  which 
were  granted  under  the  great  seal;  and  that  the  charter  not  being 
surrendered  under  the  common  seal,  and  that  surrender  duly  en- 
rolled of  record,  nor  any  judgment  of  record  entered  against  it, 
the  same  remains  good  and  valid  in  law ;  and  the  said  corporation 
may  lawfully  execute  the  powers  and  privileges  thereby  granted, 
notwithstanding  such  submission,  and  appointment  of  a  governor 
as  aforesaid. 

"  Edward  Ward. 

"  2d  August,  1690. 

"  I  am  of  the  same  opinion.  J.  Somers. 

"  I  am  of  the  same  opinion;  and  as  this  matter  is  stated  there  is 
no  ground  of  doubt. 

"  Geo.  Trebv." 

The  people  at  the  eastward,  in  New-Hampshire  and  the  prov- 
ince of  Maine,  had  been  extremely  distressed  by  the  war,  and  a 
very  great  proportion  of  them  driven  from  their  settlements.  It 
had  also  been  found  exceedingly  difKcult  to  persuade  men  to  keep 
garrison  for  the  defence  of  that  part  of  the  country.  The  general 
court  of  Connecticut,  therefore,  appointed  a  contribution,  through 
the  colony,  for  the  encouragement  of  the  soldiers,  who  should  keep 
garrison  there,  and  for  the  relief  of  poor  families,  which  had  kept 
their  stations,  or  been  driven  from  them  by  the  ravages  of  the  ene- 
my. The  clergy  were  directed  to  exhort  the  people  to  liberal  con- 
tributions for  these  charitable  purposes.* 

At  the  election,  May,  1692,  William  Jones,  Esq.  was  chosen 
deputy  governor  by  the  freemen.  Mr.  Cabel  Stanley  and  Mr. 
Moses  Mansfield  were  chosen  magistrates.  Governor  Winthrop 
and  the  other  magistrates  were  the  same  they  had  been  the  year  be- 
fore. 

The  French,  the  last  year,  while  the  troops  were  employed  in  the 
expedition  against  Canada,  made  a  descent  upon  Block-Island, 
plundered  the  houses,  and  captivated  most  of  the  inhabitants. 
This  greatly  alarmed  the  people  of  New-London,  Stonington,  and 
Saybrook.  Detachments  of  the  militia  were  sent  to  the  seaport 
towns  for  their  defence.    The  assembly  therefore,  about  this  time 

I  The  number  of  persons,  this  year,  ratable  in  the  colony,  was  3, 109,  and  the 
grand  list  ;f  183, 159. 


169a] 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


327 


I'll 


Qrdered,  that  New-London  should  be  fortified;  and  that  the  forti- 
fications at  Saybrook  should  be  repaired. 

The  country  had  been  alarmed  with  reports,  that  a  large  body 
of  French  and  Indians  were  about  to  cross  the  lakes  and  come 
down  upon  the  frontiers.  Consequently  it  was  ordered,  that 
scouts,  from  the  several  counties  should  range  the  country,  and 
make  discovery  of  the  enemy  as  they  made  their  approach.  Offi- 
cers were  also  appointed  to  command  such  parts  of  the  militia  as  it 
might  be  necessary  to  detach,  in  case  of  an  invasion. 

Upon  the  29th  of  February,  1675,  Joshua,  sachem  of  the  Mo- 
heagans,  son  of  Uncas,  by  his  last  will,  gave  unto  captain  John 
Mason,  James  Fitch,  and  others,  to  the  number  of  fourteen,  com- 
monly called  Joshua's  legatees,  the  tract  containing  the  town  of 
Windham.  It  was,  the  next  year,  surveyed  and  laid  out  into  dis- 
tinct lots.  In  May,  1692,  it  was  vested  with  town  privileges.  By 
Joshua's  will,  the  lands  in  the  town  of  Mansfield,  no  less  than  those 
in  Windham,  were  given.  The  settlements,  at  both  places,  com- 
menced about  1686,  nearly  at  the  same  time.  Canterbury  origi- 
nally belonged  to  the  town  of  Windham,^  though  it  was  some 
years  after  made  a  distinct  town.  The  township  of  Windham 
comprises  a  fine  tract  of  land,  nearly  ten  miles  square.  Its  situation 
is  pleasant,  and  it  is  now  one  of  the  principal  towns  in  the  state.' 

Count  Frontenac,  finding  that  he  could  not,  with  all  his  arts, 
accomplish  a  peace  with  the  five  nations,  determined  on  the  de- 
struction of  the  Mohawks,  who,  of  all  the  Indians,  had  been  by  far 
the  most  destructive  to  the  settlements  in  Canada.  He  collected 
an  army  of  six  or  seven  hundred  French  and  Indians,  and,  hav- 
ing supplied  them  with  every  thing  necessary  for  a  winter  cam- 
paign, sent  them  against  the  Mohawk  castles.  They  began  their 
march  from  Montreal  on  the  15th  of  January,  1693.  After  suffer- 
ing incredible  hardships,  they  fell  in  with  the  first  Mohawk  castle, 
about  the  6th  of  February.  The  Mohawks  were  entirely  secure, 
not  having  the  least  intimation  of  their  approach.  The  enemy 
took  four  or  five  men  at  this  castle,  and  proceeded  to  the  second. 
At  this  they  were  equally  successful.  A  great  part  of  the  inhabi- 
tants were  at  Shenectady,  and  the  rest  were  perfectly  secure. 
When  they  advanced  to  the  third  castle,  they  found  about  forty 
warriors,  collected  at  a  war  dance,  as  they  designed  the  next  day 
to  go  upon  an  enterprise  against  their  enemies.  A  conflict  ensued, 
in  which  the  French,  after  Iciing  about  thirty  men,  were  victori- 

'  This  palpable  error  is  corrected  by  a  itatement  of  the  author  himself  at  page 
405,  where  he  correctly  states  that  the  town  of  Canterbury  was  oricinally  a  part  of 
Plainfield.-J.  T. 

^  Mr.  John  Gates,  one  of  the  first  planters,  a  gentleman  from  England,  who  died 
July  i6th,  1697,  by  his  last  will,  gave  a  generous  legacy,  in  plate,  to  the  church. 
He  also  gave  two  hundred  acres  of  land  for  the  use  of  a  school,  and  two  hundred 
more  for  the  use  of  the  poor  of  the  town  forever.  Windham  was  made  a  county 
town  in  May,  1726.  The  grand  list,  in  1768,  was  about  ;^30,ooo,  and  the  number 
of  inhabitants  3,500. 


14*1 


,■« 


h-     ! 


■r 


•  I'll 
r  t 


h    i    -i!i 


3*8 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


[«693 


ft*      ' 


H 


OU8,  and  the  third  castle  was  taken.  The  French,  in  this  descent, 
captivated  nearly  three  hundred  of  the  allied  Indians,  principally 
women  and  children.  The  brave  colonel  Schuyler,  of  Albany,  at 
the  head  of  a  party  of  volunteers,  of  about  two  hundred  English 
and  Dutch,  pursued  them.  On  the  15th  of  February,  he  was 
joined  with  about  three  hundred  Indians,  and,  with  this  force,  he 
fell  in  with  the  enemy,  whom  he  found  in  a  fortified  camp.  They 
made  three  successive  sallies  upon  the  colonel,  and  were  as  often 
repulsed.  He  kept  his  ground,  waiting  for  provisions  and  a  rein- 
forcement from  Albany.  Meanwhile,  the  enemy,  taking  advan- 
tage  of  a  severe  snow  storm,  on  the  night  of  the  i8th,  marched  of! 
for  Canada.  The  next  day,  captain  Sims,  with  eighty  regular 
troops,  arrived  with  provisions  for  the  army,  and  the  day  following 
the  colonel  resumed  the  pursuit.  The  French,  however,  luckily 
finding  a  cake  of  ice  across  the  north  branch  of  Hudson's  river, 
made  their  escape.  Nevertheless,  they  were  so  pressed,  that  they 
suffered  most  of  their  captives  to  escape.  They  all,  except  nine  or 
ten,  returned.  Colonel  Schuyler  lost  eight  of  his  party,  four 
christians,  and  four  Indians.  He  had  fourteen  wounded.  Ac- 
cording to  the  report  of  the  captives,  the  enemy  lost  forty  men, 
three  of  whom  were  French  officers,  and  two  were  Indian  leaders ; 
and  they  had  thirty  wounded.  The  Indians  found  about  thirty 
corpses  of  the  enemy,  whom  they  scalped,  and  afterwards  roasted 
and  ate  them,  as  they  were  exceedingly  pinched  for  want  of  pro- 
visions.* 

While  these  affairs  were  transacting,  dispatches  were  sent  to 
Connecticut,  acquainting  governor  Treat,  that  the  French  had  in- 
vaded his  majesty's  territories,  and  taken  the  fortresses  of  his 
allies.  A  demand  was  made  of  two  hundred  men,  complete  in  their 
arms,  to  march  forthwith  to  Albany. 

\  special  assembly  was  called  on  the  21st  of  February,  1693, 
and  it  was  ordered,  that  one  hundred  and  fifty  men  should  be  sent 
immediately  to  Albany,  or  any  other  place  where  the  governor 
should  judge  to  be  most  for  his  majesty's  interest.  Fifty  of  the 
troops  marched  for  Albany  the  next  day. 

Scarcely  had  the  assembly  dispersed,  before  another  express  ar- 
rived, from  Sir  William  Phipps,  requiring  a  corps  of  a  hundred 
English  men,  and  fifty  Indians,  to  assist  in  the  defence  of  the  east- 
em  settlements,  in  the  province  of  Maine  and  Massachusetts.  On 
the  6th  of  March,  another  special  assembly  was  convened,  and  the 
legislature  granted  a  captain's  company  of  sixty  English  men,  and 
about  forty  Indians,  under  the  command  of  captain  William  Whit- 
ing. 

Major-general  Fitz  John  Winthrop  was  chosen  magistrate  at 
the  election,  May  i  ith,  which  was  the  only  alteration  made  among 
the  magistrates  this  year. 

>  Governor  Fletcher's  letter,  on  file. 


[1693 

t  descent, 
Tincipally 
Ubany,  at 
1  English 
^  he  was 
force,  he 
ip.    They 
e  as  often 
id  a  rein- 
\g  advan- 
irched  off 
Y  regular 
following 
r,  luckily 
n's  river, 
that  they 
>t  nine  or 
rty,  four 
ed.    Ac- 
»rty  men, 
t  leaders ; 
ut  thirty 
s  roasted 
It  of  pro- 

i  sent  to 
h  had  in- 
'.s  of  his 
e  in  their 

ry,  1693, 
1  be  sent 
fovernor 
ty  of  the 

press  ar- 
hundred 
the  east- 
tts.  On 
and  the 
nen,  and 
m  Whit- 

3trate  at 
:  among 


1693] 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


339 


P 


The  general  court  ordered  a  letter  to  be  addressed  to  the  gov- 
ernor of  Massachusetts,  once  more  desiring  him  and  that  colony 
amicably  to  join  with  Connecticut  in  running  the  partition  line  be- 
tween the  two  colonies.  William  Pitkin,  Esq.  Mr.  Samuel  Ches- 
ter, and  captain  William  Whiting,  were  appointed  a  committee  to 
run  the  line.  They  had  instructions  to  begin,  according  to  the  ex- 
press words  of  the  patent  of  Massachusetts,  three  miles  south  of 
every  part  of  Charles  river,  and  thence  to  run  to  the  westernmost 
bounds  of  Symsbury. 

Colonel  Benjamin  Fletcher,  governor  of  New- York,  who  had 
arrived  at  the  seat  of  his  government,  August  29th,  1692,  had  re- 
ceived a  commission  entirely  inconsistent  with  the  charior  rir'hts 
and  safety  of  the  colonies.  He  was  vested  v  ith  plenary  power'  of 
commanding  the  whole  militia  of  Connect''  i it  an  1  the  neighi.or- 
ing  provinces.  He  insisted  on  the  command  of  the  militi:  of  Con- 
necticut. As  this  was  expressly  given  to  the  colony,  by  charter, 
the  legislature  would  not  submit  to  his  requisition.  They,  how- 
ever, judged  it  expedient  to  refer  it  to  the  freemen,  whether  th  ., 
would  address  a  petition  to  his  majesty,  praying  for  the  contir 
ance  of  the  militia  in  the  power  of  the  colony,  according  to  uclr 
charter,  and  for  the  continuance  and  preservation  of  r!'  their  cha  - 
tered  rights  and  privileges.  There  were  2,180  pe  iori:  or  suf- 
frages for  addressing  his  majesty,  and  the  freemen  leclared,  that 
they  would  bear  their  proportionable  charge  with  the  rest  of  the 
colony,  in  prosecuting  the  affair  to  a  final  issue. 

At  a  special  assembly,  September  ist,  1693,  the  court  appointed 
a  petition  to  be  drafted,  to  be  presented  to  his  majesty,  king  Will- 
iam, on  the  subject.  Major-general  Fitz  John  Wint  lop  was  ap- 
pointed agent  to  present  the  petition,  and  employ  his  best  en- 
deavours for  the  confirmation  of  all  the  chartered  privileges  of  the 
colony.  He  was  desired,  as  soon  as  possible,  to  take  his  passage 
to  England,  and,  upon  his  arrival  there,  to  lay  the  business,  as  ex- 
peditiously as  might  be,  before  his  majesty,  and  prosecute  the  af- 
fair to  an  issue,  with  all  convenient  diSj  \*rh. 

He  was  instructed  to  make  a  full  :■  ;•  ':sentation  of  the  great 
hardships,  expense,  and  dangers  of  the  inhabitants,  in  planting 
and  defending  the  colony;  and  that  these  had  been  borne  wholly 
by  themselves,  without  any  assis':riice  from  the  parent  country: 
That  it  would  endanger  and  ri":  the  colony,  if  the  militia  should 
be  taken  from  it,  and  commanded  by  strangers  at  the  distance  of 
New- York  and  Boston :  That  it  would  wholly  incapacitate  them  to 
defend  themselves,  their  wives,  and  children:  That  before  they 
could  obtain  instructions,  from  such  a  distance,  upon  any  sudden 
emergency,  the  colony  might  be  depopulated  and  ruined :  That  a 
stranger,  at  a  distance,  might  not  agree  with  the  governor  and 
council  in  employing  the  militia  for  the  defence  of  the  property, 
lives,  and  liberties  of  the  subjects;  and  that  the  life  and  support  of 


i    I 


■f  ■[ 


'  1^1' 


Sf. 


330 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


[1693 


I     F 


the  laws,  and  the  very  existence  of  their  civil  constitution  de- 
pended on  the  militia.  He  was  also  instructed  further  to  represent 
the  state  of  the  militia  of  Connecticut,  with  respect  to  its  differ- 
ence from  that  of  the  militia  of  England:  That,  from  the  scat- 
tered state  and  small  number  of  the  inhabitants,  it  had  been  neces- 
sary, that  all  males,  from  sixteen  years  of  age,  should  belong  to  the 
militia,  and  be  made  soldiers,  so  that  if  the  militia  were  taken  from 
the  colony,  there  would  be  none  left  but  magistrates,  ministers, 
physicians,  aged  and  infirm  people,  to  defend  their  extensive  sea 
coasts  and  frontiers;  and  that  giving  the  command  of  the  militia 
to  the  governor  of  another  colony,  was,  in  effect,  to  put  their  per- 
sons, interests,  and  liberties  entirely  into  his  power.  The  agent 
was,  also,  directed  to  represent  the  entire  satisfaction  of  the  colony 
with  the  present  government,  and  the  great  advantages  resulting 
from  it:  That  giving  the  command  of  the  militia  to  the  governor 
of  another  province,  would  exceedingly  endanger,  if  not  entirely 
destroy,  that  general  contentment,  and  all  the  advantages 
thence  arising  to  his  majesty  and  his  subjects:  That  out  of  three 
thousand  freemen  in  the  colony,  two  thousand  and  two  hundred 
actually  met,  and  gave  their  suffrages  for  the  present  address ;  and 
that  the  greatest  part  of  the  other  eight  hundred  were  for  it,  but 
were,  by  their  particular  occasions,  prevented  from  attending  at 
the  respective  meetings,  when  the  suffrages  were  taken :  That  the 
inhabitants  were  universally  for  the  revolution;  and  that,  in  the 
whole  colony,  there  were  not  more  than  four  or  five  malcontents. 
The  agent  was  charged  to  assure  his  majesty,  that  the  militia 
should  be  improved  with  the  utmost  prudence  and  faithfulness, 
for  his  majesty's  service,  in  the  defence  of  the  frontiers  of  Massa- 
chusetts and  New- York;  and  to  lay  before  him  what  the  colony 
had  already  done;  especially  for  the  province  of  New- York,  in 
their  late  distressed  condition :  That  for  its  defence,  and  the  se- 
curing of  the  five  nations,  in  his  majesty's  interest,  they  had  ex- 
pended more  than  three  thousand  pounds,  and  lost  a  number  of 
their  men.  Further,  general  Winthrop  was  directed,  '^  far  as 
might  be  judged  expedient,  to  plead  the  rights  gran  in  the 
charter,  especially  that  of  commanding  the  militia,  and  the  com- 
mon usage,  ever  since  the  grant  of  ihe  charter,  for  a  long  course 
of  years. 

Sir  William  Phipps,  governor  of  Massachusetts,  had,  on  his  ap- 
pointment to  that  office,  received  a  commission  of  the  same  tenor 
of  governor  Fletcher's.  As  the  colony  had  not  fully  complied  with 
his  requisitions,  it  was  expected  that  the  agent  would  be  interro- 
gated upon  that  head.  He  was  instructed,  in  that  case,  to  reply, 
that  Sir  William  never  came  into  the  colony,  nor  acted  upon  his 
commission,  any  further,  than  to  give  a  copy  of  it,  and  to  inquire 
who  were  the  officers  of  the  militia:  That  the  governor  and  com- 
pany had  a  prior  commission,  by  charter,  and  that  they  could  by 


b^93 


1693] 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


331 


no  means  give  it  up,  until  the  affair  had  been  laid  before  his 
majesty. 

The  colony  wished  to  serve  his  majesty's  interest,  and,  as  far  as 
possible,  consistently  with  their  chartered  rights,  to  maintain  a 
good  understanding  with  governor  Fletcher.  William  Pitkin, 
Esq.  was,  therefore,  sent  to  New- York,  to  treat  and  make  terms 
with  him  respecting  the  militia,  until  his  majesty's  pleasure  should 
be  further  known.  But  no  terms  could  be  made  with  him  short  of 
an  explicit  submission  of  the  militia  to  his  command. 

On  the  26th  of  October,  he  came  to  Hartford,  while  the  assem- 
bly were  sitting,  and,  in  his  majesty's  name,  demanded  their  sub- 
mission of  the  militia  to  his  command,  as  'they  would  answer  it  to 
his  majesty;  and  that  they  would  give  him  a  speedy  answer  in  one 
word,  Yes,  or  No.  He  subscribed  himself  his  majesty's  lieutenant, 
and  commander  in  chief  of  the  militia,  and  of  all  the  forces  by  sea 
or  land,  and  of  all  the  forts  and  places  of  strength  in  the  colony  of 
Connecticut.*  He  ordered  the  militia  of  Hartford  under  arms, 
that  he  might  beat  up  for  volunteers.  It  was  judged  expedient  to 
call  the  trainbands  in  Hartford  together;  but  the  assembly  in- 
sisted, that  the  command  of  the  militia  was  expressly  vested,  by 
charter,  in  the  governor  and  company ;  and  that  they  could,  by  no 
means,  consistently  with  their  just  rights  and  the  common  safety, 
resign  it  into  any  other  hands.  They  insinuated,  that  his  demands 
were  an  invasion  of  their  essential  privileges,  and  subversive  of 
their  constitution. 

Upon  this,  colonel  Bayard,  by  his  excellency's  command,  sent 
a  letter  into  the  assembly,  declaring,  that  his  excellency  had  no 
design  upon  the  civil  rights  of  the  colony;  but  would  leave  them, 
in  all  respects,  as  he  found  them.  In  the  name  of  his  excellency,  he 
tendered  a  commission  to  governor  Treat,  empowering  him  to 
command  the  militia  of  the  colony.  He  declared,  that  his  excel- 
lency insisted,  that  they  should  acknowledge  it  an  essential  right, 
inherent  in  his  majesty,  to  command  the  militia;  and  that  he  was 
determined  not  to  set  his  foot  out  of  the  colony  until  he  had  seen 
his  majesty's  commission  obeyed :  That  he  would  issue  his  proc- 
lamation, showing  the  means  he  had  taken  to  give  ease  and  satis- 
faction to  his  majesty's  subjects  of  Connecticut,  and  that  he  would 
distinguish  the  disloyal  from  the  rest." 

The  assembly,  nevertheless,  would  not  give  up  the  command 
of  the  militia;  nor  would  governor  Treat  receive  a  commission 
from  colonel  Fletcher. 

The  trainbands  of  Hartford  assembled,  and,  as  the  tradition  is, 
while  captain  Wadsworth,  the  senior  officer,  was  walking  in  front 
of  the  companies,  and  exercising  the  soldiers,  colonel  Fletcher 
oru?red  his  commission  and  instructions  to  be  read.  Captain 
Wadsworth  instantly  commanded,  "  Beat  the  drums; "  and  there 
I  Governor  Fletcher's  letter,  on  file.  "  Colonel  Bayard's  letter  on  file. 


iu 


M 
'».i 


:  11 


1'lifl 


im 


332 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


[1694 


s4-  ' 


was  such  a  roaring  of  them  that  nothing  else  could  be  heard. 
Colonel  Fletcher  commanded  silence.  But  no  sooner  had  Bayard 
made  an  attempt  to  read  again,  than  Wadsworth  commands, 
"  Drum,  drum,  I  say."  The  drummers  understood  their  business, 
and  instantly  beat  up  with  all  the  art  and  life  of  which  they  were 
masters.  "  Silence,  silence,"  says  the  colonel.  No  sooner  was 
there  a  pause,  than  Wadsworth  speaks  with  great  earnestness, 
"  Drum,  drum,  I  say; "  and  turning  to  his  excellency,  said,  "  If 
I  am  interrupted  again  I  will  make  the  sun  shine  through  you 
in  a  moment."  He  spoke  with  such  energy  in  his  voice  and  mean- 
ing in  his  countenance,  that  no  further  attempts  were  made  to 
read  or  enlist  men.  Such  numbers  of  people  collected  together, 
and  their  spirits  appeared  so  high,  that  the  governor  and  his  suit 
judged  it  expedient,  soon  to  leave  the  town  and  return  to  New- 
York. 

The  assembly  granted  500  pounds,  to  support  major  general 
Winthrop  in  his  agency  at  the  court  of  Great-Britain. 

On  the  7th  of  February,  1694,  a  special  assembly  was  called, 
in  consequence  of  a  letter  from  king  William  relative  to  the  for- 
tifying of  Albany.  In  compliance  with  his  majesty's  requisition, 
the  assembly  granted  600  pounds,  to  be  paid  into  the  hands  of 
colonel  Fletcher,  for  the  defence  of  Albany.  A  rate  of  one  penny 
on  the  pound  was  levied  to  raise  the  money.^ 

For  the  defence  of  the  plantations  in  New- York,  and  the  towns 
upon  the  river,  in  the  county  of  Hampshire,  the  assembly  ordered, 
that  the  commissioned  officers,  who  were  the  nearest  to  the  places, 
which  should,  at  any  time,  be  attacked,  should  dispatch  immediate 
succours  to  them.  Provision  was  also  made  that  the  several  de- 
tachments of  the  militia  should  be  furnished  with  all  articles  neces- 
sary for  their  marching,  in  any  emergency,  upon  the  shortest 
notice. 

Major  general  Winthrop  made  a  safe  arrival  in  England,  and 
presented  the  petition,  with  which  he  had  been  entrusted,  to  his 
majesty.  A  statement  of  the  case  of  Connecticut  was  drawn  and 
laid  before  the  king.  In  this,  besides  the  facts  stated  in  the  in- 
structions of  Mr.  Winthrop,  it  was  alleged,  that  in  the  charter, 
granted  by  king  Charles,  the  command  of  the  militia  was,  in  the 
most  express  and  ample  manner,  given  to  the  colony;  and  that  the 
governor  had  always  commanded  it  for  the  common  safety :  That 
in  the  charter  there  was  a  clause  for  the  most  beneficial  construc- 
tion of  it  for  the  corporation;  and  another  of  non  obstante  to  all 
statutes  repugnant  to  said  grant.  It  was  stated,  that  whoever 
commanded  the  persons  in  a  colony  would  also  command  their 
purse,  and  be  the  governor  of  the  colony:  That  there  was  such 
a  connection  between  the  civil  authority  and  the  command  of  th-- 

>  The  ratable  polls  in  the  colony  were,  at  this  time,  about  2,347,  and  the  gran^ 


[i694 

36  heard, 
d  Bayard 
itnmands, 
business, 
hey  were 
oner  was 
nestness, 
said,  "  If 
)ugh  you 
nd  mean- 
made  to 
together, 
d  his  suit 
to  New- 

r  general 

IS  called, 
the  for- 
quisition, 
hands  of 
ne  penny 

he  towns 
ordered, 
le  places, 
nmediate 
veral  de- 
les neces- 
shortest 

land,  and 
;d,  to  his 
'awn  and 
n  the  in- 
!  charter, 
IS,  in  the 
1  that  the 
ty:  That 
:onstruc- 
nte  to  all 
whoever 
md  their 
vas  such 
id  of  th', 

1  the  gran-* 


1694] 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


333 


militia,  that  one  could  not  subsist  without  the  other:  That  it  was 
designed  to  govern  the  colonies,  in  America,  as  nearly  as  might 
be,  in  conformity  to  tKe  la\/s  of  England.  And  that  the  king  and 
his  lieutenants  could  not  draw  out  all  the  militia  of  a  county;  but 
a  certain  part  only,  in  proportion  to  its  numbers  and  wealth.  It 
was  therefore  pleaded,  that  governor  Fletcher's  commission  ought 
to  be  construed  with  the  same  restriction:  That  were  not  the 
command  of  the  king  and  his  lieutenants  restricted,  by  acts  of 
parliament,  the  subjects  could  not  be  free;  and  that,  for  the  same 
reason,  governor  Fletcher's  command  ought  to  be  restrained, 
by  the  laws  of  Connecticut,  so  far  as  they  were  not  repugnant  to 
the  laws  of  England.  It  was  further  stated,  that  it  was  impossible 
for  governor  Fletcher  so  well  to  judge  of  the  dispositions  and 
abilities  of  each  town  and  division  in  Connecticut,  or  be  so  much 
master  of  the  affections  of  the  people,  in  time  of  need,  as  those 
who  dwelt  among  them  and  had  been  chosen  to  command  them ; 
and  therefore  he  could  not  be  so  well  qualified  for  the  local  and 
ordinary  command  of  the  militia;  nor  serve  the  interests  of  his 
majesty,  or  the  colony,  in  that  respect,  so  satisfactorily  and  effect- 
ually as  its  own  officers.^ 

His  majesty's  attorney  and  solicitor  general,  gave  their  opinion 
in  favor  of  Connecticut's  commanding  the  militia;  and  on  the 
19th  of  April,  1694,  his  majesty  in  council  determined  according 
to  the  report  which  they  had  made.'  The  quota  of  Connecticut, 
during  the  war,  was  fixed  at  one  hundred  and  twenty  men,  to  be 
at  the  command  of  governor  Fletcher,  and  the  rest  of  the  militia 
to  be  commanded,  as  had  been  usual,  by  the  governor  of  Con- 
necticut. 

Upon  the  solicitations  of  governor  Fletcher  and  Sir  William 
Phipps,  agents  and  a  number  of  troops  were  sent  to  attend  a  treaty 
with  the  Five  Nations.  The  expense  of  it  to  the  colony  was  about 
400  pounds. 

A  committee  was  appointed  again,  in  the  May  session,  to  run 
the  partition  line  between  Connecticut  and  Massachusetts.  Mas- 
sachusetts was  invited  to  join  with  them,  but  as  the  court  refused, 
the  committee  of  Connecticut,  by  the  direction  of  the  assembly, 
ran  the  line  without  them.  In  October,  1695,  the  general  assem- 
bly renewed  their  application  to  the  general  court  of  Massachu- 
setts, intreating  them  to  unite  amicably  in  running  the  boundary 
line,  or  to  agree  to  it,  as  it  had  been  run  by  Connecticut.  They 
acquainted  them  how  it  ran,  what  encroachments  they  had  made 
upon  the  colony,  and  how  they  injured  it,  by  declining  a  mutual 
and  friendly  settlement  of  the  line.  However  they  insisted  upon 
the  old  line,  run  by  Woodward  and  Saffery,  and  would  take  no 
measures  to  accommodate  the  difference. 
At  the  court  of  election,  May,  1696,  Eleazar  Kimberly  was 
•  Statement  on  file.  »  Appendix  No.  XXIV. 


m 


m 


i  .'pa 
■'I 


334 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


[1693 


'■  *■; 


1)1 


§' 


\rn 


nm 


chosen  secretary.  Upon  the  requisition  of  governor  Fletcher, 
a  company  of  sixty  men  were  ordered  to  Albany,  under  the  com- 
mand of  captain  William  Whiting.  Forty  dragoons  were  also 
forwarded  to  the  county  of  Hampshire,  for  the  security  of  the 
inhabitants  in  that  part  of  Massachusetts. 

About  this  time,  the  town  of  Danbury  was  incorporated.  The 
whole  number  of  families  was  twenty  four. 

At  the  general  court,  May  13,  1697,  colonel  Hutchinson  and 
captain  Byfield  were  sent  from  Boston,  to  solicit  the  raising  of 
such  a  number  of  troops  as  should  enable  Massachusetts  to  at- 
tack the  eastern  enemy,  at  their  head  quarters.  The  legislature 
judged  themselves  unable  to  furnish  such  a  number,  as  would 
be  necessary  for  that  purpose,  in  addition  to  the  troops  they  must 
raise  for  the  defence  of  their  own  frontiers,  of  New- York,  and 
the  county  of  Hampshire.  The  court  agreed  to  furnish  a  party 
of  about  sixty  Englishmen  and  forty  Indians,  to  range  the  woods, 
near  the  walk  of  the  enemy,  and  to  defend  the  frontiers  of  the 
county  of  Hampshire. 

At  a  general  assembly,  January  226,  1698,  an  alteration  was 
made  in  the  cot.^titution  of  the  county  court.  It  was  enacted, 
that  it  should  consist  of  one  chief  judge  and  four  justices  of  the 
quorum,  in  each  county,  appointed  by  the  assembly. 

Major-general  Fitz  John  Winthrop,  having  returned  from  his 
successful  agency  at  the  court  of  Great-Britain,  was  received  with 
great  joy,  by  the  legislature  and  the  people  in  general.  The  as- 
sembly presented  him  with  their  thanks  for  the  good  services 
he  had  rendered  to  the  government;  and  as  a  further  testimonial 
of  the  high  sense  which  they  entertained  of  his  merit,  fidelity, 
and  labours  for  the  public,  they  voted  him  a  gratuity  of  three 
hundred  pounds. 

On  the  i8th  of  June,  1697,  Richard,  earl  of  Bellomont,  received 
his  commission  to  be  governor  of  New- York  and  Massachusetts ; 
and  was,  at  this  time,  every  day  expected  at  New- York.  The 
general  court  of  Connecticut  were  desirous  of  honouring  his  maj- 
esty, by  an  exhibition  of  all  proper  respect  and  complaisance  to 
his  governor;  and,  at  the  same  time,  they  wished  to  conciliate 
the  good  graces  of  so  important  a  character.  They,  therefore, 
appointed  general  Winthrop,  major  Jonathan  Sillick,  and  the 
Rev.  Gurdon  Saltonstall,  upon  the  first  notice  of  his  arrival  at 
New- York,  to  wait  upon  him,  and,  in  the  name  of  the  general 
assembly  of  Connecticut,  to  congratulate  his  excellency  upon  his 
safe  arrival  at  the  seat  of  government.  The  earl  arrived  at  New- 
York  the  2d  of  April,  1698.  The  committee  appointed  to  wait 
on  him,  were  gentlemen  of  a  good  appearance  and  elegant  man- 
ners ;  and  they  presented  their  congratulations  with  such  dignity 
and  address,  as  not  only  did  honour  to  themselves  and  the  colony, 
but  highly  pleased  his  excellency.    Mr.  Saltonstall  was  particu- 


[1693 


1698] 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


33S 


larly  noticed  by  the  earl,  as  appearing  the  most  like  a  nobleman 
of  any  person  he  had  ever  seen  before  in  America. 

Notwithstanding  the  determination  of  lieutenant-governor 
Cranfield,  and  his  majesty's  commissioners,  and  the  report  to  his 
majesty  concerning  the  right  of  Connecticut  to  the  Narraganset 
country,  the  controversy  between  Connecticut  and  Rhode-Island 
still  continued.  It  was  not  the  king's  pleasure  to  confirm  the 
judgment  and  report  of  his  commissioners.  The  Rhode-Island- 
ers, though  they  had  violated  every  article  of  the  agreement  be- 
tween Mr.  Winthrop  and  Mr.  Gark,  yet  were  ready  to  plead  it 
against  Connecticut,  whenever  it  would  suit  their  turn.  A  letter 
from  the  lords  of  trade  and  plantations  was  laid  before  the  as- 
sembly, advising  Connecticut  to  a  settlement  of  boundaries  with 
that  colony.  Upon  this  recommendation,  the  general  court  ap- 
pointed major  James  Fitch,  captain  Daniel  Witherell,  and  the 
Rev.  James  Noyes,  commissioners  to  treat  with  Rhode-Island, 
and,  by  all  means  in  their  power,  to  attempt  an  amicable  settle- 
ment. 

The  peace  of  Riswick,  September  nth,  1697,  once  more  deliv- 
ered Great-Britain  and  her  colonies  from  the  calamities  of  war. 
The  Americans  rejoiced  at  the  return  of  peace.  Connecticut  had 
been  happy  in  the  preservation  of  her  frontiers,  in  the  loss  of  few 
men,  and  in  the  effectual  aid  which  she  had  given  to  her  sister 
colonies.  Nevertheless,  thi:  war  had  been  very  expensive,  and 
exceedingly  vexatious.  The  whole  amount  of  taxes,  during  the 
war,  was  about  twenty  pence  on  the  pound.  By  the  close  of  the 
year  1695,  the  colony  had  expended  7,oool.  in  the  defence  of  Al- 
bany, and  the  frontiers  of  the  county  of  Hampshire,  in  Massachu- 
setts; exclusive  of  the  expedition  against  Canada,  under  major- 
general  Winthrop.  This  cost  the  colony  more  than  3,0001.  The 
expense  of  the  troops  sent  to  the  eastward,  to  the  defence  of  that 
part  of  New-England,  is  also  excluded.  It  is  probable  that  the 
remaining  years  of  the  war  cost  about  2,oool.  The  whole  expense 
of  the  war  probably  considerably  exceeded  i2,oool.* 

The  expense  of  Mr.  Winthrop's  agency,  and  the  trouble  re- 
specting the  militia,  were  very  considerable. 

Governor  Fletcher  made  the  colony  much  unnecessary  trouble 
and  expense.  Upon  almost  every  rumour  of  danger,  he  would 
send  on  his  expresses  to  Connecticut ;  and  the  governor  and  coun- 
cil, and  sometimes  the  assembly,  were  obliged  to  meet,  and  dis- 
patch troops  to  one  place  and  another.  Often,  by  the  time  they 
had  marched,  orders  would  come  to  recall  them.  By  the  time 
they  were  returned,  some  new  and  groundless  alarm  would  be 
made,  and  pressing  orders  sent  on  for  them  forthwith  to  march 
again.    In  this  manner,  he  almost  wore  out  the  governor  and 

'  The  accounts,  to  the  close  of  the  year  '95,  are  particularly  stated, 
time,  they  do  not  appear  to  be  ascertained. 


After  that 


li 


•  M'l 


336 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


[i6()8 


council  with  meetings,  and  beyond  measure  harassed  the  militia, 
and  occasioned  great  trouble,  and  expense  of  time  and  money, 
both  to  the  soldiers  and  officers.  The  whole  colony  was  so 
troubled  with  his  vexatious  management,  that  the  governor  wrote 
to  Mr.  Winthrop,  while  he  was  in  England,  desiring  him  to  repre- 
sent his  conduct  to  his  majesty,  and  pray  for  relief. 

But  the  clouds  were  now  dissipated.  The  successful  agency  of 
general  Winthrop,  his  safe  return  to  the  arms  of  his  country,  the 
blessings  of  peace,  and  the  appointment  and  arrival  of  the  earl 
of  Bellomont  to  the  government  of  the  neighbouring  provinces, 
united  their  influence  to  diffuse  universal  joy.  The  legislature 
appointed  a  day  of  public  thanksgiving,  and  the  people,  with  glad 
hearts  and  voices,  celebrated  the  beneficence  and  glories  of  their 
COMMON  Benefactor. 


i  t 


CHAPTER  XVII. 


H 


h'l 


»». 


AT  the  election.  May  12th,  1698,  there  was  a  considerable  al- 
teration in  the  legislature.  Major-general  Fitz  John  Winthrop, 
by  his  address,  and  the  success  of  his  agency  in  England,  had  ren- 
dered himself  so  popular,  that  he  was  elected  governor.  The 
former  governor.  Treat,  who  had,  for  many  years,  presided,  and 
who  had  grown  old  in  the  service  of  the  colony,  was  elected  dep- 
uty-governor; William  Jones,  Esq.  who,  for  a  number  of  years, 
had  been  deputy-governor,  was  left  out  of  the  council.^  Mr. 
Joseph  Curtis  was  chosen  magistrate,  to  fill  the  vacancy  made  by 
the  preferment  of  general  Winthrop. 

Until  the  session  in  October,  1698,  the  assembly  consisted  of 
but  one  house,  and  the  magistrates  and  deputies  appear  to  have 
acted  together.  But,  at  this  time,  it  was  enacted,  that  the  General 
Assembly  should  consist  of  two  houses:  That  the  governor,  or, 
in  his  absence,  the  deputy-governor  and  magistrates,  should  com- 
pose the  first,  which  should  be  called  the  upper  house:  That  the 
other  should  consist  of  the  deputies,  regularly  returned  from  the 

>  Deputy-governor  Jones  was  son-in-law  to  governor  Eaton.  He  brought  over  a 
good  estate  from  England,  and  made  a  settlement  at  New-Haven.  He  was,  for  the 
term  of  about  six  and  thirty  years,  either  magistrate  or  deputy-governor  of  the  col- 
ony of  New-Haven  or  Connecticut.  In  1602,  he  was  chosen  magistrate  for  the 
colony  of  New-Haven.  Two  years  after,  he  was  elected  deputy-governor.  Upon 
the  union,  in  1665,  he  was  chosen  one  of  the  magistrates  of  Connecticut,  in  which 
office  he  served  until  July  9th,  1691,  when  the  assembly  elected  him  deputy-gov- 
ernor. In  May,  1692,  he  was  chosen  to  the  same  office  by  the  freemen.  He  was 
annually  re-chosen,  until  May  lath,  1698.  At  that  period  he  was  about  74  years  of 
age,  and  retired  from  public  business.  He  died  October  17th,  1706,  aged  82  years. 
The  General  Assembly  vras  sitting  at  New-Haven,  at  the  time  of  his  decease,  and 
voted,  "  That  in  consideration  of  the  many  good  services,  for  many  years  done  by 
that  honored  and  religious  gentleman,  Mr.  William  Jones,  then  deceased,  a  sum 
should  be  paid  out  of  the  treasury  towards  defraying  the  charges  of  his  funeral." 


1698] 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


337 


several  towns  in  the  colony,  which  should  be  called  the  lower 
house.  This  house  was  authorised  to  choose  a  speaker  to  preside, 
and  when  formed,  to  make  such  officers  and  rules  as  they  should 
judge  necessary  for  their  own  regulation.  It  was  also  enacted, 
that  no  act  should  be  passed  into  a  law  of  this  colony,  nor  any 
law,  already  enacted,  be  repealed,  nor  any  other  act,  proper  to 
this  General  Assembly,  be  passed,  except  by  the  consent  of  both 
houses. 

At  the  general  court,  in  October,  an  act  passed,  regulating  the 
county  court.  It  ordained,  that  it  should  consist  of  one  chief 
judge,  and  two  justices  of  the  quorum. 

On  May  nth,  1699,  the  governor  and  deputy-governor  were  re- 
elected. Richard  Christopher  was  chosen  into  the  magistracy, 
and  captain  Joseph  Whiting,  treasurer. 

At  this  session,  the  lower  house,  for  the  first  time,  formed  sep- 
arately, and  caose  Mr.  John  Chester  speaker,  and  captain  William 
Whiting  clerk.  This  assembly  passed  an  act  exempting  the  clergy 
from  taxation.  Several  acts  were  also  passed,  relative  to  the  set- 
tlement of  new  townships. 

In  June,  1659,  governor  Winthrop  obtained  liberty  oi  the  as- 
sembly, to  purchase  a  large  tract  at  Quinibaug.  Soon  after  he 
made  a  purchase  of  AUups,  alias  Hyemps,  and  Mashaushawit,  the 
native  proprietors,  of  the  lands  comprised  in  the  townships  of 
Plainfield  and  Canterbury,  lying  on  both  sides  of  Quinibaug  river. 
There  were  a  small  number  of  families  on  the  lands,  at  the  time 
of  the  purchase;  but  the  planters  were  few,  until  the  year  1689, 
when  a  number  of  people,  chiefly  from  Massachusetts,  made  a 
purchase  of  the  heirs  of  governor  Winthrop,  and  began  settle- 
ments in  the  northern  part  of  the  tract.  At  their  session,  in  May, 
1699,  the  General  Assembly  vested  the  inlabitants  with  town  priv- 
ileges.  The  next  year,  it  was  named  Plainfield. 

The  legislature,  in  the  October  session,  1698,  enacted,  that  a 
new  plantation  should  be  made  at  Jeremy's  farm.  It  was  deter- 
mined, that  it  should  be  bounded  southerly  on  Lyme,  westerly 
on  Middletown,  and  easterly  on  Norwich  and  Lebanon.  This 
was  most  commonly  termed  the  plantation  at  twenty  mile  river. 
The  settlement  began  about  1701.  In  1703,  the  assembly  gave 
the  planters  a  patent,  confirming  to  them  the  whole  tract.  Some 
of  the  principal  planters,  were  the  Rev.  John  Bulkley,  Samuel 
Gilbert,  Michael  Tainter,  Samuel  Northam,  John  Adams,  Joseph 
Pomeroy,  and  John  Loomis. 

At  the  same  session,  a  plantation  was  granted,  upon  the  peti- 
tion of  the  inhabitants  of  Guilford,  at  a  place  called  Cogingchaug. 
It  was  bounded  northerly  on  Middletown,  easterly  on  Haddam, 
westerly  on  Wallingford,  and  southerly  on  Guilford.  The  peti- 
tioners were  thirty-one,  but  few  of  them  moved  on  to  the  lands. 
For  this  reason,  the  settlement  went  on  very  slowly.    The  two 


Bl '     lii 

i 

1 

f/i. 


'  1 


1 


ii 


338 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


[»7oo 


first  planters,  were  Caleb  Seward  and  David  Robinson,  from 
Guilford.  Some  others  afterward  removed  from  the  same  town, 
and  made  settlements  there.  May  nth,  1704,  it  was  named  Dur- 
ham. But  the  whole  number  of  inhabitants  was  very  small.  In 
1707,  the  number  of  families  was  no  more  than  fifteen.  The  in- 
habitants held  meetings,  and  acted  as  a  town,  but  were  not  in- 
corporated with  town  privileges,  until  May,  1708.  After  this  time, 
the  plantation  increased  rapidly.  There  was  a  great  accession  of 
inhabitants  from  Northampton,  Stratford,  Milford,  and  other 
towns. 

Committees  were  again  appointed,  at  the  session  in  October,  to 
attempt  a  settlement  of  the  boundaries  between  Massachusetts 
and  Connecticut,  and  between  this  colony  and  Rhode-Island. 
However,  like  all  former  ones,  they  were  unsuccessful. 

March  28th,  1700,  his  majesty,  king  William,  in  council,  was 
pleased  to  confirm  the  agreement  made  between  Connecticut  and 
New-York,  in  1683,  respecting  the  boundary  line  between  the  two 
colonies.  New- York  neglected,  however,  to  run  the  line.  Connect- 
icut, therefore,  about  twelve  years  after,  applied  to  governor  Hun- 
ter, to  appoint  commissioners  to  complete  the  running  of  the  line, 
and  mark  it  with  proper  bounds.  He  laid  the  affair  before  the 
legislature  of  New- York:  but,  as  they  would  adopt  no  measures 
for  that  purpose,  and,  as  there  was  no  appearance  that  they  de- 
signed it,  Connecticut  presented  a  petition  to  his  majesty  king 
George  the  first,  praying  that  he  would  issue  his  royal  commands 
to  his  government  of  New- York,  that  they  should  forthwith  ap- 
point commissioners,  in  concert  with  Connecticut,  to  complete 
the  running  of  the  line,  and  the  erecting  of  proper  monuments. 
In  consequence  of  this,  the  legislature  of  New- York,  in  17 19, 
passed  an  act  empowering  their  governor  to  appoint  commission- 
ers to  run  the  line  parallel  to  Hudson's  river,  to  re-survey  the 
former  lines,  and  to  distinguish  the  boundary.  In  May,  1725,  the 
commissioners  and  surveyors  of  the  two  colonies,  met  at  Green- 
wich, and,  having  agreed  upon  the  manner  in  which  the  work 
should  be  accomplished,  the  survey  was  executed,  in  part,  imme- 
diately, and  a  report  of  what  they  had  done,  was  made  to  the 
respective  legislatures  of  Connecticut  and  New- York.  On  the 
14th  of  May,  1731,  a  complete  settlement  was  made.  By  the  par- 
tition line,  finally  established,  Connecticut  ceded  to  New- York 
a  tract  of  60,000  acres,  as  an  equivalent  for  lands  which  New- York 
had  surrendered  to  Connecticut,  lying  upon  the  sound.  This  tract, 
from  its  figure,  has  been  called  the  Oblong. 

In  1700,  the  governor  and  council  were  all  re-elected. 

Many  acts  of  violence,  since  the  last  session  of  the  assembly, 
had  been  committed  against  the  inhabitants  of  Windsor  and  Sims- 
bury,  by  the  people  of  Enfield  and  Suffield.  They  had  made  en- 
croachments two  miles  upon  the  land  of  those  towns,  beyond  all 


I        1,1 


1700] 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


339 


former  instances.  Great  animosities  subsisted  between  those 
towns  on  the  account  of  the  encroachments  and  damages,  which 
the  inhabitants  of  Connecticut  suffered  by  them. 

To  compose  these  difficulties,  if  possible,  the  assembly  appoint- 
ed William  Pitkin,  Esq.  Mr.  John  Chester,  and  Mr.  William  Whit- 
ing, a  committee,  with  plenary  powers,  to  address  the  general 
court  of  Massachusetts,  and  to  represent  to  them  the  readiness 
of  the  legislature  of  Connecticut,  to  join  with  them  in  any  just 
measures,  for  an  amicable  settlement  of  the  boundary  line.  The 
court  of  Massachusetts  appointed  colonel  Hutchinson,  Mr.  Tay- 
lor, Mr.  Anthrum,  and  Mr.  Prout,  a  committee,  but  with  limited 
powers,  to  find  the  southernmost  line  of  Massachusetts,  run  by 
Nathaniel  Woodward  and  Solomon  Saffery.  The  general  court, 
also,  on  the  5th  of  June,  passed  an  act,  in  answer  to  the  proposal 
made  by  Connecticut,  in  which  they  insisted  on  the  line  run  by 
Woodward  and  Saflfery.  These  were  termed  skilful  and  approved 
artists.  The  court  also,  in  their  act,  insisted,  that  all  grants,  made 
by  them  to  the  inhabitants  of  Woodstock,  or  of  any  other  place, 
should  remain  good  and  valid  to  the  grantees,  though  the  places 
should  be  found  south  of  the  line  of  Massachusetts.  To  these 
hard  terms  the  committee  conceded,  upon  the  condition,  that  all 
the  grants  made  by  Connecticut,  to  the  inhabitants  of  Windsor 
anr*  Simsbury,  should  be  acknowledged  as  valid,  and  the  land 
granted  be  reserved  to  the  proprietors.  But  the  court  of  Massa- 
chusetts would  not  concede  even  this.  No  accommodation  could 
therefore  be  effected. 

The  general  court  of  Massachusetts  determined  to  rely  upon, 
and  maintain  the  line  run  by  their  sailors,  in  1642.  They  insisted 
that  it  had  been  the  boundary  between  the  colonies,  for  nearly 
sixty  years:  that  the  colony  of  Connecticut  was  bounded  on  the 
south  line  of  Massachusetts,  which  they  said  was  not  an  imag- 
inary, but  well  known  line.  They  pleaded,  that  Mr.  Winthrop, 
when  he  procured  the  charter,  knew  that  to  be  the  line,  and  that 
no  other  could  be  intended. 

Connecticut,  on  the  other  hand,  maintained,  that  the  south  line 
of  Massachusetts,  according  to  the  express  words  of  their  charter, 
was  a  line  running  due  west  from  a  point,  or  station,  three  miles 
south  of  every  part  of  Charles  river;  and  that  the  station  fixed 
by  Woodward  and  Saff  ery  was  too  far  south.  It  was  also  insisted, 
that,  even  allowing  Woodward's  and  Saflfery's  station  to  be  right, 
a  due  west  line  from  it  would  run  far  north  of  Bissell's  ferry  house 
at  Windsor.  The  committee,  appointed  by  the  court  of  Massa- 
chusetts, reported,  that  the  line  would  run  north  of  Bissell's  house; 
yet  the  court  of  Massachusetts  would  not  run  the  line,  nor  come 
to  any  accommodation;  but  insisted  on  the  line  as  it  had  been 
run  by  them,  in  1642,  and  on  Connecticut's  ceding  their  rights 


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340 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


[1700 


to  all  the  lands  which  they  had  granted,  whether  they  lay  north  ur 
south  of  said  line.^ 

Though  Colchester  held  their  lands  from  the  colony,  which 
claimed  by  virtue  of  Uncas's  deed  in  1640,  major  Mason's  pur- 
chase, in  behalf  of  the  colony,  and  surrender  of  the  lands  in  the 
presence  of  the  general  assembly,  and  by  virtue  of  Joshua's  will ; 
and  though  the  inhabitants  had  deeds  from  Owaneco,  and  the 
Moheagan  sachems,  covering  the  whole  tract,  yet  they  met  with 
great  diiKculties,  in  the  settlement  of  the  town,  from  Owaneco 
and  the  Moheagans,  who  were  made  uneasy,  and  stirred  up  to 
mischief,  by  designing  men.  The  Masons,  Daniel  Clark,  Nicho- 
las Hallam,  major  Palms,  major  Fitch,  and  others,  about  this 
time,  conceived  the  plan  of  obtaining  a  large  tract  of  land,  com- 
prising Colchester,  part  of  Lyme,  and  New- London,  Plainfield. 
Canterbury,  and  Windham,  for  themselves.  They  imagined,  that 
the  surrender  of  major  Mason,  in  the  general  assembly,  was  not 
legal,  and  that  the  circumstances  of  those  early  transactions  were 
so  far  obliterated  from  the  memory  of  the  living,  that  they  should 
be  able  to  recover,  in  law,  all  the  lands  made  over,  by  Uncas, 
to  major  Mason,  acting  as  agent  of  the  colony  in  1659. 

The  legislature,  though  they  viewed  their  title  to  the  lands  in 
the  colony  legal  and  indubitable,  yet  judged  it  expec'ient,  rather 
than  to  have  any  difficulty  with  the  Indians,  to  treat  with  them, 
and  make  them  easy. 

The  governor  and  council  were  appointed  a  committee  for  these 
purposes.  They  were  instructed  to  obtain  a  quit  claim  of  the 
Indians  upon  reasonable  terms,  and  to  advise  the  inhabitants, 
with  respect  to  their  settlements.  Captain  Samuel  Mason,  who 
was  one  of  the  magistrates,  was  particularly  desired  to  use  his 
influence  with  the  Indians  to  promote  the  design,  and  quiet  the 
planters. 

From  the  first  settlement  of  the  colony,  it  had  been  customary 
to  make  grants  of  land  to  officers,  soldiers,  and  others,  who  had 
been  specially  serviceable  to  the  colony.  Grants  had  been  made 
to  major  Mason,  to  his  officers  and  soldiers,  in  the  Pequot  war. 
This  encouraged  the  volunteers,  who  had  performed  such  signal 
feats  in  the  Narraganset  war,  to  make  application  to  the  assembly, 
for  the  grant  of  a  new  township,  as  an  acknowledgment  of  their 
good  services.  Upon  the  petition  of  captain  Thomas  Leffingwell, 
of  Norwich,  and  Mr.  John  Frink,  of  Stonington,  in  behalf  of  them- 
selves and  other  volunteers,  the  general  assembly,  in  October, 
1696,  granted  them  a  township  of  six  miles  square,  to  be  taken 
up  in  the  conquered  lands.  A  committee  having  surveyed  the 
lands  and  made  their  report  to  the  assembly,  four  years  after, 
a  township  was  confirmed  to  the  petitioners,  by  the  name  of  Vol- 
untown.  It  was  bounded  by  a  due  north  line,  from  the  pond  at 
'  Records  of  Connecticut,  acts  and  letters  on  file. 


M 


1701] 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


341 


the  head  of  Pawcatuck  river,  to  Greenwich  path,  thence  west  to 
the  bounds  of  Preston,  thence  bounded  by  Preston  and  Stoning- 
ton  to  Pawcatuck  river,  and  thence  by  the  river  to  the  pond,  the 
first  mentioned  bounds.  Nineteen  years  after,  the  assembly 
granted  an  addition  of  a  considerable  tract  on  the  north  part  of 
the  township. 

In  May,  1701,  governor  Winthrop  and  deputy  governor  Treat 
were  re-chosen.  The  magistrates  were  Andrew  Leet,  James  Fitch, 
Samuel  Mason,  Daniel  Witherel,  Nathaniel  Stanley,  Moses  Mans- 
field, John  Hamlin,  Nathan  Gould,  William  Pitkin,  Joseph  Curtis, 
John  Chester,  and  Josiah  Rossiter,  Esquires.  Joseph  Whiting, 
Esq.  was  re-elected  treasurer,  and  Eleazar  Kimberly,  secretary. 

Ever  since  the  union  of  the  colonies,  the  assembly  had  con- 
vened at  Hartford,  both  in  May  and  October;  but,  at  this  ses- 
sion, an  act  passed,  that  the  assembly,  in  October,  should  be 
holden,  at  the  usual  time,  in  New-Haven.  It  was  also  enacted, 
that  the  cc  art  of  magistrates,  which  had  been  commonly  holden 
at  Hartford,  in  October,  should,  for  the  future,  be  holden  at  New- 
Haven,  on  the  first  Tuesday  of  the  same  month.  A  respectable 
committee  was  appointed  again,  this  year,  to  make  a  settlement 
of  the  boundary  line  with  Rhode-Island,  and  committees  were 
appointed,  from  year  to  year,  for  the  same  purpose,  but  all  at- 
tempts, for  a  long  time,  were  unsuccessful. 

The  election  in  May,  1702,  made  no  alteration  in  the  legislature. 

The  inhabitants  of  Windham  having  agreed  upon  a  division  of 
that  town,  on  the  30th  of  January,  1700,  the  assembly,  at  this 
session,  confirmed  the  agreement,  and  enacted  that  Windham 
should  be  divided  into  two  towns,  and  that  the  town  at  the  north 
end  should  be  called  Mansfield.  The  next  May,  the  assembly 
vested  them  with  distinct  town  privileges.  Patents  were  granted, 
at  the  same  time,  to  both  townships.  The  Indian  name  of  Mans- 
field, was  Nawbesetuck.  Settlements  were  made  here  soon  after 
they  commenced  at  Windham. 

Danbury  had  been  surveyed  for  a  town  in  1693,  soon  after  a 
plantation  was  made  upon  the  lands.  Some  of  the  principal 
planters  were  James  Beebe,  Thomas  Taylor,  Samuel  and  James 
Benedict,  John  Hoit,  and  Josiah  Starr.  The  general  court  at  this 
session,  gave  them  a  patent,  granting  them  a  township  extending 
eight  miles  in  length,  north  and  south,  and  six  miles  in  breadth, 
according  to  the  original  survey. 

In  October,  the  general  assembly  was  holden  at  New-Haven. 

The  colony  having  received  intelligence  of  the  demise  of  king 
William,  and  a  gracious  letter  from  queen  Anne,  voted,  that  a 
letter  should  be  addressed  to  her  majesty,  congratulating  her  upon 
her  happy  accession  to  the  throne  of  her  ancestors,  and  express- 
ing their  thanks  for  the  favorable  notice  she  had  taken  of  the 
colony. 


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The  only  alteration  made,  by  the  election,  in  May,  1703,  was 
the  choice  of  Peter  Burr,  Esq.  into  the  magistracy. 

At  this  assembly,  an  addition  was  made  to  the  town  of  New- 
London  of  all  that  tract,  lying  north  of  the  former  bounds,  in- 
cluded in  a  line  drawn  from  the  northeastern  corner  of  Lyme,  to 
the  southwestern  corner  of  Norwich,  as  it  goes  down  to  trading 
cove.  A  patent  was,  at  the  same  time,  given  to  the  inhabitants, 
confirming  this  and  all  other  parts  of  the  town  to  them  forever. 

At  the  same  session,  it  was  enacted,  that  all  the  townships  in 
this  colony,  to  which  the  assembly  had  given  patents,  should  re- 
main a  full  and  clear  estate,  with  all  the  privileges  and  immunities 
therein  granted,  in  fee  simple  to  the  proprietors,  their  heirs  and 
assigns  forever.  It  was  also  enacted,  that  all  lands  sequestered, 
and  given  to  public  or  private  uses,  should  remain  forever,  for 
the  ends  for  which  they  had  been  given. 

Queen  Anne,  the  emperor  of  Germany,  and  the  States  General, 
in  May,  1702,  declared  war  against  France  and  Spain.  Conse- 
quently the  American  colonies  were  again  involved  in  a  French 
and  Indian  war.  The  legislature,  at  the  session  in  October,  1703, 
found  it  necessary  to  adopt  measures  for  the  safety  of  the  country. 
A  requisition  was  made,  by  governor  Dudley,  and  the  general 
court  of  Massachusetts,  of  a  detachment  of  a  hundred  men,  to 
assist  them  in  the  war  against  the  eastern  Indians.  Soldiers  were 
detached  and  sent  forth  for  the  defence  of  the  western  towns  in 
Connecticut.  A  committee  of  war  was  appointed  to  send  troops 
into  the  county  of  Hampshire,  in  Massachusetts,  and  to  the  fron- 
tier towns  in  this  colony,  as  emergencies  should  require. 

At  this  assembly,  it  was  enacted,  that  the  town  of  Plainfield 
should  be  divided,  and  that  the  inhabitants  on  the  west  ^de  of  the 
river  should  be  a  distinct  town,  by  the  name  of  Canterbury.  It 
seems,  that  the  settlement  of  this  tract  commenced  about  the  year 
1690.  The  principal  settlers,  from  Connecticut,  were  major  James 
Fitch  and  Mr.  Solomon  Tracy,  from  Norwich,  Mr.  Tixhall  Ells- 
worth and  Mr.  Samuel  Ashley,  from  Hartford;  but  much  the 
greatest  number  was  from  Newtown,  Woburn,  Dorchester,  Barn- 
stable, and  Medfield,  in  Massachusetts.  Among  these  were  John, 
Richard,  and  Joseph  Woodward,  William,  Obadiah,  and  Joseph 
Johnson,  Josiah  and  Samuel  Cleaveland,  Elisha  Paine,  Paul  Dav- 
enport, and  Henry  Adams. 

On  the  15th  of  March,  1704,  a  special  assembly  was  convened 
to  provide  for  the  common  safety.  To  prevent  mischief  from  the 
friendly  Indians,  and  preserve  them  from  being  corrupted  and 
drawn  away  by  the  enemy,  both  the  civil  and  military  officers,  in 
the  respective  towns,  were  directed  to  take  special  care  of  them ; 
to  keep  them  within  their  own  limits,  and  not  to  suffer  them,  upon 
their  peril,  to  remove  from  the  places  which  should  be  assigned 
them,  nor  to  hold  any  correspondence  with  the  enemy,  or  any 


«7«47 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


343 


foreign  Indians,  nor  by  any  meant  to  harbor  them.  A  premium 
of  ten  pounds  was  proposed,  as  an  encouragement  to  every  friend- 
ly Indian,  who  should  bring  in  and  deliver  up  one  who  was  an 
enemy. 

Orders  were  given,  requiring  every  particular  town,  in  the 
colony,  to  convene  and  determine  upon  the  manner  of  fortifying 
and  defending  themselves.  In  case  of  any  sudden  attack  or  in- 
vasion, the  commissioned  officers,  in  the  several  towns,  were  au- 
thorised to  detach  and  send  forth  any  number  of  soldiers,  not 
exceeding  half  the  militia,  to  repel  and  pursue  the  enemy.  It  wai 
resolved,  that  a  grand  scout  should  be  employed  by  the  committee 
of  war,  upon  the  frontiers,  for  the  discovery  and  annoyance  of  the 
enemy.  Until  this  could  be  sent  forth,  it  was  determined,  that 
small  scouts,  from  the  frontier  towns,  should  be  constantly  kept 
out,  to  discover  and  give  notice  of  the  motions  of  the  enemy. 
It  was  ordered,  that  the  hundred  men,  solicited  by  the  Massa- 
chusetts, should  be  raised  forthwith,  to  act  against  the  eastern 
Indians,  and  that  governor  Dudley  should  be  requested  to  call 
them  out  immediately.  A  detachment  of  sixty  men  was  ordered 
for  the  public  service,  principally  with  a  view  to  the  defence  of 
the  county  of  Hampshire.  These  were  to  be  under  the  command 
of  the  committee  of  war  in  Connecticut,  and  the  commanding  offi- 
cer in  that  county. 

At  the  court  of  election,  May,  1704,  the  former  governors  and 
magistrates  were  re-chosen.  John  Allen,  Esq.  was  chosen  mag- 
istrate, to  fill  the  vacancy  made  by  the  death  of  Moses  Mans- 
field, Esq. 

C(Hnmittees  were  appointed  in  the  several  counties  to  meet  to- 
gether, to  consult  and  determine  upon  the  best  measures  for  the 
general  defence  and  safety. 

As  the  deserting  or  giving  up  of  any  place,  would  encourage 
the  enemy,  disserve  her  majesty's  interefts,  and  the  welfare  of 
the  colony,  it  was  enacted,  that  if  any  persons  or  families,  in  any 
of  the  frontier  towns,  should  desert  their  habitations  or  places 
of  residence,  without  leave  from  the  assembly,  they  should  forfeit 
their  freehold  of  lands  and  tenements  in  that  place.  It  was  fur- 
ther enacted,  that  if  any  male  person,  of  the  age  of  sixteen  years, 
should  so  remove  from  any  frontier  town,  he  should  pay  a  fine 
of  ten  pounds,  and  that  the  fine  should  be  applied  to  the  defence 
of  the  town  from  which  he  had  removed. 

Good  policy  required,  that  as  great  a  number  of  the  friendly 
Indians  as  possible,  should  be  employed  in  the  public  service. 
Gentlemen  were,  therefore,  appointed  to  enlist  them  as  volunteers. 
Good  encouragements  were  given  for  this  purpose.  Indians  were 
the  best  troops  to  scout  and  range  the  woods ;  and  in  proportion 
as  they  offered  themselves,  Englishmen,  whose  labours  were 
much  more  useful,  were  kept  at  home. 


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344 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


tt704 


Besides  the  hundred  men  dispatched  to  the  eastward,  four  hun- 
dred were  raised  for  the  defence  of  this  colony,  and  of  the  county 
of  Hampshire.  They  were  required  to  be  always  ready.  That 
they  might  be  completely  ready,  both  in  summer  and  winter,  to 
march  immediately,  upon  any  emergency,  it  was  ordered,  that 
they  should  be  furnished  with  snow  shoes,  that  they  might  travel 
and  run  upon  the  snow.  A  number  of  men  in  every  town  were 
obliged  to  prepare  themselves  in  this  manner.^ 

For  the  maintenance  of  good  morals,  the  suppression  of  vicious 
and  disorderly  practices,  and  the  preservation  of  the  common 
peace,  the  assembly  ordered,  that  a  sober,  religious  man,  be  ap- 
pointed by  the  county  court,  in  each  of  the  counties,  to  be  an 
attorney  for  her  majesty,  to  prosecute  all  criminal  offenders. 

The  colony,  at  this  time,  was  in  the  most  critical  situation.  It 
was  not  only  in  danger,  and  put  to  g^eat  expense,  by  reason  of 
the  war,  to  defend  itself,  but  to  still  greater,  to  defend  the  neigh- 
bouring colonies  of  Massachusetts  and  New- York.  It  was  con- 
tinually harassed  by  the  demands  of  Joseph  Dudley,  Esq.  gov- 
ernor of  Massachusetts,  and  of  lord  Cornbury,  governc  of  New- 
York  and  the  Jerseys,  for  men  and  money,  as  they  pretended  for 
the  defence  of  their  respective  governments. 

At  the  same  time,  the  colony  had  a  number  of  powerful  enemies, 
who,  by  misrepresentation  and  every  other  artifice  in  their  power, 
were  seeking  to  deprive  them  both  of  their  lands  and  all  their 
chartered  rights  and  privileges.  Governor  Dudley,  lord  Corn- 
bury,  and  their  instruments,  combined  together  to  despoil  the 
colony  of  its  charter,  and  subject  it  entirely  to  their  government. 
It  appears,  from  the  letters  and  acts  on  file,  that  Dudley  wished 
to  unite  all  New-England  under  his  own  government.  At  the 
same  time,  it  seems,  he  flattered  lord  Cornbury,  that,  if  they  could 
effect  the  re-union  of  all  the  charter  governments  to  the  crown, 
he  should  not  only  have  the  government  of  the  southern  colonies, 
but  of  Connecticut.  Dudley  was  a  man  of  gfreat  intrigue  and 
duplicity,  well  versed  in  court  affairs,  and  had  powerful  connec- 
tions in  England.  He  had  been  connected  with  Sir  Edmund  An- 
dross  in  the  government  of  New-England,  and  was  an  enemy  to 
all  the  chartered  rights  of  the  colonies.  While  he  was  soliciting 
the  government  of  Massachusetts,  he  had  a  view  to  the  govern- 
ment of  all  New- England.  As  he  had  conceived  this  plan  as  early 
as  the  latter  part  of  the  reign  of  king  William,  he  opposed  what- 
ever he  suspected  would  operate  against  it,  and  prevent  the  sus- 
pension of  all  government  by  charter.  When  he  found,  therefore, 
that  Sir  Henry  Ashurst  was  appointed  agent  for  Connecticut, 
about  the  beginning  of  the  present  century,  he  opposed  his  under- 
taking the  agency  with  all  his  influence,  because  he  knew  his 
friendship  to  the  colonies,  and  that  he  was  a  powerful  man.    He 

'  Records  of  the  colony. 


m 


1704] 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


ms 


united  all  his  influence  with  the  court  party,  and  the  enemies  to 
the  liberties  of  the  colonies,  to  vacate  all  the  charters  in  America. 
He  so  far  succeeded,  that,  in  the  latter  part  of  the  reign  of  king 
William,  a  bill  was  prepared  for  re-uniting  all  the  charter  gov- 
ernments to  the  crown.  Early  in  the  reign  of  queen  Anne,  it  was 
brought  into  parliament.  It  imported,  that  the  charters  given  to 
the  several  colonies  in  New-England,  to  East  and  West  New- 
Jeniey,  Pennsylvania,  Maryland,  Carolina,  the  Bahama  and  Lucay 
islands,  were  prejudicial  and  repugnant  to  the  trade  of  the  king- 
dom, and  the  welfare  of  his  majesty's  subjects  in  the  other  planta- 
tions, and  to  his  majesty's  revenue  arising  from  the  customs.  It 
also  further  alleged,  that  irregularities,  piracies,  and  unlawful 
trade,  were  countenanced  and  encouraged  by  the  authority  in  the 
chartered  colonies.  It  therefore  enacted,  "  That  all  and  singular, 
the  clauses,  matters,  and  things,  conta'ned  in  any  charters,  or 
letters  patents,  granted  by  the  great  seal  of  England,  by  any  of 
his  royal  predecessors,  by  his  present  majesty,  or  the  late  queen, 
to  any  of  the  said  plantations,  or  to  any  persons  in  them,  should 
be  utterly  void,  and  of  none  effect.  It  further  enacted,  that  all 
such  power,  authority,  privileges,  and  jurisdictions,  should  be,  and 
were  re-united,  annexed  to,  and  vested  in  his  majesty,  his  heirs 
and  successors,  in  right  of  the  crown  of  England,  to  all  intents 
and  purposes,  as  though  no  such  charters  or  letters  patent  had 
been  had  or  made."  ^ 

Sir  Henry  Ashurst,  viewing  the  act  as  unjust,  and  subversive 
of  the  civil  and  religious  rights  of  the  colony,  preferred  a  petition 
to  the  lords  spiritual  and  temporal  in  parliament  assembled,  rep- 
resenting that  said  bill  would  do  great  injustice  to  the  inhabitants 
of  Connecticut:  That  it  would  make  void  the  charter  granted 
to  the  colony  by  king  Charles  the  second :  That  the  government 
was,  by  said  charter,  grantea  to  them,  and  was  so  interwoven  with 
their  property,  that  it  could  not  be  taken  away,  without  exposing 
them  to  the  utmost  confusion,  if  not  to  utter  ruin:  That  the 
inhabitants  had  never  been  accused  of  mal-administration,  pirati- 
cal or  unlawful  trade ;  and  that  their  case  was  different  from  his 
majesty's  other  plantations  in  America.  He,  therefore,  humbly 
prayed  to  be  heard,  by  his  council,  at  the  bar  of  the  house,  in  their 
behalf.*  In  consequence  of  this,  it  was  granted.  May  3d,  1701, 
that  the  petitioner  should  be  heard  against  the  bill. 

Sir  Henry  was  a  faithful  man,  had  honourable  connections,  and 
!iis  influence  at  court  was  very  considerable.  He  raised  all  the 
opposition  to  the  passing  of  the  bill  in  his  power.  Representa- 
tions were  made,  not  only  of  the  ample  rights  and  privileges 
granted  to  Connecticut,  by  charter,  but  that  they  were  granted 
for  important  considerations,  and  particular  services  performed: 
That  the  inhabitants,  at  great  expense  and  danger,  had  purchased, 
'  Copy  of  the  bill  on  file.  ''  Petition  on  file. 


I        '^i 


1 

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4 


346 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


(1704 


subdued,  and  planted  an  extensive  country;  had  defended  it 
against  the  Dutch,  French,  and  other  enemies  of  the  nation;  had 
enlarged  his  majesty's  dominions,  and  increased  commerce:  That 
the  charter  not  only  gave  the  inhabitants  powers  of  government, 
but  secured  the  title  of  their  lands  and  tenements;  and  that,  in 
these  views,  the  passing  of  the  bill  would  be  an  act  of  great  in- 
justice; would  be  ruinous  to  the  colony,  and  prejudicial  to  the 
general  interest.  It  was  insisted,  that  it  would  be  still  more  arbi- 
trary and  unjust,  as  the  colony  had  not  been  even  accused  of  mal- 
administration, piratical  or  illegal  practices,  or  so  much  as  heard 
on  the  subject.  It  was  pleaded,  that  the  colony  had  ever  been 
loyal  and  obedient,  and  if  any  irregularities,  or  inadvertences 
should  finally  be  found  in  the  government,  it  would,  on  the  first 
notice  of  it,  undoubtedly  be  reformed.  At  the  same  time,  the 
taking  away  of  so  many  charters,  was,  at  once,  calculated  to  de- 
stroy all  confidence  in  the  crown,  in  royal  patents  and  promises ; 
to  discourage  all  further  enterprise,  in  settling  and  defending  the 
country;  to  create  universal  discontent  and  disaffection  in  the 
colonies;  and  to  produce  effects  much  more  prejudicial  to  the 
nation,  than  any  of  those  which  were  then  matter  of  complaint. 
It  would,  also,  afford  a  precedent  most  alarming  to  all  the  char- 
tered corporations  in  England.  These  various  considerations  op- 
erated so  powerfully  against  the  bill,  that  it  could  not  be  carried 
through  the  houses. 

Governor  Dudley  and  lord  Cornbury,  however,  were  not  dis- 
couraged. They  determined  to  make  a  more  open  and  powerful 
opposition  to  the  charter  rights  of  Connecticut.  And  they  deter- 
mined, as  much  had  been  made  of  this  argument,  that  Connecti- 
cut had  never  been  accused  of  mal-administration,  piracy,  or  any 
illegal  trade,  to  remove  it  out  of  the  way,  by  a  direct  impeachment 
of  the  colony  of  high  misdemeanors.  They  were  both  powerful 
enemies.  Governor  Dudley  was  not  only  a  man  of  great  intrigue, 
but  had  a  party  at  court,  who  were  men  of  art  and  influence. 
Lord  Cornbury  was  neai'ly  related  to  her  majesty,  queen  Anne, 
and  had  many  noble  connections,  whose  weight  with  her  royal 
person  and  the  com  '  ''s  not  inconsiderable.  Exclusive  of  these, 
the  colony  had  ene^iies  among  themselves.  Nicholas  Hallam, 
major  Palms,  captain  Mason,  Daniel  Clark,  and  others,  had  either 
appealed  to  England  against  the  colony,  or  were  scheming  to 
possess  themselves  of  large  tracts  of  land,  and,  for  that  purpose, 
were  encouraging  the  Moheagan  controversy.  Hallam  had  ap- 
pealed to  England  against  the  colony,  and  lost  his  case.  The  king, 
in  council,  had  established  the  judgment  given  against  him  in  the 
courts  of  Connecticut.  Major  Palms,  who  had  married  the  daugh- 
ter of  John  Winthrop,  Esq.  the  first  governor  of  Connecticut, 
under  the  charter,  had  imagined  himself  injured  by  the  adminis- 
trators on  the  governor's  estate,  and  had  brought  an  action  against 


1704] 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


947 


them.  Losing  his  case  before  the  courts  in  this  colony,  he  had 
appealed  to  England.  He  was  particularly  irritated  against  the 
colony,  and  against  his  brother  in  law,  Fitz  John  Winthrop,  Esq. 
then  governor  of  the  colony.  These  malcontents  all  united  their 
influence,  by  the  grossest  misrepresentations,  and  all  other  means 
in  their  power,  to  injure  the  colony  in  its  most  essential  interests. 

Lord  Cornbury  was  poor,  and  not  unwilling,  by  any  means,  to 
get  money.  He  had  made  a  demand  of  four  hundred  and  fifty 
pounds  upon  the  colony,  for  the  defence  of  New- York.  Connecti- 
cut judged,  that  it  was  not  their  duty  to  comply  with  his  demand, 
as  their  expenses  already  were  as  great  as  the  colony  was  able 
to  bear. 

Dudley  and  Cornbury,  therefore,  proceeded  to  draw  up  articles 
of  complaint  against  the  colony.  Dudley  employed  one  Bulkley 
to  write  against  the  government.  He  drew  up  a  large  folio  book, 
which  he  termed  the  Doom  or  Miseries  of  Connecticut.  In  this, 
he  not  only  exceedingly  misrepresented  and  criminated  the  col- 
only,  but  expatiated  on  the  advantages  of  a  general  governor  of 
New-England,  and  highly  recommended  the  government  of  .Sir 
Edmund  Andross.^ 

Among  other  complaints,  the  principal  articles  particularly 
charged,  were,  summarily,  these:  That  the  governor  did  not  ob- 
serve the  acts  of  trade  and  navigation,  but  encouraged  illegal 
commerce  and  piracy:  That  the  colony  was  a  receptacle  of  pi- 
rates, encouraged  and  harboured  by  the  government:  That  the 
government  harboured  and  protected  soldiers,  seamen,  servants, 
and  rnalefactors,  who  made  their  escape  from  other  parts,  and 
would  not  deliver  them  up,  when  demanded.  It  was,  also,  charged 
against  the  colony,  that  it  harboured  great  numbers  of  young 
men,  from  Massachusetts  and  New- York,  where  they  were 
obliged  to  pay  taxes  for  the  expenses  of  the  war,  and  induced 
them  to  settle  there,  principally,  because  it  imposed  no  taxes  for 
that  purpose:  That  the  colony  would  not  furnish  their  quota  for 
the  fortification  of  Albany  and  New- York,  and  the  assistance  of 
Massachusetts  Bay,  against  the  French  and  Indians:  And  that, 
if  any  of  her  majesty's  subjects,  of  the  other  colonies,  sued  for 
debt,  in  any  of  the  courts  of  the  colony,  no  justice  could  be  done 
them,  if  the  debt  were  against  any  of  its  inhabitants.  It  was  also 
charged,  that  Connecticut,  under  the  colour  of  their  charter,  made 
capital  laws;  tried  murders,  robberies,  and  other  crimes,  and 
punished  with  death  and  banishment;  and  that  their  co'irts  of 
judicature  were  arbitrary  and  unjust:  That  the  legislature  would 
not  suffer  the  laws  of  England  to  be  pleaded  in  their  courts,  unless 
it  were  to  serve  a  turn  for  themselves:  That  they  had  refused  to 
grant  appeals  to  her  majesty,  in  council,  and  had  given  great 
vexation  to  those  who  had  demanded  them:  That  the  govern- 
'  Letter  of  Sir  Henry  Ashurst,  on  file. 


I 


'^p^' 

k!'' 


pi 


^, 


348 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


1 1 704 


ment  had  refttsed  to  submit  to  her  majesty,  and  to  his  royal  high- 
nesses commission  of  vice  admiralty,  and  for  commanding  its 
militia;  and  had  defeated  the  powers  which  had  been  given  to 
the  governors  of  her  majesty's  neighbouring  colonies,  for  that 
purpose.  Finally,  it  was  charged,  that  the  legislature  had  made 
a  law,  that  christians,  who  were  not  of  their  communion,  should 
not  meet  to  worship  ""od,  without  license  from  their  assembly, 
which  law  extended  even  to  the  church  of  England,  as  well  as  to 
christians  of  other  denominations  tolerated  in  England. 

While  governor  Dudley  was  thus  attempting  the  ruin  of  the 
colony,  in  the  court  of  England,  he  kept  up  the  appearance  of 
the  most  entire  friendship  towards  it,  in  this  country;  and  in  a 
letter,  of  about  the  same  date  with  his  complaints,  thanked  the 
legislature  for  the  great  supplies  which  they  had  given  him  and 
the  colony. 

The  general  assembly  had  a  "nted  the  most  respectable  com- 
mittees, and  taken  g^eat  pain&  io>  compromise  all  difficulties  with 
Owaneco  and  the  Moheagans;  and  though  they  had  made  re- 
peated purchases  and  obtained  ample  deeds  of  their  lands,  yet, 
rather  than  have  any  uneasiness  among  the  Indians,  they  offered 
Owaneco  such  a  sum  of  money,  to  make  him  easy,  as  was  entirely 
satisfactory  to  him;  bat  Mason  and  the  other  malcontents,  who 
wished  to  possess  the  Indian  lands,  would  not  suffer  him  to  ac- 
cept it,  and  frustrated  all  attempts  for  an  accommodation. 

While  Mason  and  other  enemies  were  practising  their  arts,  in 
Cormecticut,  Hallam,  assisted  by  Dudley  and  his  party,  with 
other  malcontents,  on  both  sides  of  the  water,  was  making  gfriev- 
ous  complaints,  in  England,  of  the  injustice  and  cruelty  of  the 
colony  towards  Owaneco,  in  driving  him  from  his  lands,  and  de- 
priving the  Moheagans  even  of  their  planting  grounds.  It  was 
pretended,  that,  in  the  late  grant  and  patent  to  the  town  of  New- 
London,  the  legislature  had  conveyed  away  all  his  lands  in  that 
quarter,  whereas  particular  care  was  taken,  both  in  the  grant  and 
patent,  to  secure  all  the  property  and  privileges  of  the  Moheagans. 
The  assembly  had  taken  the  most  faithful  and  tender  care  of  them, 
from  the  first  settlement  of  the  colony  to  that  time.  According  to 
their  agreement  with  major  Mason,  then  deputy  governor  of  the 
colony,  when  he  resigned  the  Moheagan  land  to  the  assembly, 
they  granted  him  a  farm  of  five  hundred  acres,  and  it  was  laid 
out  to  him  at  a  place  called,  by  the  Indians,  Pomakuk.  They  had 
also  reserved  a  fine  tract  of  land,  of  between  four  and  five  thousand 
acres,  to  the  Moheagans  to  plant  on,  which  was  much  more  than 
sufficient  for  that  purpose.  But  the  representations,  which  these 
evil  minded  men  were  constantly  making  to  Owaneco  and  his 
people,  at  some  times,  made  them  uneasy,  and  some  of  them 
probably  imagined,  that  they  were  really  injured.  At  the  same 
time,  the  affair  ^yas  so  represented  in  England,  as  made  impres- 
sions on  the  minds  of  many  very  unfavorable  to  the  colony. 


I7043 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


349 


In  this  situation  of  affairs,  Hallam,  assisted  by  the  malcontents 
in  England  and  America,  preferred  a  complaint  and  petition  to 
her  majesty,  queeri  Anne,  representing,  that  the  sachems  of  the 
Moheagan  tribe  of  Indians  were  the  original  and  chief  proprie- 
tors of  all  the  lands  in  the  colony:  That  they  were  a  great  people, 
and  had  received  and  treated  the  first  planters  in  a  peaceable  and 
friendly  manner:  That,  for  an  inconsiderable  value,  they  had 
granted  their  lands  to  them,  reserving  to  themselves  a  small  parcel 
only  for  planting  ground;  and  that  the  general  assembly  of  Con- 
necticut had  passed  an  act  by  which  they  had  taken  that  from 
them,  which,  until  that  time,  they  had  always  enjoyed.  For  these 
reasons,  it  was  prayed,  that  her  majesty  would  appoint  commis- 
sioners to  examine  into  all  these  matters,  and  into  all  the  other 
injuries  and  violences  which  had  been  done  to  the  Moheagans, 
and  to  determine  respecting  them  according  to  equity. 

Her  majesty,  imposed  upon  and  deceived  by  these  representa- 
tions, and  not  waiting  to  give  the  colony  an  opportunity  to  be 
heard,  on  the  19th  of  July,  1704,  granted  a  commission  to  Joseph 
Dudley,  Esq.  the  great  enemy  of  the  colony,  Thomas  Povey,  Esq. 
lieutenant  governor  of  Massachusetts,  major  Edward  Palms,  and 
others,  to  the  number  of  twelve,  authorizing  them  to  hear  and 
determine  the  whole  affair,  reserving  liberty  to  either  to  appeal 
to  her  majesty  in  council. 

At  the  session  in  May,  a  respectable  committee  was  appointed, 
with  ample  powers,  to  examine  into  all  the  complaints  of  Owaneco 
and  the  Moheagan  Indians,  and  to  report  to  the  assembly  in  Oc- 
tober. The  committee  appointed  time  and  place,  and  attempted 
to  accomplish  the  business,  for  which  they  had  been  appointed; 
but  captain  Mason,  whom  Owaneco  had  chosen  for  his  guardian, 
had  art  enough  to  frustrate  the  design.  He  made  a  journey  to 
Boston,  at  the  very  time,  and  Owaneco  would  do  nothing  without 
him.  In  the  mean  time,  the  commission  was  granted  by  the 
queen,  and  the  colony  were  unhappily  drawn  into  a  long  and 
expensive  controversy. 

The  Masons  claimed  the  lands  purchased  by  their  ancestor, 
deputy  governor  John  Mason,  by  virtue  of  a  deed  given  to  him 
by  Uncas,  in  1659,  while  he  acted  as  agent  of  the  colony,  and 
denied  the  legality  of  the  surrender  which  he  had  made  of  them, 
in  the  general  assembly,  the  next  year.  They  insisted,  that  it 
respected  nothing  more  than  the  jurisdiction  right,  and  that  the 
title  to  the  soil  was  vested  in  their  family,  as  guardians  or  over- 
seers of  the  Indians.  While  they  pretended  great  concern  for  the 
Indians,  their  sole  object  was  to  hold  all  those  lands,  included 
in  said  deed,  for  themselves  and  others,  who  had  united  with  them 
in  prosecution  of  the  aft'air  against  the  colony. 

Sir  Henry  Ashurst,  wishing  to  preserve  the  important  privileges 
of  the  colony,  had  taken  pains  to  postpone  the  hearing  of  the 


'-I 


3SQ 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


[1705 


■iy;]! 


1 


t  i 


•:  I 


complaints  against  it,  as  far  as  possible,  that  the  governor  and 
company  might  have  intelligence  concerning  them,  and  send  their 
answer;  but,  on  the  12th  of  February,  1705,  the  hearing  came 
on,  before  her  majesty  in  council.  Governor  Dudley  and  Lord 
Cornbury  had  spared  no  pains  to  carry  their  point  before  her 
majesty.  Dudley  had  been  careful  to  procure  and  lay  before  her 
an  opinion  of  the  attorney  general,  in  king  William's  reign,  "  that 
he  might  send  a  governor  to  Connecticut."  Further,  to  prepare 
the  way  for  the  decision  which  he  wished,  he  procured  another 
opinion  of  the  attorney  and  solicitor  general,  respecting  the  case 
of  Connecticut,  as  it  then  appeared,  "  that  if  it  were  as  governor 
Dudley  had  represented,  there  was  a  defect  in  the  government: 
That  the  colony  was  not  able  to  defend  itself,  and  in  imminent 
danger  of  being  possessed  by  the  queen's  enemies :  And  that,  in 
such  case,  the  queen  might  send  a  governor,  for  civil  and  military 
government ;  but  not  to  alter  the  laws  and  customs." 

Her  majesty  had  directed  Sir  Henry  to  appear  and  show  rea- 
sons, if  any  he  had,  why  she  should  not  appoint  a  governor  over 
the  colony.  He  considered  every  thing  dear  to  it  at  stake,  and 
therefore  made  exertions  in  some  measure  proportionate  to  the 
magnitude  of  the  cause.  Lord  Paget,  a  man  of  great  influence, 
was  his  brother  by  marriage,  and  he  was  related  to,  or  intimately 
connected  with  other  principal  characters  at  court.  He  made  all 
the  interest,  and  obtained  all  the  influence  which  he  possibly 
could,  either  by  himself  or  his  connections,  in  favor  of  the  colony. 
He  obtained  two  of  the  best  counsel  in  England ;  both  parliament 
men,  possessing  an  estate  of  a  thousand  pounds  a  year.  He  stood 
firm  against  all  the  charges  of  Dudley,  lord  Cornbury,  Congreve, 
and  others,  against  the  colony,  and  by  his  counsel,  for  an  hour 
and  an  half,  defended  it  against  all  the  art  and  intrigue  of  its  ad- 
versaries, and  all  the  law  learning  and  eloquence  of  the  attorney 
and  solicitor  general.^ 

As  Connecticut  was  entirely  ignorant  of  the  charges  brought 
against  it,  and  no  information  or  eviilence  could  be  thence  ob- 
tained, Sir  Henry  and  his  counsel  were  necessitated  to  employ 
such  means  as  were  in  their  power.  They  amply  stated  the  rights 
and  privileges  granted  by  the  royul  oliafter,  the  territory  it  con- 
veyed, aid  tl:e  powers  with  which  it  vested  the  governor  and 
companv  They  showed,  that  these  patents  were  confirmed  by  a 
non  obsiaite,  and  alwaw  ;v>  be  construed  in  the  most  favorable 
light  for  the  grantees.  It  was  demonstrated,  that  the  legislature 
were  vested  with  ample  powers  to  make  laws,  criminal  and  cap- 
ital, as  wcl!  as  civil;  to  inflict  banishment,  death,  and  all  other 
capital  punishments,  in  all  capital  cases,  no  less  than  in  others. 
It  was  also  represented,  *hat  the  governors,  or  commanders  in 
chief,  were,  by  charter,  vested  with  plenary  powers  to  assemble 

'  Letter  of  Sir  Henry  Asliurst,  February  15th,  1705,  on  file. 


1705] 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


351 


in  martial  array,  and  put  in  warlike  posture  the  inhabitants  of 
the  colony,  for  their  defence,  and  to  commission  others,  for  the 
like  purposes.  It  was  also  clearly  shown,  that,  by  charter,  they 
had  the  same  right  to  fish,  trade,  and  do  all  other  business,  and 
enjoy  all  other  privileges,  by  land  and  sea,  which  any  other  of 
her  majesty's  subjects  had  a  right  to  do,  or  enjoy.  It  was  there- 
fore, urged,  that  all  those  matters,  charged  against  the  colony, 
respecting  their  making  capital  laws,  and  inflicting  capital  pun- 
ishments, whether  death  or  banishment,  were  no  crimes;  but 
things  which  the  legislature  not  only  had  a  right,  but  were  bound 
in  faithfulness  to  do,  as  circumstances  might  require.  For  the 
same  reason,  it  was  also  insisted,  that  the  colonies  claiming  a 
right  to  command  their  own  militia,  and  defeating  the  designs 
of  the  governors  of  the  other  colonies,  who  wished  to  command 
it,  were  no  crimes.  It  was  insisted,  that  doing  them  was  no  more 
than  defending  themselves  in  the  enjoyment  of  their  legal  rights. 

With  respect  to  the  irregularity  and  injustice  of  the  courts  in 
Connecticut,  it  was  observed,  that  general  charges  deserved  no 
reply.  That  it  did  not  appear,  that  what  was  charged  was  any 
thing  more  than  mere  hearsay  and  clamor.  But  it  was  pleaded, 
that,  on  the  contrary,  they  had  substantial  evidence  of  the  justice 
of  the  courts  in  Connecticut,  That  several  appeals  had  been 
made,  to  her  majesty,  from  the  judgment  of  those  courts:  That 
these  had  been  diflferent  cases,  and  in  every  instance,  the  judg- 
ments given  by  the  courts  in  Connecticut,  had  been  approved  by 
her  ma.  jsty,  and  the  lords  committee  of  council.  This,  it  was 
said,  was  a  notable  evidence  of  their  justice;  and  that,  so  far  as 
appeared,  there  had  been  no  injustice  or  irregularity  in  any  one 
court  in  the  colony. 

With  respect  to  governor  Dudley's  complaint,  that  Connecticut 
did  not  furnish  the  men  which  he  demanded,  and  that  of  lord 
Cornbury,  that  it  did  not  comply  with  his  demands  for  money, 
it  was  answered,  that  it  did  not  appear,  from  the  charter,  that 
the  colony  was  obliged  to  comply  with  those  requisitions:  That 
the  governors  of  other  colonies  had  no  right  to  command  the 
legislature  and  people  of  Connecticut :  and  that  they  were  under 
no  obligations  to  obey  them,  any  further  than  it  should  be  re- 
quired by  her  majesty.  It  was  further  observed,  with  respect 
to  the  money,  that  it  appeared  from  his  lordship's  letter,  that 
the  general  assembly  of  Connecticut  had  taken  the  requisition 
into  their  consideration,  and  had  determined  to  know  her  maj- 
esty's pleasure,  before  they  gave  away  their  money.  It  was  af- 
firmed, that  there  was  nothing  disloyal  in  such  a  determination: 
That  the  colony  had  a  right  to  grant,  or  not  to  grant  their  money, 
as  they  judged  it  expedient  or  not:  That  they  had  a  right  to 
know  the  parpose  for  which  they  granted  it;  and  that  their  re- 


;i    ! 


■f      r 


SSa 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


t»705 


I* 


^., 


{erring  it  to  her  majesty's  pleasure,  was  an  implication  of  their 
obedience  to  it,  whenever  it  should  be  known. 

With  reference  to  Connecticut's  harboring  deserters,  malefac- 
tors, pirates,  and  the  like,  it  was  observed,  that  it  was  a  general 
charge  of  little  weight,  and  deserved  no  answer.  It  was  af- 
firmed to  be  a  common  thing,  even  in  England,  for  soldiers  and 
others  to  go  from  one  country  into  another,  and  not  to  be  found ; 
yet  it  might  not  be  any  crime  or  fault  of  the  country  where  they 
secreted  themselves.  As  to  captain  Matthews  finding  two  sol- 
diers at  Stamford,  and  sending  for  major  Silleck  to  secure  them, 
it  did  not  appear  that  there  was  the  least  fault  in  the  major.  It 
was  evident,  from  his  lordship's  letter,  that  he  went  to  Stamford, 
that  the  soldiers  were  brought,  and  that,  while  the  major  and 
Matthews  were  conversing  together,  in  a  private  room,  they  made 
their  escape.  It  was  said,  it  might  be  more  the  fault  of  Matthews 
than  of  Silleck;  for  it  did  not  appear  that  Matthews  was  kept 
there  by  any  force  or  constraint,  but  was  examining  into  the 
affair,  or  talking  generally  upon  the  subject 

With  relation  to  the  complaint  of  lord  Cornbur>',  in  his  letter 
of  June,  1703,  "  that  he  labored  under  great  misfortunes,  in  rela- 
tion to  the  neighboring  provinces:  That  the  coast  of  Connecticut 
is  opposite  to  two  thirds  of  Long-Island;  by  which  means  they 
filled  all  that  part  of  the  island  with  European  goods,  cheaper 
than  their  merchants  could,  because  they  paid  duties,  and  those 
of  Connecticut  paid  none;  nor  would  they  be  subject  to  the  acts 
of  navigation;  by  which  means  there  had  been  no  trade  be- 
tween the  city  of  New- York  and  the  east  end  of  Long-Island, 
from  whence  the  greatest  part  of  the  whale  oil  came ;  and  that  it 
was  difficult  to  persuade  those  people  that  they  belonged  to  that 
province,"  it  was  replied,  that  there  appeared  to  be  no  fault  in 
Connecticut  in  this  respect.  It  was  maintained,  that  the  inhabi- 
tants had  a  right  to  trade  where  they  pleased,  if  it  were  not  re- 
pugnant to  the  laws  of  England.  It  also  was  pleaded,  that  there 
was  no  evidence,  that  they  had  been  guilty  of  any  illegal  trade 
or  practices;  and  that  they  were  a  poor  people,  and  carried  on 
little  trade. 

In  a  letter  of  the  same  date  with  the  former,  his  lordship  had 
observed,  "  that  he  was  satisfied  this  vast  continent,  which  might 
be  made  very  useful  to  England,  if  right  measures  were  taken, 
would  never  be  so,  till  all  the  propriety  and  charter  governments 
were  brought  under  the  crown."  To  this  it  was  replied,  that  this 
might,  or  it  might  not  be  the  case:  that  the  same,  as  circumstances 
might  be,  might  be  said  of  all  the  charters  in  England.  It  was 
however  insisted,  that  the  words  sounded  harsh,  and  had  an  ill 
relish. 

It  was,  however,  much  insisted  on,  that  the  attorney  and  solic- 
itor general  had  ref>orted,  "  that  her  majesty  might  appoint  a 


17051 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


353 


governor  for  Connecticut."  To  this,  the  counsel  for  the  colony 
answered,  that  the  report  was  hypothetical,  founded  on  the  sup- 
position that  the  colony  was  not  able  to  defend  itself,  and  was 
in  danger  of  falling  into  the  hands  of  her  majesty's  enemies;  but 
that  there  was  no  evidence  of  these  facts.  It  did  not  appear, 
they  said,  that  Connecticut  was  in  a  more  defenceless  state,  or 
in  greater  danger  of  becoming  a  prey  to  her  majesty's  enemies, 
than  any  of  the  other  colonies.  It  was  pleaded,  that  the  attor- 
ney and  solicitor  general  had  not  reported,  that  either  of  these 
was  the  case,  and  therefore  their  opinion  could  not  be  made  a 
plea  for  sending  a  governor  to  Connecticut. 

Further,  it  was  strenuously  maintained,  that  it  was  an  essen- 
tial right  of  every  individual  and  corporation,  to  be  heard  before 
they  were  condemned;  and  that  the  governor  and  company  of 
Connecticut  ought  to  be  heard  upon  the  articles  exhibited  against 
them,  before  any  judgment  be  formed  respecting  them.  It  was 
observed,  that  governors,  who,  by  enlarging  their  own  territories, 
might  increase  their  honors  and  profits,  were  apt  to  complain: 
that  they  were  under  peculiar  temptations,  especially  at  such  a 
distance,  where  it  was  so  difficult  to  make  enquiry  and  obtain 
the  truth:  that  there  was  more  reason  to  suspect  the  governors 
complaining,  than  the  governor  of  Connecticut,  who  acted  witli 
a  council  and  an  assembly.  It  was  therefore  affirmed,  that  there 
was  every  reason,  that  the  colony  should  be  heard  in  its  own 
defence.  If  either  the  governor  of  New-England  or  New- York 
were  impeached,  and  the  same  complaints  made  against  them, 
said  the  counsel,  which  they  have  brought  against  Connecticut, 
her  majesty  would  do  nothing  with  respect  to  them,  until  they 
had  been  heard.  It  would  be  contrary  to  all  law  and  reason; 
much  more  so,  to  treat  a  whole  colony  in  this  manner,  in  a  case 
in  which  their  charter  might  be  forfeited,  and  their  fortunes 
ruined.  It  was  observed,  that  governors  appointed  during  pleas- 
ure, often  committed  barbarous  acts  to  enrich  themselves;  and 
that  they  had  nothing  to  lose  but  their  office;  whereas  the  col- 
ony of  Connecticut  was  of  great  substance,  and  had  every  thing 
to  lose:  that  even  in  ordinary  cases,  in  which  the  character  and 
property  of  one  man  only  were  concerned,  nothing  was  deter- 
mined, but  upon  sufficient  evidence,  given  upon  oath,  and  that 
it  could  never  be  reasonable  to  condemn  a  colony  upon  mere 
suggestions:  that  it  might  appear,  upon  a  full  examination,  that 
the  governor  of  Connecticut  was  much  better  qualified  to  gov- 
ern, than  the  governor  of  New- York  or  Massachusetts.  It  was 
therefore  pleaded,  that  the  articles  of  complaint  might  be  sent 
to  the  governor  and  company  of  Connecticut,  and  that  they  might 
have  an  opportunity  to  answer  for  themselves:  that  there  could 
be  no  danger  in  this;  and  if  any  irregtilarities  should  be  found. 


M!,; 


■I 

I 


'fi 


1^ 


i-  ■ 


I  I 


i'-    '     I 


i^i' 


354 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


t«705 


1 

m 

1 

1 

p' 

%■ 
§::. 

it 

in  the  management  of  their  government,  they  would  most  cer- 
tainly reform  and  obey  her  majesty's  commands.^ 

Upon  this  full  hearing,  it  was  determined,  that  the  lords  of 
trade  should  draw  out  the  principal  arMoles  of  complaint,  and 
send  a  copy  of  them  to  the  governor  of  Connecticut,  iiud  to  the 
two  principal  complainants,  governor  Dudley,  and  lord  Cornbury, 
and  that  Connecticut  should  send  their  answer,  with  evidence 
respecting  the  several  articles,  legally  taken,  and  sealed  w  ith  the 
public  seal  of  the  colony,  (jovernor  Dudley  and  lord  Cornbury 
were  also  directed  to  transmit  their  evidence  of  the  articles 
charged,  publicly  and  legally  taken. 

By  this  means,  Dudley,  Cornbury,  and  their  abettors  were 
caught  in  their  own  snare,  their  selfishness  and  duplicity  were 
made  to  appear,  in  a  strong  point  of  light,  and  their  whole  scheme 
at  once  totally  ruined.  They  were  totally  unable  to  support  the 
charges  which  they  had  brought  against  the  colony.  At  the  same 
time,  the  legislature  of  Connecticut  could  produce  the  most  sub- 
stantial evidence,  that  the  very  reverse  of  what  had  been  pre- 
tended, was  true.  They  had  the  last,  and  this  year  between  five 
and  six  hundred  men  in  actual  service.  Four  hundred  of  this 
number  had  been  employed,  principally  in  the  defence  of  Mas- 
sachusetts and  New- York.  The  committee  of  war,  consisting 
of  the  governor,  most  of  the  council,  and  other  principal  men 
in  the  colony,  had  met,  with  officers  and  commissioners  from 
Massachusetts,  and  most  harmoniously  united  with  them  in  opin- 
ion, and  measures  for  the  common  defence.  The  legislature  were 
not  only  able  to  prove  these  facts  from  the  records  of  the  colony, 
and;  from  the  resolutions  of  the  committee  of  war,  but,  what  was 
still  more  confounding  to  governor  Dudley,  to  produce  a  letter 
of  his,  under  his  own  hand  and  signature,  acknowledp:ing  their 
generouj  and  prompt  assistance  in  the  war,  and  thanking  them 
for  the  aid  which  they  had  given  him.''  They  produced  substan- 
tial evidence,  that  when  they  had  scarcely  two  thousand  pounds, 
in  circulating  medium,  in  the  whole  colony,  they  lad,  in  three 
years,  expended  more  than  that  sum,  in  the  defence  of  her  maj- 
esty's provinces  of  Massachusetts  and  New- York.  They  were 
able  to  evince,  tliat  they  had  shewn  the  utmost  loyalty  and  attach- 
ment to  the  queen;  been  punctual  in  their  observance  of  the 
acts  of  trade  and  navigation;  had  not  been  pirates  themselves, 
nor  at  any  time  harboured  pirates,  deserters,  servants,  or  crimi- 
nals among  them. 

With  respect  to  appeals  to  her  majesty,  the  legislature  affirmed, 
that  they  had  not  refused  to  admit  them,  only  in  cases  in  which 

'  Case  of  Connecticut  stated,  and  pleadings  before  her  maje.^ty,  February  izth, 
1705,  on  file. 

'' Theywere  able  to  produce  letters  of  thanks,  from  the  commanding  officers, 
ministers,  and  principal  gentlemen  in  the  county  of  Hampshire,  for  the  assistance 
which  they  had  given  them.    Those  letters  are  now  on  file. 


or  ciitni- 


1705] 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


355 


proper  security,  or  sufficient  bondsmen  had  not  been  oflfered. 
in  the  appeals  of  major  Palms,  which  seem  to  have  been  the  only 
instances  of  which  complaiui  had  been  made,  the  court  judged, 
that  the  security  offered  was  insufficient.  Tin-  men,  who  offered 
themselves  to  be  bound,  appeared  to  have  littK-.  oi  i»o  property. 
As  to  the  vexations  complained  of,  these  respected  the  obtaining 
of  copies  of  the  judgments  of  the  courts  in  his  case.  It  seems 
he  applied  to  the  assembly  for  them,  but  the  assembly  declined 
giving  them,  1  nsisting,  that  it  was  not  their  province  to  give  copies 
of  the  doings  of  other  courts.  He  was  therefore  referred  to  the 
courts  in  which  the  judgments  had  been  given. 

In  the  appeals  of  major  Palms,  and  in  all  other  instances,  the 
judgments  of  the  courts  in  Connecticut  were  finally  established. 
Upon  a  full  examination  of  ihe  complaints,  they  appeared  not 
only  groundless,  but  invidious.  The  loyalty,  justice,  and  honor 
of  the  colony  appeared  more  conspicuous  than  they  had  done 
before:  but  it  was  some  time  before  the  evidence  of  the  true 
state  of  the  case  could  be  colK   ^ed  and  transmitted  to  Er  iijland. 

Meanwhile  Dudley  and  Cornbury  never  lost  sight  of  their  ob- 
ject, out  vigorously  prosecuted  the  design  of  subverting  the  gov- 
ernment. There  had  been,  nearly  fifty  years  before,  a  law  en- 
acti  '  against  the  quaUcrs,  but  it  does  not  appear,  that  it  had 
ever  been  acted  upon,  in  Connecticut,  and  was,  at  that  time, 
become  obsolete.  It  appears,  by  a  letter  of  the  governor's,  to 
Sir  Henry  Ashurst,  that  he  did  not  know  of  one  person,  then 
in  the  colony,  who  was  acknowledged  to  be  a  quaker.  But  gov- 
ernor Dudley,  by  some  means,  obtained  a  copy  of  the  law,  and 
procured  a  publication  of  it  in  Boston.  The  knowledge  of  it  was 
communicated  to  the  quakers  in  England,  and  they  were  spirited 
up  to  petition  for  a  repeal  of  the  law  of  Connecticut  against  the 
quakers.  A  petition,  about  the  begfinning  of  April,  was  preferred 
to  her  majesty,  on  the  subject,  reciting  said  law,  and  representing, 
that  it  was  calculated  to  extirpate  their  friends  from  that  part  of 
her  majesty's  dominion,  and  praying  that  she  would  disallow  the 
said  law.  Sir  Henry  Ashurst  presented  a  petition  to  the  lords 
of  trade  and  plantation,  to  whom  tho  petition  of  the  quakers  had 
been  referred,  praying  them  to  advise  her  majesty  to  come  to 
no  determination  on  the  subject,  until  the  colony  should  have 
notice  of  the  petition,  and  have  time  to  send  their  answer.  He 
represented,  that  the  law  was  made  against  Adamites  and  Rant- 
ers: That  it  was  become  obsolete,  and  quakers  lived  as  peace- 
ably in  Connecticut,  as  in  any  of  her  majesty's  plantations.  He 
represented  to  their  lordships,  that  there  had  been  more  com- 
plaints exhibited  against  this  poor  colony,  in  three  or  four  years, 
without  any  crime  proved,  than  had  been  before  from  the  time 
of  its  first  settlement,  which  made  him  believe,  that  theie  were 
disaffected  persons,  who  were  attempting,  by  all  means,  to  make 


1 


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IMAGE  EVALUATION 
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Sciences 

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23  WEST  MAIN  STREET 

WEBSTER,  N.Y.  14580 

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356 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


[»705 


them  weary  of  their  charter  government:  Ths*  before  the  ap- 
pointment of  a  certain  governor  for  N«w-England,  the  colony 
had  enjoyed  uninterrupted  pmoc,  tor  many  years,  and  would  have 
done  to  that  time,  i*^*^  it  not  been  for  his  misrepresentations. 
He  asvurca  them,  that  he  had  been  informed,  that  governor  Dud- 
ley had,  about  two  years  before,  ordered  the  act  against  the  quak- 
ers  to  be  printed,  in  Boston,  on  purpose,  that  the  quakers,  in 
England,  might  join  with  his  other  instruments  in  clamors  against 
Connecticut,  to  deprive  it  of  its  charter  privileges.^ 

Her  majesty,  upon  the  advice  of  the  lords  of  trade  and  planta- 
tions, declared  the  act  against  the  quakers  null  and  void,  without 
giving  the  colony  a  hearing. 

Sir  Henry  Ashurst,  writing  to  the  colony  soon  after,  says, 
"  You  see  how  you  are  every  way  attacked." 

The  enemies  of  the  colony  in  Connecticut  and  New-England 
were  no  less  active  than  those  on  the  other  side  of  the  water. 
As  they  had  obtained  a  commission  for  the  trial  of  the  case  be- 
tween Connecticut  and  the  Moheagans,  they  spared  no  pains 
to  carry  their  point  On  the  5th  of  July,  1705,  captain  John 
Chandler,  in  behalf  of  Owaneco,  captain  Samuel  Mason,  Hallani, 
and  others,  who  interested  themselves  in  recovering  the  lands 
from  the  colony,  began  the  survey  of  the  Moheagan  country,  and 
having  accomplished  the  work,  drew  a  map  of  it,  with  a  view  to 
the  trial,  before  Dudley's  court,  which  was  approaching.  The 
governor  sent  an  officer  and  prohibited  his  entering  upon  the 
survey;  but  the  party  gave  large  bonds  to  indemnify  him,  and 
he  proceeded  notwithstanding.  The  boundaries,  as  surveyed  and 
reported  by  Chandler,  captain  John  Parke,  Edward  Culver,  and 
Samuel  Sterry,  who  assisted  him,  were,  on  the  south  from  a  large 
rock,  in  Connecticut  river,  near  eight  mile  island  in  the  bounds 
of  Lyme,  eastward,  through  Lyme,  New-London,  and  Groton, 
to  Ah-yo-sup-suck,  a  pond  in  the  northeastern  part  of  Stoning- 
ton;  on  the  east,  from  this  pond  northward,  to  Mah-man-suck, 
another  pond,  thence  to  Egunk-sank-a-poug,  whetstone  hills; 
from  thence  to  Man-hum-squeeg,  the  whetstone  country.  From 
this  boundary,  the  line  ran  southwest,  a  few  miles,  to  Acquiunk, 
the  upper  falls  in  Quinibaug  river.  Thence  the  line  ran,  a  little 
north  of  west,  through  Pomfret,  Ashford,  Willington,  and  Tol- 
land, to  Mo-she-nup-suck,  the  notch  of  the  mountain,  now  known 
to  be  the  notch  in  Bolton  mountain.  From  thence  the  line  ran 
southerly,  through  Bolton,  Hebron,  and  East-Haddam,  to  the 
first  mentioned  bounds.  This,  it  appears,  was  the  Pequot  coun- 
try, to  the  whole  of  which  the  Moheagans  laid  claim,  after  the 
conquest  of  the  Pequot  nation,  except  some  part  of  New-London, 
Groton,  and  Stonington,  which  had  been  the  chief  seat  of  that  war- 
like tribe.  The  Moheagans  claimed  this  tract  as  their  hereditary 
'  >  Petition  on  file.  ■      ' 


1705 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


357 


country,  and  the  Wabbequasset  territory,  which  lay  north  of  it, 
they  claimed  by  virtue  of  conquest. 

On  the  23d  of  August,  1705,  the  court  of  commissioners,  ap- 
pointed by  her  majesty,  to  examine  into  the  affair  of  the  Mo- 
heagan  lands,  convened  at  Stonington.  Writs  had  been  previ- 
ously issued,  summoning  the  governor  and  company,  with  the 
claimers  of  lands  in  controversy,  and  all  parties  concerned,  to 
attend  at  time  and  place.  The  court  consisted  of  Joseph  Dudley, 
Esq.  president,  Edward  Palms,  Giles  Sylvester,  Jahleel  Brenton, 
Nathaniel  Byfield,  Thomas  Hooker,  James  Avery,  John  Avery, 
John  Morgan,  and  Thomas  Leffingwell. 

It  seems  that  the  governor  and  general  assembly  of  Connecti- 
cut had  not  been  served  with  a  copy  of  the  commission,  by  which 
the  court  was  instituted,  and  viewed  it  as  a  court  of  enquiry  only, 
to  examine  and  make  report  to  her  majesty,  and  not  to  try  and 
determine  the  title  of  the  lands  in  dispute.  The  committee,  ap- 
pointed by  the  assembly,  to  appear  before  the  court,  were  condi- 
tionally instructed.  Provided  the  court  was  instituted  for  en- 
quiry only,  they  were  to  answer  and  show  the  unreasonableness 
of  the  Moheagan  claims,  and  the  false  light  in  which  the  affair 
had  been  represented;  but  if  the  design  was  to  determine  with 
respect  to  the  title  of  the  colony,  they  were  directed  to  enter  their 
protest  against  the  court,  and  withdraw.  All  inhabitants  of  the 
colony,  personally  interested  in  any  of  the  lands  in  controversy, 
were  forbidden  to  plead  or  make  any  answer  before  the  court. 

Governor  Winthrop  addressed  the  following  letter  to  the  pres- 
ident. 

"  New-London,  August  21st,  1705. 

"  Sir, 
"  I  understand,  by  your  excellency's  letter  of  July  30th,  your 
intentions  to  be  at  Stonington,  on  the  23d  inst.  to  hear  the  com- 
plaints of  Owaneco  against  this  government.  I  have,  therefore, 
in  obedience  to  her  majesty's  commands,  directed  and  empow- 
ered William  Pitkin,  John  Chester,  Eleazar  Kimberly,  Esquires, 
major  William  Whiting,  Mr.  John  Elliot,  and  Mr.  Richard  Lord, 
to  wait  on  your  excellency,  and  show  the  unreasonableness  of 
those  complaints,  and  the  unpardonable  affront  put  upon  her 
majesty,  by  that  false  representation,  and  the  great  trouble  to 
yourself  thereby;  and  I  conclude,  in  a  short  hearing,  your  excel- 
lency will  be  able  to  represent  to  her  majesty,  that  those  com- 
plaints are  altogether  groundless.  The  gentlemen  shall  assist 
your  excellency's  enquiry,  in  summoning  such  persons  as  you 
shall  please  to  desire,  and  all  things  else,  reserving  the  honor  and 
privileges  of  the  government." 

When  the  committee  came  before  the  court,  they  perceived  that 
t>'y  determined  to  try  the  title  of  the  colony  to  the  lands,  and 
jt' Jicially  to  decide  the  whole  controversy.   They  resolved,  there- 


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358 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


[1705 


fore,  not  to  make  any  answer  or  plea  before  them,  but  to  protest 
against  their  proceedings.    The  protest  is  entered  as  followeth : 

"  To  his  Excellency,  Joseph  Dudley,  Esquire,  captain-general 
and  governor  in  chief  of  her  majesty's  colony  of  Massachu- 
setts Bay,  &c. 

"  We,  the  commissioners  of  her  majesty's  colony  of  Connecti- 
cut, are  obliged,  by  our  instructions  from  this  government,  to 
certify  your  excellency,  that,  in  obedience  to  her  majesty's  com- 
mands to  this  colony,  we  are  ready  to  show  the  injustice  of  those 
complaints  against  the  government,  made  by  Owaneco,  to  her 
majesty,  in  council,  if  your  excellency  sees  good  that  the  com- 
plaints be  produced,  (provided  the  commissioners,  mentioned  in 
her  majesty's  commission,  with  your  excellency,  be  qualified  to 
act  as  members  of  the  court  of  inquiry  constituted  thereby,)  that 
so  your  excellency  and  commissioners  may,  upon  inquiry,  be 
enabled  to  make  such  a  true  and  just  report  of  the  matters  of 
fact,  mentioned  in  said  complaints  to  her  majesty,  as  you  shall 
see  meet.  But  if  your  excellency,  (as  appears  to  us,)  does  con- 
strue any  expressions  in  the  said  commission,  so  as  to  empower 
the  said  commissioners,  by  themselves,  to  inquire  and  judicially 
determine  concerning  the  matter  in  controversy,  mentioned  in 
the  said  complaint,  concerning  the  title  of  land  or  trespass,  and 
do  resolve  to  proceed  accordingly,  as  we  cannot  but  judge  it  to 
be  contrary  to  her  majesty's  most  just  and  legal  intentions,  in 
said  commission;  so  we  must  declare  against  and  prohibit  all 
such  proceedings,  as  contrary  to  law  and  to  the  letters  patent 
under  the  great  seal  of  England,  granted  to  this  her  majesty's  col- 
ony, and  contrary  to  her  majesty's  order  to  this  government, 
concerning  the  said  commission  and  complaint,  as  well  as  to  the 
known  rights  of  her  majesty's  subjects,  throughout  all  her  do- 
minions, and  such  as  we  cannot  allow  of.  We  only  add,  that  it 
seems  strange  to  us,  that  your  excellency  should  proceed  in  such 
a  manner,  without  first  communicating  your  commission  to  the 
general  assembly  of  this  her  majesty's  colony. 

"  William  Pitkin,  &c. 

"  August  24th,  1705." 

The  inhabitants  who  had  deeds  of  the  lands  in  controversy, 
made  default,  as  well  as  the  colony;  but  the  court  proceeded  to  an 
ex  parte  hearing.  Owaneco,  Mason,  Hallam,  and  their  council, 
produced  such  papers  and  evidence,  and  made  such  representa- 
tions as  they  pleased,  without  any  person  to  confront  them.  Af- 
ter such  a  partial  hearing,  of  one  day  only,  the  court  determined 
against  the  colony,  and  adjudged  to  Owaneco  and  the  Moheagans 
a  tract  of  land  called  Massapeag,  lying  in  the  town  of  New-Lon- 
don; and  another  tract,  of  about  eleven  hundred  acres,  in  the 
northern  part  of  the  town,  which  the  assembly  had  granted  as 
an  addition  to  that  township,  in  1703.    The  court,  also,  adjudged 


1705 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


359 


to  them  a  tract  in  the  town  of  Lyme,  two  miles  in  breadth,  and 
nine  miles  in  length,  with  the  whole  tract  contained  in  the  town 
of  Colchester.  The  court  ordered  Connecticut  immediately  to 
restore  all  those  lands  to  Owaneco,  and  filed  a  bill  of  cost  against 
the  colony  of  573I.  12s.  8d.^  Thus  a  cause  of  such  magnitude, 
in  which  the  essential  interests  of  a  whole  colony,  and  the  fort- 
unes of  hundreds  of  individuals,  were  concerned,  was  carried 
wholly  by  intrigue  and  the  grossest  misrepresentations.  The 
commission  was  granted  by  her  majesty,  wholly  upon  an  ex  parte 
hearing,  upon  the  representation  of  the  enemies  of  the  colony; 
and  the  men  who  carried  on  the  intrigue,  were  appointed  judges 
in  their  own  case.  Without  hearing  the  case,  contrary  to  all 
reason  and  justice,  they  gave  judgment  against  the  colony,  and 
hundreds  of  individuals.  They  gave  away  lands  holden  by  con- 
quest, purchase,  ancient  deeds  from  the  original  proprietors,  well 
executed  and  recorded,  by  charter,  acts,  and  patents  from  the 
assembly,  and  by  long  possession.  The  chief  judge  had  been 
using  all  his  art  and  influence  to  ruin  the  colony,  and  was  now 
supposed  to  be  scheming  for  a  portion  of  its  lands,  as  well  as  for 
the  government.  Major  Palms  had  been  a  long  time  in  contro- 
versy with  the  colony,  was  exceedingly  embittered  against  it,  and 
against  the  governor,  his  brother  in  law.  Others  of  the  commis- 
sioners were  supposed  to  be  confederate  with  Mason  and  Clarke, 
and  interested  in  the  lands  in  controversy.  Hallam,  Clarke,  and 
several  of  the  commissioners  were  witnesses  in  the  case.  They 
were  witnesses  and  judges  in  their  own  cause,  heard  themselves, 
and  no  others.  Owaneco  was  placed,  in  state,  on  the  right  hand 
of  the  president,  and  the  colony  were  treated  worse  than  crim- 
inals, with  dishonour  and  contempt.' 

After  the  court  had  given  judgment  against  the  colony,  on  the 
24th  of  August,  they  spent  three  days  in  hearing  such  complaints 
as  Owaneco,  Mason,  and  other  persons  interested  in  the  lands, 
or  inimical  to  the  colony,  were  pleased  to  make.  When  they  had 
heard  all  the  complaints  and  misrepresentations  which  they  had 
to  make,  they  represented  to  her  majesty,  that  Owaneco  com- 
plained he  was  disseised  of  a  tract  of  land,  containing  about  seven 
thousand  acres,  called  Mamaquaog,  lying  northward  of  Wind- 
ham; of  another  tract  called  Plainfield,  and  considerable  skirts 
and  parcels  of  land,  encroached  upon  and  taken  in,  by  the  towns 
of  Lebanon,  Windham,  and  Canterbury.  The  court  prohibited 
all  her  majesty's  subjects  from  entering  upon,  or  improving  any 
of  those  lands,  until  a  further  hearing  and  determination  of  the 
case.  Further,  in  the  plenitude  of  their  power,  they  appointed 
captain  John  Mason  to  be  trustee,  or  guardian,  to  Owaneco  and 
his  people,  and  to  manage  all  their  affairs.    They  represented, 

>  Moheagan  case,  in  print. 

*  Petition  to  her  majesty,  printed  in  Moheagan  trial. 


\l' 


H 


360 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


[1705 


from  the  evidence  of  major  James  Fitch  and  captain  John  Mason, 
that  the  colony  had  left  the  Indians  no  land  to  plant  on,  and 
that  they  consisted  of  a  hundred  and  fifty  warriors,  one  hundred 
of  whom  had  been  in  the  actual  service  of  the  country  that  very 
year.* 

These  Indians  were  enlisted  and  sent  out  by  the  colony  of 
Connecticut,  and  went  as  cheerfully  into  service  this  year,  as  they 
had  done  at  any  time  before.  This  gave  demonstrative  evidence, 
that  there  was  no  general  uneasiness  among  the  Moheagans. 
Had  there  been,  two  thirds  of  their  warriors  would  not  have  en- 
listed into  the  service  of  the  government.  Indeed,  Owaneco  him- 
self was  not  uneasy  only  at  turns,  when  the  Masons,  Clarke,  Fitch, 
Hallam,  and  others,  made  him  so;  who  were  scheming  to  deprive 
him  and  the  Moheagans  of  their  lands. 

So  far  was  it  from  being  true,  that  Connecticut  had  injured 
them,  or  taken  their  lands  from  them,  they  had  treated  them  with 
great  kindness,  defended  them  by  their  arms,  and  at  their  own 
expense,  and  prevented  their  being  swallowed  up  by  their  enemies. 
They  had  left  them  a  fine  tract  of  land,  of  between  four  and  five 
thousand  acres,  between  New-London  and  Norwich;  and  both 
in  the  grant  and  patent  to  New-London,  there  was  an  express 
reservation  of  all  the  rights  and  property  of  the  Indians.*  The 
colony  had  not  only  reserved  lands  for  the  Moheagans,  but  for 
all  other  Indians  in  it,  to  plant  upon.  They  suffered  them  to 
hunt,  fish,  and  fowl,  in  all  parts  of  it,  and  even  to  build  their 
wigwams,  and  cut  such  wood  and  timber  as  they  needed,  in  any 
of  their  uninclosed  lands. 

Dudley's  court,  having  finished  such  business  as  was  agreeable 
to  its  wishes,  adjourned  until  the  next  May;  but  it  never  met 
again.  Before  that  time,  the  intrigue  and  duplicity  of  governor 
Dudley  and  the  malcontents,  became  so  evident,  that  all  their 
designs  were  frustrated. 

The  assembly,  at  their  session  in  October,  appointed  a  com- 
mittee to  examine  into  all  matters  respecting  the  Indians,  and 
the  complaints  which  had  been  made  against  the  colony,  and,  as 
soon  as  possible,  to  transmit  a  particular  and  full  answer  to  their 
agent.  They  were  instructed  fully  to  acquaint  him  with  a  true 
statement  of  the  Moheagan  case,  and  of  the  whole  management 
of  Dudley  and  his  court.  They  were  to  represent,  that  Dudley, 
Palms,  and  others  of  the  commissioners,  were  interested,  and 
parties  in  the  cause,  and  to  insist,  that  the  manner  in  which  the 
commission  was  procured,  to  governor  Dudley,  major  Palms,  and 
others,  was  matter  of  intrigue,  and  the  whole  process  arbitrary 
and  illegal. 

Sir  Henry  Ashurst,  on  receiving  the  papers  relative  to  the  case, 

'  Proceedings  and  judgment  of  the  court  in  print,  Moheagan  case,  p.  26  to  67. 
'  Records  of  the  colony,  and  Moheagan  case,  in  print. 


'i  i> 


17051 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


361 


presented  a  petition  to  her  majesty,  representing  the  title  of  the 
colony  to  all  the  lands  in  controversy,  by  conquest,  purchase, 
royal  charter,  long  possession  and  improvement:  That  Uncas, 
when  the  English  became  first  acquainted  with  him,  was  a  revolted 
Pequot,  expelled  his  country,  and  had  not  a  sufficient  number 
of  men  to  make  a  hunt;  and  that  the  lands  reserved  to  him,  were 
not  reserved  to  him  in  consequence  of  any  right  of  his,  but  was 
a  matter  of  mere  permission:  That  Joseph  Dudley,  Esq.  Hallam, 
Palms,  the  Averys,  Morgan,  and  Leffingwell,  had  grants  of  sev- 
eral parts  of  the  controverted  lands,  and,  in  their  own  names, 
or  in  the  name  of  John  Mason,  were  attempting  to  set  up  their 
titles  to  them:  That  Dudley  and  Hallam,  by  misrepresentation, 
had  obtained  a  commission  from  her  majesty,  by  surprise,  under 
the  great  seal  of  England,  directed  to  the  said  Dudley,  Palms, 
the  two  Averys,  Morgan,  Leffingwell,  and  others,  most  of  whom 
were  of  Dudley's  and  Hallam's  denomination,  and  under  his  in- 
fluence; and  that  in  the  court,  thus  instituted,  they  were  the 
accusers,  parties,  and  judges:  That  they  had  assumed  to  them- 
selves jurisdiction,  in  a  summary  way,  to  try  her  majesty's  pe- 
titioners' titles  to  their  lands,  and  to  evict  and  disseise  them  of 
their  freeholds,  properties,  and  ancient  possessions,  without  any 
legal  process,  or  so  much  as  the  form  of  a  trial.  This,  it  was 
represented,  tended  to  the  destruction  of  all  the  rights  of  the 
colony,  and  was  directly  contrary  to  divers  acts  of  parliament, 
made  and  provided  in  such  cases.  The  agent,  therefore,  in  be- 
half of  the  colony,  appealed  from  the  judgment  of  said  court  to 
her  majesty,  in  council,  and  prayed  that  the  case  might  be  heard 
before  her.* 

In  consequence  of  this  petition,  her  majesty,  some  time  after, 
appointed  a  commission  of  review.  The  affair  was  kept  in  agita- 
tion nearly  seventy  years.  It  was  always,  upon  a  legal  hearing, 
determined  in  favour  of  the  colony.  The  final  decision  was  by 
king  George  the  third,  in  council. 

The  commissioners  of  review,  in  1743,  not  only  determined 
the  title  of  the  lands  to  be  in  the  colony  of  Connecticut,  but 
"  That  the  governor  and  company  had  treated  the  said  Indians 
with  much  humanity,  at  all  times;  and  had,  at  all  times,  provided 
them  with  a  sufficiency,  at  least,  of  lands  to  plant  on;  and  that 
no  act,  or  thing,  appeared,  either  before  the  judgment  of  Joseph 
Dudley,  Esq.  or  since,  by  which  they,  the  said  governor  and  com- 
pany, had  taken  from  the  Indians,  or  from  their  sachem,  any 
tracts  of  land,  to  which  the  Indians  or  their  sachem  had  any 
right,  by  reservation,  or  otherwise,  either  in  law  or  equity."* 
The  proceedings  of  the  several  courts  of  review,  and  the  plead- 
ings before  them  and  his  majesty,  in  council,  will  most  properly 

^  '  Petition  in  print,  Moheagan  case,  p.  153-157. 

\        ■  *  Judgment,  in  print,  Moheagan  case,  p.  140. 


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362 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


[1706 


be  noticed  in  the  time  of  them,  and  will  not  be  anticipated  in 
this  volume. 

The  agent  of  the  colony  petitioned  her  majesty,  in  its  behalf, 
to  hear  the  complaints  exhibited  by  governor  Dudley  and  his 
accomplices,  that  it  might  have  an  opportunity  of  demonstrating 
how  falce  and  groundless  they  were.  He  also  prayed,  that  as 
Dudley  had  surprised  her,  to  grant  a  commission  of  high  powers 
to  the  subversion  of  the  rights  of  her  loyal  subjects,  and  contrary 
to  her  gracious  intentions  towards  them,  and  had  abused  her 
name  and  authority  to  serve  his  own  dark  designs,  that  her  maj- 
esty would,  in  some  exemplary  manner,  discountenance  the  said 
Dudley  and  his  abettors. 

However,  it  does  not  appear,  that  Dudley,  or  lord  Combury, 
were  ever  obliged  to  bring  forward  any  evidence  in  support  of 
the  charges  which  they  had  exhibited,  or  that  her  majesty,  by 
any  public  act,  discountenanced  their  intrigue  and  falsehood. 
They  had  such  powerful  friends  at  court,  that  they  seem  to  have 
palliated,  and  kept  the  affair,  as  far  as  possible,  out  of  public  view ; 
and  it  seems  to  have  been  passed  by  without  any  further  exami- 
nation. 

There  was  no  alteration  made  in  the  legislature,  at  the  election 
in  May,  1706. 

The  assembly  adopted  the  same  measures,  for  the  defence  of 
Connecticut  and  the  neighbouring  colonies,  which  they  had  done 
the  year  preceding.  The  same  officers  were  appointed,  and  the 
same  number  of  men  sent  into  the  field. 

The  colony  had  assurances  from  their  agent,  Sir  Henry  Ash- 
urst,  that  they  had  a  clear  right  to  command  their  own  militia; 
that  the  governors  of  the  neighbouring  colonies  had  no  right 
to  command  their  men,  or  money;  and  that  this  was  the  opinion 
of  the  best  counsel  in  the  nation.  He  assured  them,  that  they 
were  under  no  obligations  to  them,  to  do  any  thing  more,  than 
to  furnish  such  quotas  as  her  majesty  should  require. 

Connecticut  had  done  much  more  than  this,  both  in  the  reicn 
of.king  William  and  queen  Anne.  Nevertheless,  notwithstanding 
the  abusive  treatment  of  governor  Dudley,  lord  Combury,  and 
their  associates  in  mischief,  and  the  great  expense  which  had  been 
brought  upon  them,  not  only  by  the  war,  but  in  consequence 
of  the  defence  which  their  agent  had  been  obliged  to  make  for 
them,  in  England,  such  was  their  zeal  for  her  majesty's  service, 
and  their  concern  and  good  will  for  their  sister  colonies,  that  they 
exerted  themselves  no  less  for  their  defence,  than  if  they  had  been 
under  the  command  of  their  respective  governors.  It  was  de- 
clared to  her  majesty,  that  had  this  been  the  case  they  could  have  ^ 
done  no  more.  / 

At  the  session  in  October,  the  assembly  passed  the  following 
act  in  favor  of  the  clergy,  "  That  all  the  ministers  of  the  gospel 


I707] 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


363 


'tin 


that  now  are,  or  hereafter  shall  be  settled  in  this  colony,  during 
the  continuance  of  their  public  service  in  the  gospel  ministry, 
shall  have  their  estates,  lying  in  the  same  town  where  they  dwell, 
and  all  the  polls  belonging  to  their  several  families  exempted, 
and  they  are  hereby  exempted  and  freed  from  being  entered  in 
the  public  lists  and  payment  of  rates."  By  virtue  of  this  act,  for 
the  encouragement  of  the  clergy  of  this  colony,  they  have  always, 
from  that  to  the  present  time,  been  exempted  from  taxation.^ 

The  colony,  at  this  period,  was  in  very  low  circumstances.  Its 
whole  circulating  cash  amounted  only  to  about  two  thousand 
pounds.  Such  had  been  its  expense  in  the  war,  and  in  defending 
itself  against  the  attempts  of  its  enemies,  in  England  and  America, 
that  the  legislature  had  been  obliged  to  levy  a  tax,  in  about  three 
years,  of  more  than  two  shillings  on  the  pound,  on  the  whole 
list  of  the  colony.  The  taxes  were  laid  and  collected  in  grain, 
pork,  beef,  and  other  articles  of  country  produce.  These  com- 
modities were  transported  to  Boston  and  the  West-Indies,  and 
by  this  means  money  and  bills  of  exchange  were  obtained,  to  pay 
the  bills  drawn  upon  the  colony,  in  England,  and  to  discharge  its 
debts  at  home.  These  low  circumstances,  these  misrepresenta- 
tions, abuse,  and  dangers,  from  their  enemies,  our  venerable  an- 
cestors endured  with  an  exemplary  patience  and  magnanimity. 
Under  the  pressure  of  all  this  expense  and  danger,  they  cheer- 
fully supported  the  gospel  ministry  and  ordinances,  in  their  re- 
spective towns  and  parishes.  They  contemplated  their  dangers 
and  deliverances  with  wonder  and  thanksgiving,  '•ejoiced  in  the 
enjoyment  of  their  privileges,  and  in  the  divine  care  and  benefi- 
cence. 


CHAPTER  XVIII. 


SUCH  reports  of  the  preparations  of  the  French  and  Indians, 
to  make  a  descent  upon  some  part  of  New-England,  were  spread 
abroad,  about  the  beginning  of  the  year  1707,  as  gave  a  general 
alarm  to  the  country.  On  the  6th  of  February,  1707,  a  council  of 
war,  consisting  of  the  governor,  most  of  the  council,  and  a  con- 
siderable number  of  the  chief  military  officers  in  the  colony,  con- 
vened at  Hartford.  A  letter  was  received  from  deputy  governor 
Treat,  and  another  from  major  Schuyler  at  Albany,  giving  intelli- 
gence, that  the  French,  and  Indians  in  their  interest,  were  about  to 
make  a  descent  upon  New-England.  Information  was  also  com- 
municated, that  suspicions  were  entertained,  that  the  Pohtatuck 

>  The  legislature  had  before  released  their  persons  from  taxation,  bat  not  their 
families  and  estates. 


!.  'i'lii 


3^4 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


[1707 


and  Owiantuck  Indians  designed  to  join  the  French  and  Indians 
from  Canada. 

The  committee  resolved,  that  the  western  frontier  towns,  Sims- 
bury,  Waterbury,  Woodbury,  and  Danbury,  should  be  fortified 
with  all  possible  dispatch.  As  Waterbury  had  sustained  great 
losses,  by  inundations,  it  was  resolved,  for  their  encouragement  to 
fortify  their  houses  well,  that  the  governor  and  council  would  use 
their  influence  with  the  assembly,  that  their  country  rates  should 
be  abated.  It  was  resolved,  that  each  of  these  four  towns  should 
keep  a  scout  of  two  faithful  men,  to  be  sent  out  every  day,  to  dis- 
cover the  designs  of  the  enemy,  and  give  intelligence  should  they 
make  their  appearance  near  the  frontier  towns. 

To  prevent  damages  from  the  Pohtatuck  and  Owiantuck  In- 
dians, captain  John  Minor  and  Mr.  John  Sherman  were  appointed 
to  remove  them  to  Stratford  and  Fairfield.  If  by  reason  of  sick- 
ness or  any  other  cause  they  could  not  be  removed,  it  was  ordered, 
that  a  number  of  their  chief  men  should  be  carried  down  to  those 
towns,  and  kept  as  hostages  to  secure  the  fidelity  of  the  rest 

On  the  second  of  April,  a  special  assembly  was  convened  in  con- 
sequence of  letters  from  governor  Dudley.  He  had  proposed  to 
send  an  army  of  a  thousand  men  against  L' Acadia,  and  requested 
Connecticut  to  join  with  Massachusetts  in  the  expedition. 

After  the  affair  had  been  maturely  considered,  the  assembly  de- 
termined not  to  comply  with  the  proposal.  The  reasons  given 
were,  that  they  had  not  been  consulted,  nor  had  opportunity  to 
consent  to  the  expedition :  That  they  did  not  understand  that  the 
neighbouring  colonies,  who  were  equally  interested  in  the  expedi- 
tion, with  themselves,  were  called  upon,  or  had  consented  to  do 
any  thing;  and,  that  the  vast  expense  of  defending  the  county  of 
Hampshire  and  their  own  frontiers,  incapacitated  them  to  join  in 
the  enterprise. 

At  the  general  election  this  year,  the  governor  and  council  were 
all  re-elected. 

Upon  the  petition  of  John  Pratt,  Robert  Chapman,  John  Clark, 
and  Stephen  Post,  appointed  a  committee  in  behalf  of  the  legatees 
of  Joshua  Uncas,^  the  assembly  granted  a  township  which  they 
named  Hebron.  The  settlement  of  the  town  began  in  June,  1704. 
The  first  people  who  made  settlements  in  the  town  were  William 
Shipman,  Timothy  Phelps,  Samuel  Filer,  Caleb  Jones,  Stephen 
Post,  Jacob  Root,  Samuel  Curtis,  Edward  Sawyer,  Joseph 
Youngs,  and  Benoni  Trumbull.  They  were  from  Windsor,  Say- 
brook,  Long-Island,  and  Northampton.  The  settlement,  at  first, 
went  on  but  slowly;   partly,  by  reason  of  opposition  made  by 

'  By  the  last  will  of  said  Uncas,  all  the  lands  in  Hebron  were  bequeathed  to 
Thomas  Buckingham,  Esq.  William  Shipman  and  others,  called  the  Saybrook 
legatees,  except  about  2,600  acres  at  the  northeast  corner,  and  about  4,000  acres  at 
the  south  end  of  the  town.  There  were  also  about  700  within  the  parish  of  Marl- 
borough.   These  lands  were  claimed  by  Mason, 


1 707  J 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


365 


Mason  and  the  Moheagans,  and  partly,  by  reason  of  the  extensive 
tracts  claimed  by  proprietors,  who  made  no  settlements.  Several 
acts  of  the  assembly  were  made,  and  committees  appointed  to  en- 
courage and  assist  the  planters.  By  these  means  they  so  increased 
in  numbers  and  wealth  that  in  about  six  or  seven  years  they  were 
enabled  to  erect  a  meeting-house  and  settle  a  minister  among 
them. 

At  the  session  in  October,  the  assembly  granted  a  township  to 
Nathan  Gould,  Peter  Burr,  captain  John  Wakeman,  Jonathan 
Sturges,  and  other  inhabitants  of  the  town  of  Fairfield,  bounded 
southerly  on  Danbury,  easterly  on  New-Milford,  and  westerly 
upon  the  colony  line.  It  extended  fourteen  miles  northward 
from  Danbury.  It  was  afterwards  named  New-Fairfield.  The 
war,  for  several  years,  prevented  all  attempts  for  the  settle- 
ment of  this  tract. 

As  the  frontier  towns  had  exhibited  much  zeal  in  fortifying 
themselves  agreeably  to  the  directions  of  the  governor  and  coun- 
cil, the  assembly  made  them  a  liberal  compensation. 

About  this  time  the  colony  sustained  a  great  loss  in  the  death  of 
the  honorable  Fitz  John  Winthrop,  Esq.*  and  a  special  assembly 
was  convoked  on  the  17th  of  December,  by  deputy  governor 
Treat,  at  New-Haven,  for  the  purpose  of  electing  another  gov- 
ernor. The  assembly  ordered,  that  the  votes  of  both  houses 
should  be  mixed  before  they  were  sorted  and  counted,  and  that  the 
majority  of  votes  should  determine  the  choice.  Upon  counting 
the  votes,  the  Reverend  Gurdon  Saltonstall  was  declared  to  be 
chosen  governor. 

Four  of  the  magistrates,  the  speaker  of  the  house,  with  three  of 
the  other  deputies,  were  appointed  a  committee  to  acquaint  him 
with  the  choice,  and  solicit  his  acceptance  of  the  important  trust  to 
which  he  had  been  chosen.  A  letter  was  addressed  to  him  by  the 
assembly,  desiring  him  to  accept  of  the  choice  which  they  had 
made,  and,  with  the  committee  appointed  to  wait  on  him,  to  an- 
swer the  letters  of  their  agent,  and  transact  whatever  the  exigen- 
cies of  the  government  might  require.  A  letter  was  also  addressed 
to  his  church  and  congregation  at  New-London,  acquainting 
them  with  the  call,  which  the  assembly  imagined  Mr.  Saltonstall 
had  to  leave  the  ministry,  and  to  dispose  them  to  submit  to  such  a 
dispensation. 

<  He  was  the  son  of  the  honorable  John  Winthrop,  Esq.  the  first  governor  of 
Connecticut,  under  the  charter.  His  birth  was  at  Ipswich,  in  Massachusetts,  1638. 
Upon  the  assumption  of  the  charter.  May,  1689,  he  was  chosen  into  the  magistracy. 
In  1690,  he  was  appointed  major  general  of  the  land  army  designed  against  Canada. 
On  the  dispute  relative  to  the  command  of  the  militia,  he  was  sent  agent,  for  the 
colony,  to  the  British  court,  1694.  After  hb  return,  May,  i6c^,  he  was  chosen  gov- 
ernor, and  was  annually  re-chosen  during  his  life.  He  died  November  27th,  1707, 
in  the  69th  year  of  his  age. 

He  appears  to  have  oeen  a  popular  gentleman,  and  to  have  sustained  a  charac- 
ter without  blemish. 


;Tit.f. 


•: 


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I! 


, 


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0  ill 


I 


H 


366 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


I17M 


The  magistrates,  upon  Mr.  Saltonstall's  acceptance  of  the  trust 
to  which  he  had  been  chosen,  were  directed  to  administer  to  him 
the  oath  of  the  governor,  and  the  oath  respecting  trade  and  navi- 
gation. 

On  the  first  of  January,  1708,  governor  Saltonstall  accepted  of 
his  office,  and  took  the  oaths  appointed  by  law. 

This  assembly  repealed  the  law  which  required,  that  the  gov- 
ernor should  always  be  chosen  from  among  the  magistrates  in 
nomination,  and  gave  liberty  for  the  freemen  to  elect  him  from 
among  themselves  at  large. 

At  the  election,  May  13th,  1708,  governor  Saltonstall  was 
chosen  governor  by  the  freemen.  Nathan  Gould,  Esq.  was  elected 
deputy-governor.*  The  former  magistrates  were  re-chosen,  and 
Mr.  John  Haynes,  for  the  first  time,  was  elected  one  of  the  council. 
The  former  treasurer  and  secretary  were  re-chosen. 

A  township  was  granted,  in  the  course  of  this  session,  at  Poh- 
tatuck,  afterwards  named  Newtown. 

Connecticut,  for  a  long  course  of  years,  had  been  at  great 
trouble  and  expense,  in  attempting  the  settlement  of  the  boundary 
line  between  this  colony  and  Massachusetts.  The  inhabitants  of 
Windsor  and  Simsburyhad  been  often  exceedingly  injured, in  their 
persons  and  property,  by  the  people  of  Suffield  and  Enfield,  especi- 
ally by  the  former.  They  had  not  only  encroached  upon  their  lands 
and  cut  down  their  timber,  but  often  seized  upon  their  tar  and  tur- 
pentine, and  even  upon  their  persons,  and  forcibly  carried  them  of! 
to  Suffield.  In  consequence  of  these  outrages,  great  animosities  had 
arisen  between  the  inhabitants  of  those  towns,  and  many  lawsuits 
had  been  commenced.  The  assembly,  as  far  as  possible,  to  prevent 
and  terminate  these  evils,  enacted.  May  13th,  1708,  that  commis- 
sioners should  be  appointed,  with  full  powers  to  run  the  line,  with 
such  commissioners  as  Massachusetts  should  appoint  for  that  pur- 
pose. They  were  directed  to  take  care  that  the  line  should  be  run 
by  skilful  artists,  with  good  instruments;  and  to  take  their  station 
three  miles  south  of  every  part  of  Charles  river,  whence  Mr.  James 
Taylor  and  the  commissioners  of  this  colony  ran  the  line  in  1702. 
They  were  instructed  to  run  a  due  west  line  fro.m  that  station,  and 
to  make  and  set  up  fair  marks  and  monuments  in  the  line  between 
the  colonies.    And  to  prevent  all  further  contention,  it  was  en- 

>  The  honorable  Robert  Treat,  Eiq.  being,  at  this  period,  eighty-six  years  of 
age,  retired  from  the  scene  of  pulilic  action.  He  had  been  three  years  a  magistrate 
and  thirt]r>two  years  governor,  or  deputy-governor  of  the  colony.  He  was  elected 
magistrate,  May,  1673,  deputy.governor,  1676,  and  governor,  in  1683.  To  this 
office  he  was  annually  elected,  fifteen  years,  until  1698 :  he  was  then  chosen  deputv- 
govemor  until  the  year  1708.  He  died  about  two  years  after,  July  12th,  1710,  m 
the  85th  year  of  his  age.  Few  men  have  sustained  a  fairer  character,  or  rendered 
the  public  more  important  services.  He  was  an  excellent  military  officer ;  a  man  of 
singular  courage  and  resolution,  tempered  with  caution  and  prudence.  His  admin- 
istration of  government  was  with  wisdom,  firmness  and  integrity.  He  was  esteemed 
courageous,  wise,  and  pious.  He  was  exceedingly  beloved  and  venerated  by  the 
people  in  general,  and  especially  by  his  neighbours,  at  Milford,  where  he  resided. 


I708J 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


367 


acted,  that  the  inhabitants  of  Windsor,  Simsbury,  Suffield,  and  En- 
Held,  should  not  make  any  improvement  on  the  contested  lands, 
until  the  line  should  be  run  and  settled.  It  was  also  enacted,  that 
all  suits  should  continue  and  rest,  until  the  county  court  at  Hart- 
ford, in  October,  and  then  to  cease.  It  was  provided,  neverthe- 
less, that  the  court  of  Massachusetts  should  give  the  same  orders 
to  the  people  of  that  province,  who  claimed  upon  the  line,  and 
should  immediately  unite  with  Connecticut  in  settling  the  bound- 
ary between  the  colonies.  Otherwise,  it  was  determined,  that  all 
causes,  bonds,  and  the  like  should  be,  and  remain  as  thun^h  this 
act  never  had  been  passed. 

Further,  it  was  enacted,  that,  upon  running  the  line,  all  the 
most  ancient  grants,  made  to  the  proprietors,  by  either  govern- 
ment, should  give  title  and  property  to  the  settlers  on  either  side  of 
the  line.  It  was  determined,  that  unless  the  court  of  Massachu- 
setts would  agree  to  the  running  of  the  line  in  this  manner,  a  peti- 
tion should  be  addressed  to  her  majesty,  praying  her  to  give  or- 
ders, that  the  divisional  line  might  be  run. 

The  assembly,  at  this  session,  ordered  that  a  township  should 
be  laid  out  east  of  Woodstock,  eight  miles  in  length,  and  six  in 
breadth.  The  inhabitants  were  vested  with  the  privileges  of  a  dis- 
tinct town,  by  the  name  of  Killingly.^ 

The  aflfairs  of  the  war  were  conducted  this  year  in  the  same  man- 
ner as  they  had  been  the  preceding.  Colonel  William  Whiting 
commanded  a  body  of  horse  and  infantry  in  the  county  of  Hamp- 
shire, and  scouting  parties  and  garrisons  were  maintained  on  the 
frontiers  of  the  colony. 

At  the  session  in  October,  it  was  enacted,  that  two  garrisons 
should  be  maintained,  at  the  public  expense,  at  Simsbury,  and  two 
at  Waterbury.  Garrisons  were  to  be  kept  at  Woodbury  and  Dan- 
bury,  as  the  council  of  war  should  judge  expedient. 

At  the  election  in  1709,  Mr.  Saltonstall  was  re-chosen  governor, 
and  Nathan  Gould,  deputy-governor.  The  magistrates  v  ere 
Daniel  Witherel,  Nathaniel  Stanley,  John  Hamlin,  William  Pit- 
kin, John  Chester,  Joseph  Curtis,  Josiah  Rossiter,  Richard  Chris- 
topher, Peter  Burr,  John  Allen,  John  Haynes,  and  Samuel  Eells, 
Esquires.  Captain  Joseph  Whiting  was  treasurer,  and  Caleb  Stan- 
ley secretary. 

A  letter  was  laid  before  this  assembly  from  her  majesty,  rela- 
tive to  an  expedition  against  the  enemy.  The  design  was  the  re- 
duction of  the  French  in  Canada,  Acadia,  and  Newfoundland. 
The  letters  from  the  earl  of  Sunderland,  advising  that  her  majesty 
would  dispatch  a  squadron  of  ships  to  Boston,  by  the  middle  of 

'  At  tbii  sesiion,  the  auembly  ordered,  "  that  the  ministers  of  the  gospel  preach 
a  sermon  to  the  freemen,  on  the  day  appointed  by  law  to  choose  their  civil  mlers 
in  the  towns  where  they  meet,  proper  for  their  direction  in  the  work  before  them." 
This  seems  to  have  been  the  origin  of  preaching  freemen's  meeting  sermons  in  Con- 
necticut. 


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I 


368 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


[1709 


May,  with  five  regiments  of  regular  troops,  required  Connecticut 
to  raise  350  men.  The  governments  eastward  of  Connecticut,  were 
required  to  raise  1200  men,  and  furnish  them  with  transports,  flat 
bottomed  boats,  pilots,  and  provisions  for  three  months  service. 
With  this  force,  it  was  designed  to  make  an  attack  upon  Quebec. 
At  the  same  time,  it  was  proposed  to  raise  1500  men  in  the  gov- 
ernments of  Connecticut,  New- York,  New-Jersey,  and  the  south- 
em  colonies.  This  corps  was  to  proceed  by  the  way  of  the  lakes, 
and  make  a  descent  upon  the  island  of  Montreal. 

The  legislature  of  Connecticut  voted  and  raised  their  quota, 
with  cheerfulness  and  expedition.  Colonel  Whiting  was  ap- 
pointed to  command  them.  The  assembly  also  voted  an  address  of 
^hanks  to  her  majesty  for  her  royal  care  and  favor  to  the  colonies, 
in  devising  means  for  the  removal  of  an  enemy,  by  whom  the  col- 
onies had  been  so  great  and  repeated  sufferers. 

All  the  colonies  except  Pennsylvania  furnished  their  quotas. 
The  troops,  with  provisions,  transports,  and  articles  necessary  for 
the  enterprise,  were  ready  in  season.  The  provincials,  from  the 
eastern  colonies,  were  ready  to  sail  for  Quebec  by  the  20th  of  May. 
Francis  Nicholson,  who  had  been  lieutenant-governor  of  New- 
York,  under  Andross,  and  afterwards  lieutenant-governor  of  Vir- 
ginia, was  appointed  to  command  the  troops  by  land,  and  march 
as  far  as  Wood  Creek.  There  he  was  to  wait  until  the  arrival  of  the 
fleet  expected  at  Boston,  and  then  to  advance,  so  that  the  attack 
upon  Quebec  and  Montreal  might  be  made  at  the  same  time.  The 
colonies  made  great  exertions  for  the  public  service.  Besides  their 
quotas,  independent  companies  were  raised  and  sent  on  to  the 
army.  More  than  a  hundred  batteaux,  and  an  equal  number  of 
birch  canoes,  were  constructed  for  crossing  the  lake.  Three  forts, 
several  block  houses,  and  stores  for  provisions  were  erected.  But 
the  armament  expected  from  England  did  not  arrive.  The  defeat 
of  the  Portuguese,  and  the  straits  to  which  the  allies  were  reduced, 
occasioned  the  sailing  of  the  fleet,  designed  for  America,  to  Portu- 
gal, and  the  expedition  was  defeated.  No  intelligence  arriving 
from  England,  and  a  great  mortality  prevailing  among  the  troops, 
general  Nicholson,  early  in  the  fall,  returned  to  Albany.  This 
fruitless  undertaking  was  a  capital  loss  and  expense  to  the  colo- 
nies. One  quarter  or  more  of  the  troops  died.  Connecticut  only 
sustained  the  loss  of  ninety  men. 

This  expedition  occasioned  the  first  emission  of  paper  money  in 
Connecticut. 

At  a  special  assembly,  on  the  8th  of  June,  it  was  enacted,  "  That 
to  assist  in  the  expedition,  for  want  of  money  otherwise  to  carry 
it  on,  there  be  forthwith  imprinted  a  certain  number  of  bills  of 
credit  on  the  colony,  in  suitable  sums,  from  two  shillings  to  five 
pounds,  which,  in  the  whole,  shall  amount  to  the  sum  of  8000I.  and 
no  more."   It  was  enacted,  that  the  bills  should  be  issued  from  the 


1709] 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


369 


treasury  as  money,  but  should  be  received  in  payments  at  one  shil- 
ling on  the  pound  better  than  money.  One  half  only  was  to  be 
signed  and  issued  at  first,  and  the  other  was  to  remain  unsigned, 
until  it  should  be  found  necessary  to  put  it  into  circulation.  Taxes 
were  imposed  for  the  calling  in  of  one  half  of  it  within  the  term  of 
one  year,  and  the  other  at  the  expiration  of  two  years. 

The  expectations  of  the  people,  in  the  spring,  had  been  wrought 
up  to  a  high  degree  of  assurance,  that  Canada  would  be  reduced 
before  the  close  of  the  campaign.  Joy  brightened  in  every  coun- 
tenance, with  the  pleasing  prospect,  that  a  period  would  imme- 
diately be  put  to  all  the  encroachments  and  ravages  of  a  merciless 
enemy.  Every  heart  was  gladdened  at  the  prospect  of  the  enlarge- 
ment of  the  British  empire,  and  the  augmentation  of  the  national 
commerce.  When,  therefore,  from  such  harmonious  and  general 
exertion,  and  such  uncommon  expense,  they  experienced  nothing 
but  loss  and  disappointment,  the  chagrin  and  depression  were  pro- 
portionably  great. 

However,  the  importance  of  driving  the  French  from  Canada, 
and  the  necessity  of  immediate  exertions  to  preserve  the  friendship 
and  keep  up  the  spirit  of  the  five  nations,  without  which,  the  fron- 
tiers would  become  a  field  of  blood,  induced  the  colonies  to  keep 
the  object  still  in  view.  A  congress  of  governors  was  appointed 
and  met  at  Rehoboth,  the  beginning  of  October,  to  deliberate  on 
the  subject.  General  Nicholson,  colonel  Vetch,  and  others,  met 
with  them.  An  address  was  agreed  upon  to  her  majesty,  repre- 
senting the  great  harmony  and  exertions  of  the  colonies  in  her 
majesty's  service;  the  importance  of  reducing  the  French  in 
North- America  to  her  majesty's  obedience;  praying  her  majesty 
to  grant  the  colonies  an  armament,  with  their  assistance,  adequate 
to  the  design.  "    *    •  ■  **^*i».4'« » 

When  the  general  assembly  convened  in  October,  governor  Sal- 
tonstall  communicated  the  transactions  of  the  governors  of  the 
several  colonies,  and  the  address,  which  they  had  prepared,  to  her 
majesty.  The  assembly  approved  the  address,  and  determined  on 
a  similar  one  themselves.  Governor  Saltonstall  was  appointed 
agent  to  make  a  voyage  to  England,  and  present  it  in  person  to  her 
majesty.   Provifion  was  also  made  for  the  expense  of  his  agency. 

Notwithstanding  the  war,  the  colony  made  progress  in  settle- 
ment. In  1708,  John  Belden,  Samuel  Keeler,  Matthew  Seymour, 
Matthias  St.  John,  and  other  inhabitants  of  Norwalk,  to  the  num- 
ber of  twenty-five,  purchased  a  large  tract,  between  that  town  and 
Danbury,  bounded  west  on  the  partition  line  between  Connecticut 
and  New- York.  The  purchase  was  made  of  Catoonah,  the  chief 
sachem,  and  other  Indians,  who  were  the  proprietors  of  that  part  of 
the  country.  The  deed  bears  date  September  30th,  1708.  At  this 
session,  it  was  ordained  that  it  should  be  a  distinct  township,  by  the 
name  of  Ridgefield. 


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HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


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The  only  alteration  made,  by  the  election,  in  May,  1710,  was 
the  choice  of  Matthew  Allen,  Esq.  in  the  place  of  Daniel  Witherell, 
Esq. 

New- York,  as  well  as  Connecticut  and  the  other  New-England 
colonies,  had  made  great  exertions,  the  last  campaign,  for  the  re- 
duction of  Canada.  New- York,  by  means  of  the  great  influence 
of  colonel  Schuyler,  had  been  able  to  bring  six  hundred  of  the  Ind- 
ians of  the  five  nations  into  the  field.  The  colonel  was  extremely 
discontented  at  the  late  disappointment.  No  man  had  more  ex- 
tensive views  of  the  importance  of  expelling  the  French  from  this 
northern  continent,  and  more  zeal  in  the  cause  than  he.  So 
powerful  was  the  influence  which  the  affair  had  upon  his  mind, 
that  he  determined  to  make  a  voyage  to  England,  at  his  own  pri- 
vate expense,  and  to  carry  with  him  five  sachems  of  the  five  na- 
tions, that  by  their  representations,  the  more  sensible  impressions 
might  be  made  upon  her  majesty  and  the  British  court.  The  as- 
sembly of  New- York  had  determined  to  address  her  majesty  on 
the  subject;  and  no  sooner  was  the  house  apprised  of  his  design, 
than  they  unanimously  resolved,  that  he  should  present  their  ad- 
dress to  her  sacred  majesty.  Accordingly,  colonel  Schuyler  went 
to  England,  and  presented  the  address.  The  Indian  sachems  were, 
also,  introduced  to  the  queen.  They  represented  their  long  war, 
in  conjunction  with  her  children,  against  her  enemies,  the  French: 
That  they  had  been  a  strong  wall  of  defence  to  her  colonies,  to  the 
loss  of  their  best  warriors;  and  that  they  mightily  rejoiced,  when 
they  heard  their  great  queen  had  resolved  to  send  an  army  to 
Canada.  They  said,  that,  in  token  of  their  friendship,  they  had, 
with  one  consent,  hung  up  the  kettle,  and  taken  up  the  hatchet, 
and  assisted  general  Nicholson;  but  when  they  found,  that  their 
great  queen,  by  some  important  affairs,  had  been  diverted  from 
her  design  of  subduing  the  French,  it  made  them  sorrowful,  lest 
the  enemy,  who  hitherto  had  dreaded  them,  should  now  imagine 
they  were  unable  to  make  war  upon  them.  They  represented,  that 
the  reduction  of  Canada  was  of  great  weight  to  them,  that  they 
might  hunt  freely.  They  insisted,  that  if  their  great  queen  should 
be  unmindful  of  them,  they,  and  their  families,  must  forsake  their 
country,  and  seek  other  habitations,  or  they  must  stand  neuter; 
neither  of  which  suited  their  inclinations.  In  hope  of  their  great 
queen's  favour,  they  referred  the  affair  to  her  gracious  considera- 
tion. 

General  Nicholson  went  to  England,  in  the  fall  of  1709,  on  the 
same  business,  to  solicit  a  force  against  Canada.  Governor  Sal- 
tonstall,  for  some  reason,  did  not  accept  of  the  agency  to  which  he 
had  been  appointed.  The  address  of  Connecticut,  it  seems,  was 
sent  to  be  presented  by  another  hand.  In  consequence  of  these 
united  applications,  great  encouragements  were  given,  that  an  ex- 
pedition would  be  again  undertaken  against  Canada.    In  July,  ad- 


i7«oJ 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


371 


vice  arrived  in  New-England,  that  lord  Shannon,  with  a  fleet 
destined  for  that  service,  was  under  sailing  orders.  Nicholson, 
who  sailed  with  several  ships  of  force,  and  some  transports,  from 
England,  in  the  spring,  came  over  with  that  expectation.  How- 
ever, it  finally  proved,  that  the  reduction  of  Port  Royal  and  Nova- 
Scotia  was  the  only  object 

In  consequence  of  a  letter  from  her  majesty,  requiring  the  as- 
sistance of  her  subjects  in  this  colony,  in  the  expedition,  a  special 
assembly  was  convoked  on  the  14th  of  August.  Beside  the  loss  of 
lives  the  last  year,  many  of  the  soldiers  then  in  service,  remained 
in  a  sickly  and  weak  condition.  The  enemy  insulted  the  frontier 
towns,  and  the  colony  was  obliged  to  keep  a  large  number  of  men 
in  pay  for  their  defence.  Nevertheless,  such  was  the  obedience  of 
the  legislature  to  her  majesty's  commands,  and  their  zeal  for  her 
service,  that  they  cheerfully  voted  three  hundred  men  for  the  ex- 
pedition. Vessels  and  sailors  were  procured,  and  all  necessary 
provision  was  made  for  the  transportation  and  support  of  the 
troops.  In  about  a  month,  they  were  raised  and  transported  to 
Boston. 

On  the  18th  of  September,  a  fleet  of  thirty-six  ships  of  war  and 
transports,  sailed  from  Nantasket  for  Port  Royal.  There  were 
fourteen  transports  in  the  pay  of  Massachusetts,  five  in  the  pay  of 
Connecticut,  two  of  New-Hampshire,  and  three  of  Rhode-Island. 
The  chief  command  was  given  to  general  Nicholson.  On  the 
24th,  the  fleet  and  army  arrived  at  Port  Royal.  The  troops  landed 
without  opposition,  and  made  an  easy  conquest.  On  the  21st  of 
October,  the  engineers  opened  three  batteries,  of  two  mortars  and 
twenty-four  cohoms  in  the  whole.  At  the  same  time,  a  bomb  ship, 
called  the  Star  bomb,  plied  the  enemy  with  her  shells.  The  next 
day  Monsieur  Subercase  capitulated,  surrendering  the  fort  and 
country  to  the  crown  of  Great-Britain. 

General  Nicholson  left  a  sufficient  garrison,  under  the  command 
of  colonel  Vetch,  his  adjutant  general,  who  had  been  appointed  to 
the  government  of  the  country.  In  this  expedition,  the  Mary  gal- 
ley, commanded  by  captain  Taye,  a  transport  in  the  service  of  Con- 
necticut, ran  aground,  and  was  lost.  Twenty-six  men  were 
drowned.*  Fourteen  or  fifteen  were  lost  in  the  expedition,  while 
the  troops  were  investing  and  besieging  the  fort.  This  was  the 
whole  loss  sustained  in  the  enterprise.  From  this  time  the  name 
was  changed,  and  the  port  was  named  Annapolis  Royal. 

General  Nicholson,  animated  with  his  late  success,  in  the  fall 
made  a  second  voyage  to  England,  to  solicit  another  expedition 
against  Canada. 

The  country  in  general  had  no  expectations,  that  he  would  suc- 
ceed in  his  design.    They  could  not  imagine,  that  queen  Anne's 

«  This  transport  was  hired  oC  one  Mr.  Vryling,  of  Boston,  and  the  colony  paid 
hint  about  i.oool.  for  the  loss  of  his  vessel. 


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HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


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tory  ministry  would  attempt  any  thing  of  this  nature  for  New- 
England.  Contrary,  however,  to  all  expectation,  the  affair  was  re- 
sumed. June  8th,  171 1,  general  Nicholson  arrived,  at  Boston, 
with  the  news,  that  a  fleet  might  soon  be  expected  from  England, 
and  with  her  majesty's  orders  that  the  several  governments  of 
New-England,  New- York,  New-Jersey,  and  Pennsylvania  should 
have  their  respective  quotas  in  immediate  readiness  for  the  expe- 
dition. 

Consequently  a  general  meeting  of  the  governors  of  the  several 
colonies  was  immediately  appointed  at  New-London.  Sixteen 
days  after  the  arrival  of  general  Nicholson,  the  fleet  arrived  at  Bos- 
ton. But  it  was  very  extraordinary  that  the  fleet  had  neither  pilots 
nor  provisions.  Ten  weeks  provisions  were  demanded  for  the 
army.  It  had  been  suspected  before  this,  that  the  reduction  of 
Canada  was  not  really  designed  by  the  ministry.  These  circum- 
stances increased  the  suspicion.  It  was  much  doubted,  whether, 
in  the  then  state  of  the  country,  it  were  possible,  in  so  short  a  time, 
as  was  necessary,  to  procure  such  a  quantity  of  provisions,  as  had 
been  demanded.  There  was,  at  the  same  time,  a  strong  suspicion, 
that  if  the  expedition  should  miscarry,  it  was  designed  to  throw 
the  whole  blame  upon  New-England.  Whether  these  suspicions 
were  well  grounded  or  not,  it  is  certain,  that  they  had  great  in- 
fluence, together  with  the  zeal  which  the  colonies  had  for  the  ser- 
vice, to  draw  forth  their  utmost  exertions. 

When  the  fleet  arrived  at  Boston,  the  governors  were  met  in 
convention,  at  New-London,  concerting  measures  for  prosecuting 
the  expedition  with  the  utmost  harmony  and  dispatch.  The  gen- 
eral courts  of  Massachusetts  and  Connecticut  were  in  actual  ses- 
sion. The  general  assembly  of  Connecticut  convened  on  the  19th 
of  June.  A  letter  was  communicated  from  her  majesty  and  an- 
other from  general  Nicholson  respecting  the  expedition.  The  as- 
sembly resolved,  that  three  hundred  and  sixty  men  should  be 
raised  forthwith,  as  the  quota  of  this  colony  in  the  expedition.  It 
was  also  resolved,  that  four  months  provisions  should  be  immedi- 
ately procured,  and  that  a  suitable  vessel  should  be  provided  to 
transport  them  to  Albany,  and  to  accommodate  the  sick  and  con- 
vey them  back  to  Connecticut. 

The  assembly  also  addressed  a  letter  to  her  majesty,  returning 
her  their  most  humble  and  dutiful  acknowledgments,  for  that 
great  expression  of  her  royal  care  for  her  colonies  and  their  peace 
and  welfare,  which  she  had  manifested  in  the  appointment  of  the 
present  expedition  against  the  common  enemy.  They  particularly 
thanked  her  majesty  for  her  royal  bounty  towards  the  colony,  in 
furnishing  the  troops  with  clothing,  arms,  and  ammunition,  by 
which  they  were  better  enabled  to  bear  the  annual  expenses  of  the 
v/ar.  They  represented  to  her  majesty,  in  a  strong  point  of  light, 
the  horrible  manner  in  which  the  enemy  carried  on  the  war;  lying 


<l 


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HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


373 


in  ambush,  killing  and  scalping  single  persons,  upon  the  frontiers, 
surprising  and  cutting  off  families,  stealing  capiiives,  torturing  and 
enslaving  them.  They  promised  a  hearty  concurrence  with  the 
royal  requisitions,  and  a  zealous  performance  of  whatever  might 
contribute  to  the  success  of  the  expedition. 

To  animate  the  general,  and  ingratiate  themselves  with  him,  the 
legislature  appointed  a  committee  to  return  him  their  thanks,  for 
the  good  services  he  had  rendered  to  her  majesty's  plantations  in 
North  America;  and  especially  to  Connecticut,  in  his  former  good 
conduct  of  the  troops  under  his  command.  They  thanked  him, 
not  only  for  his  important  services  in  the  reduction  of  Port  Royal 
and  Nova-Scotia,  but  for  the  great  pains  he  had  taken  since,  in 
making  a  voyage  to  England,  and  representing  to  her  majesty  the 
true  state  and  interest  of  the  colonies,  and  by  that  means  obtaining 
her  orders  for  the  then  present  expedition. 

A  punctual  compliance  with  her  majesty's  orders  was  univer- 
sally recommended  by  the  governors  in  convention  and  by  the  sev- 
eral legislatures.  Not  only  the  several  colonies  but  individuals 
exerted  themselves  beyond  what  had  been  known  upon  any  other 
occasion. 

In  a  little  more  than  a  month,  from  the  arrival  of  the  fleet,  the 
new  levies  and  provisions,  for  that  and  the  army,  were  ready. 
Upon  the  30th  of  July,  the  whole  armament  sailed  from  Boston  for 
Canada.  It  consisted  of  fifteen  men  of  war,  twelve  directly  from 
England,  and  three  which  had  before  been  stationed  in  America ; 
forty  transports,  six  store  ships,  and  a  fine  train  of  artillery,  with  all 
kinds  of  warlike  stores.  The  land  army  on  board  consisted  of 
five  regiments  from  England  and  Flanders,  and  two  regiments 
raised  in  Massachusetts,  Rhode-Island,  and  New-Hampshire; 
amounting  in  the  whole  to  nearly  seven  thousand  men.  The  fleet 
was  commanded  by  Sir  Hovenden  Walker;  and  the  army  by 
brigadier  Hill,  brother  to  Mrs.  Masham,  then  the  queen's  favorite. 
The  land  force  was  about  equal  to  that  which,  under  general 
Wolfe,  afterwards  reduced  Quebec,  though,  at  that  time,  it  was  not 
half  so  strong,  as  when  it  was  reduced  by  that  famous  general. 

Upon  the  same  day  on  which  the  fleet  sailed  from  Boston,  gen- 
eral Nicholson  began  his  journey  for  Albany,  where,  a  few  days 
after,  he  appeared  at  the  head  of  four  thousand  men,  from  the  col- 
onies of  Connecticut,  New- York,  and  New-Jersey.  The  troops 
from  Connecticut  were  commanded  by  colonel  William  Whiting, 
who  was  an  experienced  officer,  and  had  commanded  them  the 
last  year,  at  Port  Royal.  The  New- York  and  New- Jersey  troops 
were  commanded  by  colonels  Schuyler  and  Ingoldsby.  Connect- 
icut, besides  victualling  its  own  troops,  furnished  New- York 
with  two  hundred  fat  cattle  and  six  hundred  sheep.  Thus,  in  about 
five  weeks,  the  colonies  had  raised  two  considerable  armies  and 


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HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


[i7U 


furnished  them  with  provisions.  More  than  this  could  not  have 
been  expected. 

Admiral  Walker  arrived  in  the  mouth  of  the  St.  Lawrence,  on 
the  14th  of  August.  That  he  might  not  lose  the  company  of  the 
transports,  as  was  pretended,  he  put  into  the  bay  of  Gaspe,  on  the 
i8th,  where  he  continued  until  the  20th  of  the  month.  On  the  22d, 
two  days  after  he  sailed  from  the  bay,  the  fleet  appeared  to  be  in  the 
most  hazardous  circumstances.  It  was  without  soundings,  with- 
out sight  of  land ;  the  sky  was  darkened  with  a  thick  fog,  and  the 
wind  high  at  east  south-east.  In  this  situation  the  ships  brought 
to,  with  their  heads  to  the  southward.  This  was  done  with  an  ex- 
pectation that  the  wind  would  drive  them  into  the  midst  of  the 
channel.  But  instead  of  this,  about  midnight,  the  seamen  dis- 
covered that  they  were  driven  upon  the  north  shore  among  rocks 
and  islands,  upon  the  verge  of  a  total  shipwreck.  Eight  or  nine  of 
the  British  transports  were  cast  away,  on  board  of  which  were 
about  seventeen  hundred  officers  and  soldiers.  Nearly  a  thou- 
sand men  were  lost.  The  admiral  and  general  were  in  the  most 
imminent  danger,  and  saved  themselves  by  anchoring.  Such  was 
the  violence  of  the  storm  that  they  lost  several  anchors.  Upon  this 
disaster,  the  admiral  bore  away  for  Spanish  river  bay;  but  the 
wind  shifting  to  the  east  it  was  eight  days  before  all  the  transports 
arrived.  In  the  same  time,  as  the  wind  was,  they  might  have 
easily  arrived  at  Quebec.  It  was  there  determined,  by  a  council  of 
land  and  naval  officers,  that  as  they  had  but  ten  weeks  provision, 
and  could  not  expect  a  supply  from  New-England,  to  make  no 
further  attempt.  The  admiral  sailed  directly  for  England,  and  ar- 
rived at  Portsmouth  on  the  9th  of  October.  Here  the  fleet  suf- 
fered another  surprising  calamity.  The  Edgar,  a  70  gun  ship, 
blew  up,  having  on  board  four  hundred  men,  besides  many  persons 
who  were  just  come  on  board  to  visit  their  friends.  As  the  cause 
of  this  event  was  wholly  unknown,  jealous  minds  were  not  without 
suggestions,  that  even  this,  as  well  as  the  other  disaster,  was  the 
effect  of  horrid  design. 

The  admiral  and  English  officers,  to  exculpate  themselves,  laid 
the  blame  wholly  upon  the  colonies,  that  they  were  delayed  so  long 
for  provision  and  the  raising  of  the  provincials,  and  that  they  had 
such  unskilful  pilots.  The  admiral  declared,  that  it  was  the  advice 
of  the  pilots  that  the  fleet  should  come  to  in  the  manner  it  did,  but 
the  pilots,  from  New-England,  declared,  upon  oath,  that  they 
gave  no  such  advice.  If  any  such  was  given  it  must  have  been  by 
the  French  pilots  on  board,  either  through  mistake  or  upon  de- 
sign. Charlevoix  represents,  that  the  French  pilots  warned  the 
admiral  of  his  danger,  but  that  he  did  not  sufficiently  regard  them. 

The  whigs,  in  England,  generally  censured  the  ministry  for  their 
conduct  respecting  the  expedition.  Lord  Harley  represented  the 
whole  aflfair  as  a  contrivance  of  Bolingbroke,  More,  and  the  Lord 


I7IIJ 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


375 


Chancellor,  Harcourt,  to  cheat  the  public  out  of  twenty  thousand 
pounds.  Lord  Harcourt  was  pleased  to  say, "  No  government  was 
worth  serving,  that  would  not  admit  of  such  jobs."  Another  Eng- 
lish writer  observes, "  That  if  the  ministry  were  sincere  in  the  pros- 
ecution of  the  war,  they  were  certainly  the  most  consummate 
blunderers  that  ever  undertook  the  government  of  a  state."  ^ 

General  Nicholson  had  not  advanced  far  before  he  received  in- 
telligence of  the  loss  sustained  by  the  fleet,  and  the  army  soon 
after  returned. 

The  Marquis  De  Vaudreuil,  governor  of  Canada,  received  in- 
telligence of  the  arrival  of  the  fleet  from  England,  and  of  the  prep- 
arations making  in  the  colonies  for  the  invasion  of  Canada,  and 
had  omitted  nothing  in  his  power  to  put  it  into  a  state  of  defence. 
No  sooner  was  he  apprised  of  so  many  ships  wrecked  and  so  many 
bodies  with  red  coats  driven  on  shore,  and  that  the  river  was  clear 
of  ships,  than  he  ordered  the  whole  strength  of  Canada  towards 
Montreal  and  lake  Champlain.  At  Chambly  he  formed  a  camp  of 
three  thousand  men  to  oppose  general  Nicholson.  Had  the  gen- 
eral crossed  the  lake,  it  might  have  been  difficult  for  him  to  have 
returned  in  safety. 

Very  providential  it  was,  that  all  the  provincial  transports,  ex- 
cept a  small  victualler,  were  preserved.  The  crew  of  the  victualler 
were  saved,  and  not  a  provincial  lost.  The  loss  and  disappoint- 
ment, nevertheless,  were  exceedingly  grievous  to  the  colonies. 
Many  pious  people,  after  so  many  attempts  had  been  blasted,  gave 
up  all  expectations  of  the  conquest  of  Canada.  They  imagined  it 
was  not  the  design  of  providence,  that  this  northern  continent 
should  ever  wholly  belong  to  any  one  nation.* 

Upon  the  return  of  general  Nicholson's  army,  and  the  report  of 
VaudreuiFs  force,  the  country  were  not  only  chagrined  with  dis- 
appointment, but  alarmed  with  fear.  They  were  apprehensive, 
that  the  enemy,  in  different  parties,  by  different  routes,  would, 
with  redoubled  fury,  harass  and  desolate  the  country. 

To  return  to  the  affairs  of  Connecticut,  the  history  of  which  has 
been  in  some  measure  interrupted  with  the  general  account  of  the 
war,  it  should  be  observed,  that  Joseph  Talcott  was  this  year 
chosen  into  the  magistracy  in  the  stead  of  Josiah  Rossiter,  Esq. 
An  important  alteration  was  also  made,  at  the  session  in  May,  re- 
specting the  superior  court.  Until  this  time,  it  had  been  holden 
at  two  places  only,  Hartford  and  New-Haven,  and  at  two  terms 
annually.  This  was  found  to  be  an  affair  of  expense  and  incon- 
venience. It  was  therefore  resolved,  that  the  superior  court 
should  sit  twice  annually,  in  each  of  the  counties,  and  that  all  ac- 
tions should  be  tried  in  the  county  in  which  they  originated. 

When  the  assembly  met  in  October,  an  address  was  prepared  to 

'  Rider's  Hist,  of  England,  vol.  xxxii.  p.  189,  190. 

*  Hutchinion,  vol.  ii.  p.  193—196.    Smith's  Hist,  of  New- York,  p.  130,  131 


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HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


[17" 


be  presented  to  her  majesty  representing  the  exertions  of  the  col- 
ony in  her  service,  condoling  her  on  the  disappointment  with  re- 
spect to  the  expedition,  and  praying  for  the  continuance  of  her 
favor  to  the  colony. 

At  the  session  in  May,  1708,  the  assembly  made  a  grant  of  a 
township  at  a  place  called  Pohtatuck,  from  a  river  of  that  name 
upon  which  part  of  it  lies.  At  this  session  it  was  incorporated 
and  named  Newtown. 

A  township  had  been  given,  several  years  before  this  time,  by 
Joshua,  sachem  of  the  Moheagans,  lying  north  of  Lebanon  and 
west  of  Mansfield,  to  certain  honorable  legatees  in  Hartford. 
The  donation  was  approved  by  the  assembly.  The  legatees  con- 
veyed their  right  to  William  Pitkin,  Joseph  Talcott,  William  Whit- 
ing, and  Richard  Lord,  to  be  a  committee  to  lay  out  said  township 
and  make  settlements  on  the  lands.  On  the  9th  of  May,  1706,  the 
general  assembly  authorized  those  gentlemen  to  act  as  a  commit- 
tee for  those  purposes.  October  nth,  171 1,  this  committee  was 
re-appointed,  with  one  Nathaniel  Rust,  who  had  already  settled 
upon  the  lands,  more  effectually  to  carry  into  execution  the  design 
of  their  former  appointment.  The  township,  at  the  same  session, 
was  named  Coventry.  Nathaniel  Rust  and  some  others  settled  in 
the  town  about  the  year  1700;  but  the  settlement  of  it  has  gener- 
ally been  dated  from  1709.  In  the  spring  of  this  year,  a  number  of 
good  householders,  from  Northampton  and  other  places,  moved 
into  the  town,  and  the  inhabitants  were  so  increased,  in  about  two 
years,  that  they  were  incorporated  with  the  privileges  of  other 
towns.  The  planters  were  from  a  great  variety  of  places,  but  prin- 
cipally from  Northampton  and  Hartford. 

In  consequence  of  letters  from  governor  Dudley,  of  Boston,  and 
from  general  Nicholson,  relative  to  the  unsuccessfulness  of  the  late 
expedition,  a  special  assembly  was  called,  November  3d,  171 1. 
The  design  of  it  was  to  consult  the  best  means  of  acquainting  her 
majesty  truly  how  the  affair  was;  what  exertions  the  colonies  had 
made,  and  that  it  was  not  through  any  fault  of  theirs  that  the  enter- 
prise was  frustrated.  It  was  judged  best,  that  the  colonies  should 
make  a  joint  representation,  and  that  the  pilots  should  be  sent  to 
England,  to  be  examined  and  declare  before  her  majesty  what 
they  knew  concerning  the  shipwreck.  The  assembly  determined, 
that  the  affair  was  of  great  importance  to  the  colonies;  and  that 
John  Mayhew,  of  New- London,  who  was  the  only  pilot  from  Con- 
necticut, should,  forthwith,  proceed  to  Great-Britain,  with  the  pi- 
lots from  Massachusetts.  It  was  also  resolved  jointly,  with  the 
other  colonies,  to  petition  her  majesty  for  another  armament,  in 
the  spring,  to  assist  them  in  the  reduction  of  Canada.  In  the  peti- 
tion from  Connecticut,  the  legislature  lamented  the  miscarriage 
of  the  expedition,  and  the  fatal  consequences  of  it  to  these  colonies. 
They  represented  it  would  put  them  to  great  expense  to  employ 


17"] 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


377 


such  a  number  of  men  as  were  necessary  to  defend  such  extensive 
frontiers  as  theirs  were;  and  that,  after  all  their  exertions,  one 
family  and  town  after  another  would  be  swept  away  by  the  enemy. 
They  expressed  their  apprehensions,  that  unless  another  expedi- 
tion should  be  undertaken  against  the  enemy,  they  would,  in  the 
spring,  send  out  a  greater  number  of  scalping  and  plundering 
parties,  than  they  had  done  in  the  preceding  years  of  the  war;  and 
that  her  majesty's  subjects  would  be  greatly  distressed.  It  was 
also  suggested,  that  there  was  danger  that  the  enemy  would  draw 
off  many  of  the  Indians  who  dwelt  among  them,  as  well  as  the 
Indians  of  the  Five  Nations,  and  engage  them  against  the  colonies. 
It  was  also  urged,  that  the  colonies  were  of  great  importance  to  her 
majesty's  interest,  and  that  it  would  be  impolitic  to  suffer  the  en- 
emy to  possess  so  large  a  proportion  of  her  majesty's  dominions 
in  North  America,  as  they  actually  inhabited  and  claimed.  It  was 
insisted,  that,  by  the  smiles  of  providence  on  her  majesty's  arms, 
the  settlements  in  Canada  might  be  easily  reduced  to  her  majesty's 
obedience.  They  prayed  her  to  revive  the  expedition,  and  prom- 
ised a  cheerful  obedience  to  her  commands,  in  contributing  their 
proportion  to  the  common  service.^ 

The  petitions  were  sent  over  seasonably,  and  the  pilots  were  a 
considerable  time  in  London,  waiting  to  be  examined,  and  give  in- 
formation, relative  to  the  loss  of  the  transports,  and  the  miscar- 
riage of  the  expedition.  However,  no  examination  was  ever  made 
concerning  the  failure  of  the  enterprise.  It  did  not  appear  that 
much  had  been  expected  from  it  in  England,  nor  that  people  were 
discontented  at  the  issue,  or  interested  themselves  very  greatly  in 
the  affair.  The  court  shewed  no  disposition  to  make  any  further 
attempt  upon  Canada. 

The  election  in  171 2,  made  little  or  no  alteration  with  respect  to 
public  officers.  Nothing  very  material  appears  to  have  been  trans- 
acted this  year.  The  legislature  made  the  usual  provision  for  the 
defence  of  this  colony  and  the  county  of  Hampshire. 

Nathan  Gould,  Esq.  the  deputy  governor,  was  appointed  chief 
judge  of  the  superior  court.  William  Pitkin,  Richard  Christo- 
pher, Peter  Burr,  and  Samuel  Eells,  Esquires,  were  appointed  as- 
sistant judges.  In  the  absence  of  tHe  deputy  governor,  William 
Pitkin  was  appointed  chief  judge;  and  in  case  either  of  the  other 
judges  were  absent,  any  one  of  the  magistrates  was  authorized 
to  sit  in  his  stead.  Until  this  time,  the  judges  of  the  superior  court 
had  been  allowed  nothing  more  than  the  fees  of  it.  An  act  was, 
therefore,  passed  at  the  October  session,  that  the  judges,  for  the 
time  being,  upon  laying  their  accounts  before  the  assembly,  should 
be  allowed  an  honourable  compensation  for  their  expenses  and 
services. 

»  Petition  on  file. 


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HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


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October  9th,  the  inhabitants  of  New-Milford  were  incorporated 
and  vested  with  town  privileges.* 

At  the  election  in  May,  171 3,  Mr.  John  Sherman,  who  had  been 
some  time  speaker  of  the  lower  house,  was  chosen  into  the  mag- 
istracy. 

In  October,  1687,  a  grant  of  lands,  commonly  called  the  Masli- 
amoquet  purchase,  was  made  by  the  general  assembly,  to  major 
James  Fitch,  lieutenant  William  Ruggles,  Mr.  John  Gore,  Mr. 
John  Pierpont,  Mr.  John  Chandler,  Mr.  Benjamin  Sabin,  Mr. 
Samuel  Craft,  Mr.  John  Grosvenor,  Mr.  Joseph  Griffin,  Mr.  Sam- 
uel and  John  Ruggles,  and  Mr.  Nathan  Wilson.  The  most  of 
these  planters  were  from  Roxbury,  in  Massachusetts.  Some  of 
them  moved  on  to  the  lands  in  1686,  before  the  grant  was  made. 
At  the  session  in  May,  1713,  the  inhabitants  were  incorporated  and 
vested  with  town  privileges.  The  name  was  changed  from  Mash- 
amoquet  to  Pomfret. 

In  1708,  the  assembly  of  Connecticut  determined,  that,  unless 
the  province  of  Massachusetts  would  accept  of  the  terms  which 
they  had  proposed,  relative  to  the  line  between  them,  they  would 
make  application  to  her  majesty,  desiring  that  orders  might  be 
given,  that  Massachusetts  forthwith  should  mutually  join  with 
Connecticut  in  running  and  settling  the  boundary  line  between 
the  colonies.  Massachusetts,  at  that  time,  would  not  consent  to 
run  the  line  as  it  had  been  proposed.  They  would  not  grant  that 
there  had  been  any  mistake  in  running  it;  but  if  there  had  been, 
they  insisted,  that,  as  it  was  run  so  long  before  the  charter  was 
granted  to  Connecticut,  and  they  had  been  in  possession  of  the 
lands  in  controversy  for  sixty-six  years,  and  several  towns  and 
plantations  had  been  settled  upon  them,  it  was  not  then  reason- 
able to  draw  it  into  question.  The  assembly  of  Connecticut,  there- 
fore, in  1709,  approved  a  letter,  addressed  to  the  lords  of  trade,  giv- 
ing reasons  why  the  line  run  by  Woodward  and  Saffery  ought  not 
to  be  established ;  and  it  seems  to  have  been  the  determination  of 
the  legislature  to  have  appealed  to  her  majesty  with  respect  to  the 
partition  line;  but  several  circumstances  finally  prevented.  Gov- 
ernor Dudley,  who  was  a  man  of  uncommon  intrigue  and  duplic- 
ity, had  many  friends  and  great  influence  at  court.  Connecticut 
had  no  such  friends,  or  influence,  with  the  court  party.  Sir  Henry 
Ashurst,  their  agent  for  many  years,  appears  now  to  have  been  no 
more ;  and  they  had  not  yet  sufficient  time  to  fix  upon  and  have 
proof  of  the  fidelity  and  ability  of  another  in  his  place.  The  colony 
was  poor,  and  had  been  put  to  great  expense,  in  defending  itself 
against  the  complaints  of  governor  Dudley,  lord  Combury,  and 

'  About  this  time,  William  Patridge,  Esq.  of  Newbury,  and  Jonathan  Belcher, 
o{  Boston,  opened  a  copper  mine  at  Simsbury ;  and  for  their  encouragement,  the 
assembly  exempted  the  miners,  operators,  and  labourers,  from  military  duties,  for 
the  term  of  four  years. 


I7«3l 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


379 


other  enemies,  and  against  the  claims  of  Mason  and  his  party. 
The  ministry  were  high  tories,  and  inimical  to  all  charter  govern- 
ments. The  legislature  were  apprehensive  that  their  enemies  were 
again  concerting  measures  to  deprive  them  of  all  the  privileges 
which  they  had  so  dearly  bought.  Massachusetts  also,  in  some 
good  measure,  agreed  to  part  of  the  terms  proposed  in  1708.  It 
was,  therefore,  in  full  view  of  these  circumstances,  judged  most 
expedient  to  make  the  best  settlement  which  could  be  obtained, 
without  an  appeal  to  her  majesty. 

Upon  the  13th  of  July,  1713,  commissioners,  fully  empowered 
from  each  of  the  colonies,  came  to  an  agreement,  which  was 
adopted  by  each  court.  They  were  both  careful  to  secure  the 
property  to  the  persons  to  whom  they  had  made  grants  of  lands, 
and  to  maintain  the  jurisdiction  over  the  towns  which  they  had  re- 
spectively settled.  It  was,  therefore,  expressly  stipulated,  as  a  pre- 
liminary, that  the  towns  should  remain  to  the  governments,  by 
which  they  had  been  settled;  and  that  the  property  of  as  many 
acres  as  should  appear  to  be  gained  by  one  colony  from  the  other, 
should  be  conveyed  out  of  other  unimproved  land,  as  a  satisfaction 
or  equivalent.  With  respect  to  about  two  miles,  claimed  by  Wind- 
sor upon  the  town  of  Suffield,  concerning  the  validity  of  which 
there  had  been  a  long  contest,  it  was  agreed,  that,  if  the  tract  fell 
within  the  line,  it  should  belong  to  Connecticut. 

On  running  the  line,  it  was  found,  at  Connecticut  river,  to  run 
ninety  rods  north  of  the  north-east  bounds  of  Suffield;  and  it  ap- 
peared that  Massachusetts  had  encroached  upon  Connecticut  107,- 
793  acres,  running  a  due  west  line  from  Woodward's  and  Saflfery's 
station.  Massachusetts  made  a  grant  of  such  a  quantity  of  land  to 
Connecticut,  and  it  was  accepted  as  equivalent.  The  whole  was 
sold,  in  sixteen  shares,  in  1716,  for  the  sum  of  683I.  New-England 
currency.*  The  money  was  applied  to  the  use  of  the  college. 

Notwithstanding  the  long  and  expensive  controversy  of  Con- 
necticut with  the  colony  of  Rhode-Island,  relative  to  the  Narra- 
ganset  country,  and  notwithstanding  the  king's  commissioners, 
and  attornies  of  the  greatest  fame,  determined,  that  the  title  was, 
undoubtedly,  in  the  governor  and  company  of  this  colony,  yet  it 
was  judged  expedient  to  give  up  the  claim.  Lands  were  of  so  lit- 
tle value,  and  controversies  before  king  and  council  so  expensive, 
and  the  event  so  uncertain,  that  the  legislature  determined  rather 
to  comply  with  governor  Winthrop's  and  Clark's  agreement,  than 
to  prolong  the  controversy.  The  court  party,  both  in  king  Will- 
iam's and  queen  Anne's  reign,  appeared  reluctant  to  establish  the 
charter  limits  of  Connecticut  at  Narraganset  river  and  bay;  other- 

'  This  was  a  little  more  than  a  farthing  per  acre,  and  shows  of  what  small  value 
land  was  esteemed  at  that  day.  It  affords,  also,  a  striking  demonstration,  that,  con- 
sidering the  expense  of  purchasing  them  of  the  natives,  and  of  defending  tliem,  they 
cost  our  ancestors  five,  if  not  ten  times  their  value. 


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wise  they  would  have  advised  to  establish  the  judgment  of  the 
king's  commissioners;  and  tlie  king,  or  queen,  would  have 
adopted  the  same  opinion,  and  established  the  boundary  according 
to  the  charter.  The  court,  probably,  were  influenced  by  political 
principles.  The  establishment  of  the  eastern  boundary  of  Con- 
necticut at  Narraganset  river  and  bay,  would  have  ruined  Rhode- 
Island,  by  reducing  them  to  limits  too  small  for  a  colony.  Con- 
necticut was,  doubtless,  fully  sensible  of  these  dispositions  of  the 
sovereigns  and  court  of  Great-Britain,  and  it,  probably,  operated 
as  a  strong  motive  to  induce  them  to  give  up  their  claim. 

In  October,  1702,  a  committee  was  appointed  to  make  a  com- 
plete settlement  of  the  boundary  line  between  the  colonies,  reserv- 
ing to  all  persons  concerned,  their  entire  property  in  lands  and 
buildings,  according  to  the  agreement  of  governor  Winthrop  and 
Mr.  Clark.  On  the  I2th  of  May,  1703,  the  committees  from  the 
two  colonies  agreed,  "  That  the  middle  channel  of  Pawcatuck 
river,  alias  Narraganset  river,  as  it  extends  from  the  salt  water  up- 
wards, till  it  comes  to  the  mouth  of  Ashaway  river,  where  it  falls 
into  the  said  Pawcatuck  river,  and  from  thence  to  run  a  straight 
line  till  it  meet  with  the  south-west  bounds  or  corner  of  Warwick 
g^and  purchase,  which  extends  twenty  miles  due  west  from  a  cer- 
tain rock,  lying  at  the  outmost  point  of  Warwick  neck,  which  is 
the  south-easterly  bounds  of  said  purchase;  and  from  the  said 
south-west  bounds,  or  corner  of  said  purchase,  to  run  upon  a  due 
north  line,  till  it  meet  with  the  south  line  of  the  province  of  Massa- 
chusetts Bay,  in  New-England :  This  to  be,  and  for  ever  remain 
to  be  the  fixed  and  stated  line  between  the  said  colonies  of  Con- 
necticut and  Rhode-Island.  Always  provided,  and  it  is  hereby  in- 
tended, that  nothing  in  the  aforementioned  agreement,  or  any 
clause  thereof,  shall  be  taken  or  deemed  to  be  the  breach  or  mak- 
ing void  of  the  fourth  article  in  the  agreement  made  between  the 
agents  of  the  said  colonies  of  Connecticut  and  Rhode-Island,  viz. 
John  Winthrop,  Esq.  and  Mr.  Daniel  Clark,  for  maintaining  prop- 
erty, dated  April  7th,  1663,  but  that  the  same  shall  be  kept  and 
justly  performed,  according  to  the  true  intent  and  meaning  there- 
of; and  that  all  former  grants  and  purchases,  granted  by,  or  made 
within  either  of  the  colonies,  and  all  other  ancient  grants  con- 
firmed by  the  authority  of  Connecticut  colony  within  the  township 
of  Westerly,  in  the  colony  of  Rhode-Island,  shall  be  duly  pre- 
served and  maintained,  as  fully  and  amply,  to  all  intents  and  pur- 
poses, as  if  they  were  lying  or  continued  within  the  bounds  of  the 
colony,  by  the  authority  of  which  it  was  granted  or  purchased."  * 

Notwithstanding  this  agreement,  Rhode-Island,  about  this 
time,  disowned  its  authenticity,  pretending  that  their  commis- 
sioners were  not  empowered  to  conclude  fully  and  finally  upon 

'  Agreement  on  file,  signed  with  the  hands  of  the  commissioners,  and  sealed 
with  nine  seals. 


I7«3) 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


381 


such  settlement.  The  cause  wds  heard  by  the  king  in  council, 
some  years  after,  and  decided  according  to  the  agreement  of  the 
commissioners  as  stated  above, 

September  27th,  17^8.  the  line  w»s  finally  ascertained  and  dis- 
tinguished by  proper  momjments  and  fioundaries.  Roger  Wol- 
cott,  James  Wadsworth,  and  iJaniel  Palmer,  on  the  part  of  Con- 
necticut, and  William  Wanton,  /'«'njaniin  EUery,  and  William 
Jenlcs,  in  behalf  of  Rhode-Island,  were  the  committees  for  the 
running  and  final  fixing  of  the  line. 

No  colony,  perhaps,  had  ever  a  better  right  to  th**  lands  com- 
prised in  its  original  patent  than  Connecticut,  yet  none  has  been 
more  unfortunate  with  respect  to  the  loss  of  territory.  King 
Charles  the  second,  in  favor  of  his  brother  the  duke  of  York, 
granted  a  great  part  of  the  lands  contained  within  its  original  limits 
to  him,  and  the  legislature,  for  fear  of  offending  those  royal  per- 
sonages and  losing  their  charter,  gave  up  Long-Island  and  agreed 
to  the  settlement  of  the  boundary  line  with  the  king's  commission- 
ers. For  the  reasons  which  have  been  suggested  they  lost  a  con- 
siderable tract  on  the  north  and  on  the  east.  Indeed,  considering 
the  enemies  and  difficulties  with  which  they  had  to  combat,  it  is 
admirable  that  they  retained  so  much  territory,  and  so  nobly  de- 
fended their  just  rights  and  liberties. 

The  peace  of  Utrecht  was  signed  by  the  plenipotentiaries  of 
Great-Britain  and  France,  March  30th,  1713.  Official  accounts  of 
the  pacification  and  orders  for  immediately  proclaiming  the  peace 
were  received  by  the  governor  of  Connecticut,  on  the  22d  of  Au- 
gust. The  governor  having  called  together  the  deputy  governor 
and  council,  they,  on  the  26th,  made  a  formal  proclamation  of 
peace  between  the  two  nations. 

Upon  the  pacification  with  France,  the  Indians  buried  the 
hatchet,  and  peace,  with  her  olive  branch,  once  more  gladdened 
the  colonies. 

Connecticut  had  not  been  less  fortunate  in  this,  than  in  former 
wars.  A  single  town  had  not  been  lost,  nor  had  any  considerable 
number  of  the  inhabitants  fallen  by  the  hands  of  the  enemy.  In 
Philip's,  king  William's,  and  queen  Anne's  wars,  Connecticut  lost 
only  the  buildings  and  part  of  the  effects  of  one  town.  The  in- 
habitants of  Simsbury,  when  consisting  of  about  forty  families,  as 
the  tradition  is,  supposing  themselves  in  danger  of  a  surprise,  by 
the  enemy,  buried  a  considerable  part  of  their  effects,  and  gener- 
ally removed  back  to  Windsor.  The  enemy,  finding  the  town 
nearly  deserted,  fell  upon  it,  burned  the  buildings,  and  captivated 
several  of  the  inhabitants.  When  the  people  moved  back,  such  an 
alteration  had  been  made,  by  the  burning  of  the  buildings  and  the 
growth  of  weeds  and  bushes,  that  the  particular  spot  in  which  they 
had  buried  their  effects,  could  not  be  found,  and  they  were  never 
recovered.    This,  most  probably,  was  in  the  spring  of  1676,  when 


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382 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


[1713 


the  Narraganset  and  other  Indians  appeared  in  strong  parties 
upon  the  river  above. 

The  expense  of  this  war  was  very  considerable.  Some  years  the 
colony  paid  a  tax  of  about  seven  pence  and  eight  pence  on  the 
pound,  on  the  whole  list  of  the  colony.  Besides,  it  was  found 
necessary  to  emit,  at  several  times,  from  June,  1709,  to  October, 
1713,  33,5001.  in  bills  of  credit.  Provision  had  been  made,  by  acts 
of  assembly,  for  the  calling  in  of  the  whole,  within  the  term  of 
about  seven  years  from  the  termination  of  the  war.  Twenty  thou- 
sand pounds  only  were  in  circulation  in  October,  171 3.  The  emis- 
sions were  all  in  the  same  form,  and,  by  a  law  of  the  colony,  the 
bills  of  each  were  to  be  received,  in  all  payments  at  the  treasury, 
at  five  per  cent,  better  than  money,  or  more  than  expressed  on  the 
face  of  the  bill.  In  all  other  payments,  it  was  enacted,  that  they 
should  be  received  as  money.  So  small  was  the  sum,  and  such  was 
the  advance  at  which  the  bills  were  received  at  the  treasury,  that 
they  appear  to  have  suffered  little  or  no  depreciation.  As  some  of 
the  small  bills  had  been  altered,  and  the  sum  expressed  made 
greater  than  in  the  original  ones,  the  assembly  passed  an  act  for 
calling  them  all  in,  and  emitting  20,oool.  in  new  bills,  which  the 
treasurer  was  directed  to  issue. 

After  pursuing  the  history  of  the  colony  nearly  eighty  years, 
from  the  commencement  of  its  first  settlements,  it  appears,  that, 
notwithstanding  the  many  wars,  numerous  hardships,  and  diffi- 
culties, which  it  had  almost  continually  to  combat,  its  progress  in 
numbers,  plantations,  husbandry,  wealth,  and  commerce,  were 
considerable. 

Within  the  colony,  and  under  its  jurisdiction,  were  thirty-eight 
taxable  towns,  and  forty  sent  deputies. 


Counties  and  Towns, 
County  of  Time  of 

Hartford.  Settlement. 

Hartford,  1635 

Weathersfield,  1634 

Windsor,  1635 

Farmington,  1644 

Middletown,  1651 

Simsbury,  1650 

Hnddam,  1668 
Glastenbury  made  a 

town,  1690 

Waterbury,  1686 

Windham,  169a 

Plainfield,  1689 

East-Haddam,  1713 

Canterbury,  1703 

Mansfield,  1703* 

Colchester,  1699 

Hebron,  1704* 


October  8th,  17 13. 

Killingly,  1708* 

Coventry,  1709* 

County  of  I           Time  of 

New-London.  |        Settlement. 

New- London,  1648 

Saybrook,  1639 

Norwich,  1660 

Lyme,  1667 

Stonington,  1658 

Killingworth,  1663 

Preston,  1686 
Lebanon  incorporated,      1697 

Voluntown,  1700 
Pomfret  incorporated,       17 13* 

County  of  Time  of 

New-Haven.  Settlement. 

New-Haven,  1638 

Milford,  1639 

Guilford,  1639 


I 


I 


it 


17»3] 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


383 


Branford, 

;              »644 

Wallingford, 

1670 

East-Haven, 

1607 

Derby, 

1675 

Durham, 

1699 

New-Miiford, 

1713* 

County  of 

Time  of 

Fairfield. 

Settlement. 

Fairfield, 

1639 

Stratford,  1639 

Greenwich,  1640 

Stamford,  1641 

Norwallc,  1651 

Woodbury  incorporated,  1674 

Danbury,  1693 

Newtown  incorporated,  17 ii* 

Ridge  field  incorporated,  1709* 


It  was  customary  with  the  assembly,  from  the  first  settlement  of 
the  colony,  to  release  the  infant  towns  two,  three,  or  four  years,  at 
first,  from  all  taxes  to  the  commonwealth;  and  especially  this  was 
the  universal  practice,  while  they  were  building  meeting-houses 
and  settling  ministers.  For  these  reasons,  the  eight  towns  marked 
with  asterisks,  at  this  time,  appear  to  have  been  released  from  pub- 
lic taxation. 

Attempts  had  been  made  for  the  settlement  of  Ashford;  two 
families  moved  on  to  the  lands  in  17 10,  and  began  settlements,  but 
it  was  not  incorporated  until  October,  17 14.  The  assembly  had, 
also,  appointed  committees,  and  passed  several  acts  respecting  the 
settlement  of  New  Fairfield,  but  it  does  not  appear  to  have  been 
incorporated  at  this  time.  Exclusive  of  the  towns  on  Long-Island, 
and  some  others  in  New- York,  and  the  town  of  Westerly,  in 
Rhode-Island,  Connecticut  had  settled  forty-five  towns  under  its 
own  jurisdiction.  Forty  of  them  sent  deputies.  The  house  of 
representatives,  when  full,  consisted  of  eighty  members. 

The  grand  list  of  the  colony  was  281,083!.  The  militia  consisted 
of  a  regiment  in  each  county,  and  amounted  to  nearly  four  thou- 
sand effective  men.  The  number  of  inhabitants  was  about  seven- 
teen thousand.* 

The  shipping  consisted  of  two  brigantines,  about  twenty  sloops, 
and  some  other  small  vessels.  The  number  of  seamen  did  not  ex- 
ceed a  hundred  and  twenty. 

There  were  three  considerable  towns  in  the  colony  under  the 
government  of  Massachusetts,  Suffield,  Enfield,  and  Woodstock. 
Suflfield  and  Enfield  were  part  of  Springfield,  which  was  purchased 
by  Mr.  Pyncheon  and  his  company,  of  the  natives,  the  original 
proprietors  of  the  soil.  This  tov/nship,  like  Windsor,  was  of  great 
extent.  At  first  it  was  supposed  to  belong  to  Connecticut,  and  it 
always  would  have  done  had  not  the  boundary  line  been  fixed  con- 
trary to  the  expectations  of  the  first  planters.  In  1670,  a  grant  of 
Suffield  was  made  to  major  John  Pyncheon,  Mr.  Elizur  Holyoke, 
Mr.  Thomas  Cooper,  Mr.  Benjamin  Cooly,  George  Cotton,  and 
Rowland  Thomas,  by  the  general  court  of  Massachusetts,  as  a 

'  This  estimate  is  called  "far  wrong"  by  Palfrey,  who  places  the  number  at 
over  23,000,  based  on  the  official  returns  of  the  number  of  taxable  males  in  1709,  or 
five  years  earlier.— J.  T. 


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384 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


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committee  to  lay  it  out  and  plant  a  township.  And  about  that  time 
it  was  settled,  and  incorporated  with  town  privileges. 

Enfield  was  settled  by  people  from  Massachusetts,  about  the 
year  1681.  A  grant  of  the  township,  which  is  six  miles  square,  was 
made  to  several  planters  about  two  years  before.  The  planters 
came  on  with  numbers  and  strength.  They  brought  with  them 
two  young  gentlemen,  one  Mr.  Whittington  for  a  schoolmaster, 
and  Mr.  Welch,  a  candidate  for  the  ministry,  to  be  their  preacher. 
In  the  year  1769,  the  number  of  families  in  the  town  was  214,  and 
the  number  of  inhabitants  was  1,380.  The  town  was  named  after 
one  of  the  same  name  in  England.* 

Courts  in  Connecticut. 

The  general  court,  or  assembly,  in  May  and  October.  The  ses- 
sions at  this  period,  generally,  did  not  exceed  ten  or  twelve  days. 
The  expense  of  government  was  very  inconsiderable.  The  ex- 
pense of  the  two  sessions  annually  hardly  amounted  to  400 
pounds.  The  salary  of  the  governor  was  200  pounds,  and  that  of 
the  deputy  governor  fifty  pounds.  The  whole  expense  of  govern- 
ment, probably  did  not  exceed  eight  hundred  pounds  annually.- 

The  Superior  court,  which  was  made  circular  in  171 1.  At  the 
May  session,  171 1,  it  was  enacted,  that  there  should  be  one 
superior  court  of  judicature  over  the  whole  colony:  That  this 
court  should  be  holden  annually,  within  and  for  the  county  of 
Hartford  on  the  third  Tuesdays  in  March  and  September:  With- 
in and  for  the  county  of  New-Haven  on  the  second  Tuesdays  in 
March  and  September:  Within  and  for  the  county  of  Fairfield,  at 
Fairfield,  on  the  first  Tuesdays  in  March  and  September;  and 
within  and  for  the  county  of  New-London  on  the  fourth  Tuesdays 
in  said  months. 

This  court  consisted  of  one  chief  judge  and  four  other  judges, 
three  of  whom  made  a  quorum.  The  judges  of  the  court  were  all 
magistrates.  William  Pitkin,  Esq.  was  chief  judge.  Richard 
Christopher,  Peter  Burr,  Samuel  Eells,  and  John  Haynes,  Es- 
quires, were  assistant  judges.  The  wages  of  the  chief  judge  were 
ten  shillings  a  day,  while  on  the  public  service.  The  other  judges 
were  allowed  the  fees,  by  law,  payable  to  the  bench. 

The  inferior,  or  county  courts.  At  the  session  in  May,  1665, 
counties  were  first  m  .  Je.  From  that  time  each  county  had  a  court 
of  its  own.  This,  after  a  few  years,  from  its  first  institution,  con- 
sisted of  a  chief  judge  and  four  justices  of  the  quorum.  The  busi- 
ness of  these  courts  has  been  already  sufficiently  noticed. 

In  each  county  there  was  a  court  of  probates,  consisting  of  one 
judge  and  a  clerk.  In  this  all  testamentary  aflfairs  were  managed. 
From  this  court  appeals  might  be  had  to  the  county  court.    One 

'  With  respect  to  Woodstock  there  are  no  records  or  minutes. 
'  The  expense  of  government  in  Connecticut  did  not  generally  amount  to  the 
salary  of  a  king's  governor. 


1713] 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


385 


of  the  magistrates  of  the  county  was  commonly  judge  of  this  court. 
It  met  frequently,  business  was  done  with  ease  and  dispatch,  and 
with  little  expense  to  the  fatherless  and  widow. 

The  manufactures  of  Connecticut  at  this  time,  were  very  incon- 
siderable. There  was  but  one  clothier  in  the  colony.  The  most  he 
could  do  was  to  full  the  cloth  which  was  made.  A  great  propor- 
tion of  it  was  worn  without  shearing  or  pressing.^ 

The  trade  of  the  colony  was  not  considerable.  Its  foreign  com- 
merce was  indeed  next  to  nothing.  The  only  articles  exported  di- 
rectly from  it  to  Great-Britain  were  turpentine,  pitch,  tar,  and  fur. 
But  these  more  generally  were  sent  directly  to  Boston  or  New- 
York,  and  were  traded  for  such  European  goods  as  were  con- 
sumed in  the  colony.  Its  principal  trade  was  with  Boston,  New- 
York,  and  the  West-Indies.  To  the  two  former  the  merchants 
traded  in  the  produce  of  the  colony,  wheat,  rye,  barley,  Indian  corn, 
peas,  pork,  beef,  and  fat  cattle. 

To  the  West-Indies  the  merchants  exported  horses,  staves, 
hoops,  pork,  beef,  and  cattle.  In  return  they  received  rum,  sugar, 
molasses,  cotton  wool,  bills  of  exchange,  and  sometimes  small 
sums  of  money.  But  little  more  was  imported,  than  was  found 
necessary  for  home  consumption. 

At  this  period  there  was  not  a  printer  in  the  colony.  For  this 
reason  a  great  proportion  of  the  laws  were  only  in  manuscript. 
The  assembly  had  now  desired  the  governor  and  council  to  pro- 
cure a  printer  to  settle  in  the  colony.  It  was  determined  soon  to 
revise  and  print  the  laws  which  made  the  assembly  more  urgent  in 
the  affair  at  that  time.  The  council  obtained  Mr.  Timothy  Green, 
a  descendant  of  Mr.  Samuel  Green  of  Cambridge  in  Massachu- 
setts, the  first  printer  in  North-America.  The  assembly  for  his  en- 
couragement agreed  that  he  should  be  printer  to  the  governor  and 
company  and  that  he  should  have  fifty  pounds,  the  salary  of  the 
deputy  governor,  annually.  He  was  obliged  to  print  the  election 
sermons,  the  proclamations  for  fasts  and  thanksgivings,  and  laws 
which  were  enacted  at  the  several  sessions  of  the  assembly.  In 
1 714,  he  came  into  Connecticut,  and  fixed  his  residence  at  New- 
London.  He  and  his  descendants  were,  for  a  great  number  of 
years,  printers  to  the  governor  and  company  of  Connecticut.*  At 
the  period  to  which  the  history  is  brought  down,  almost  all  that 
part  of  the  colony  on  the  east  side  of  Connecticut  was  settled. 
Ashford,  Tolland,  Stafford,  Bolton,  and  two  or  three  other  towns 
have  been  settled  in  that  part  of  the  colony,  and  the  greatest  part 
of  the  county  of  Litchfield  since.  The  settlement  of  these  has  been 
attended  with  little  difficulty  in  comparison  with  what  was  experi- 
enced in  the  planting  and  defending  of  the  former. 

1  Answer  to  queitiont  from  the  lords  of  trade  and  plantations,  1710. 

*  The  first  printer  in  this  colony  was  Thomas  Short.  He  was  recommended  to 
the  colony  by  Mr.  Green.  He  came  to  New-London  about  the  year  1709.  In  1710, 
he  printed  Saybrook  Platform,  and  soon  after  died. 


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386 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


[1666 


Who  can  contemplate  the  hardships,  labors,  and  dangers  of  our 
ancestors,  their  self-denial,  magnanimity,  firmness,  and  persever- 
ance, in  defending  their  just  rights,  and  the  great  expense,  though 
they  were  poor,  at  which  they  maintained  and  transmitted  the 
fairest  inheritance  to  us,  and  not  highly  esteem  and  venerate  their 
characters?  If  they  had  some  imperfections,  yet  had  they  not 
more  excellencies,  and  did  they  not  effect  greater  things,  for  them- 
selves and  posterity,  than  men  have  generally  done?  Is  it  possi- 
ble to  review  the  sufferings,  dangers,  expense  of  blood  and  treas- 
ure, with  which  our  invaluable  liberties,  civil  and  religious,  have 
been  transmitted  to  us,  and  not  to  esteem  them  precious?  Not 
most  vigilantly  and  vigorously  defend  them?  Shall  we  not  at  all 
hazards,  maintain  and  perpetuate  them?  Can  we  contemplate  the 
sobriety,  wisdom,  integrity,  industry,  economy,  public  spirit, 
peaceableness,  good  order,  and  other  virtues,  by  which  this  repub- 
lic hath  arisen  from  the  smallest  beginnings,  to  its  present 
strength,  opulence,  beauty  and  respectability,  and  not  admire 
those  virtues?  Not  be  convinced  of  their  high  importance  to  so- 
ciety? Shall  we  not  make  them  our  own?  And  by  the  constant 
practice  of  them,  hand  down  our  distinguished  liberties,  dignity, 
and  happiness,  to  the  latest  ages? 


CHAPTER  XIX. 

ALTHOUGH  the  legislature  of  Connecticut,  during  the  con- 
troversy respecting  the  union  of  the  colonies,  judged  it  expedient 
to  transact  nothing  relative  to  the  religious  controversies  then  in 
the  country,  yet,  as  soon  as  the  union  was  well  established,  they 
entered  seriously  upon  measures  to  bring  them  to  a  final  issue. 
For  this  purpose,  they  passed  the  following  act. 

"  This  court  doth  conclude,  to  consider  of  some  way  or  means 
to  bring  those  ecclesiastical  matters,  that  are  in  difference  in  the 
several  plantations,  to  an  issue,  by  stating  some  suitable  accom- 
modation and  expedient  thereunto.  And  do  therefore  order,  that 
a  synod  be  called  to  consider  and  debate  those  matters ;  and  that 
the  questions  presented  to  the  elders  and  ministers  th'i.t  are  called 
to  this  synod,  shall  be  publicly  disputed  to  an  issue.  And  this 
court  doth  confer  power  to  this  synod,  being  met  and  constituted, 
to  order  and  methodize  the  disputation,  so  as  may  most  conduce, 
in  their  apprehension,  to  attain  a  regular  issue  of  their  debates." 

The  court  ordered,  that  all  the  preaching  elders,  or  ministers, 
who  were  or  should  be  settled  in  this  colony,  at  the  time  appointed 
for  the  meeting  of  the  synod,  should  be  sent  to,  to  attend  as  mem- 
bers of  it.    It  was  also  ordered  by  the  legislature,  that  Mr.  Mit- 


1667] 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


387 


cliell,  Mr.  Brown,  Mr.  Sherman,  and  Mr.  Glover,of  Massachusetts, 
should  be  invited  to  assist  as  members  of  the  synod.  It  was  also 
ordered,  that,  upon  the  meeting  of  a  majority  of  the  preaching 
elders  in  the  colony,  they  should  proceed  as  a  synod.  Further,  it 
was  enacted,  that  the  questions  proposed  by  this  assembly,  should 
be  the  questions  to  be  disputed  by  the  synod.  The  meeting  of  the 
synod  was  appointed  on  the  third  Wednesday  in  May,  1667.  The 
secretary  was  directed  to  transmit  to  all  the  ministers  in  this  col- 
ony, and  those  invited  from  the  Massachusetts,  a  copy  of  this  act 
of  assembly,  and  of  the  questions  to  be  disputed. 

It  seems,  that  the  ministers  had  objections  to  meeting  as  a 
synod,  and  to  the  order  of  the  assembly  vesting  them  with  synod- 
ical  powers.  Numbers  of  the  ministers  and  churches  appear  to 
have  been  too  jealous  fci'  their  liberties  to  admit  of  the  authority 
of  synods  appointed  by  the  assembly.  The  legislature,  to  ease  this 
difficulty,  in  their  May  session,  judged  it  expedient  to  alter  the 
name  of  the  council,  and  to  call  it  an  assembly  of  the  ministers  of 
Connecticut,  called  together  by  the  general  court,  for  the  discuss- 
ing of  the  questions^  stated,  according  to  their  former  order. 

The  assembly  of  ministers  convened  at  the  time  appointed,  and 
having  conversed  on  the  questions,  and  voted  not  to  dispute  them 
publicly,  adjourned  until  the  fall,  determining  then  to  meet  again, 
and  make  their  report,  should  it  be  the  desire  of  the  legislature. 
The  questions  were  the  same  which  had  been  exhibited  ten  years, 
before."    The  same  points  of  controversy  still  subsisted.    The  ' 
churches  continued  in  their  former  strict  method  of  admitting 
members  to  their  communion,  and  maintained  their  right  to 
choose  their  ministers,  without  any  controul  from  the  towns  or 
parishes  of  which  they  were  a  part.    It  does  not  appear,  that  one 
church  in  the  colony  had  yet  consented  to  the  baptism  of  children, 
upon  their  parents  owning  the  covenant,  as  it  was  then  called.    It 
was  insisted,  as  necessary  to  the  baptism  of  children,  that  one  of 
the  parents,  at  least,  should  be  a  member  in  full  communion  withj 
the  church,  and  in  regular  standing. 

It  seems,  that  the  assembly's  particularly  inviting  the  gentle- 
men from  the  Massachusetts,  in  their  name,  to  attend  the  general 
assembly  of  ministers  and  churches,  was  to  enlighten  and  soften 
the  minds  of  the  ministers  of  Connecticut  in  those  points,  and  to 
obtain  a  majority  in  the  assembly  for  a  less  rigid  mode  of  proceed- 
ing. Mr.  Mitchell  was  the  most  powerful  disputant  of  his  day,  in 
New-England,  in  favour  of  the  baptism  of  children,  upon  their 
parents  owning  the  covenant,  though  they  neglected  to  obey  and 
honour  Christ,  in  attending  the  sacrament  of  the  Lord's  Supper. 

>  See  note,  p.  252.  The  fact  that  "the  same  points  of  controversy  still  subsist- 
ed "  may  have  nad  something  to  do  with  the  error  of  assuming  that  the  questions 
were  identical. — J.  T. 

-  See  chapter  xiii.  p.  353,  253. 


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HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


[1667 


It  appeared,  however,  that  this  party  were  not  able  to  carry  any 
point  in  the  assembly,  and  that  the  questions  were  not  likely  to  be 
determined  according  to  the  wishes  of  the  majority  of  the  legis- 
lature. Measures  were,  therefore,  adopted  to  prevent  the  meeting 
and  result  of  the  assembly,  at  their  adjournment  in  the  fall. 
■^  In  September,  the  commissioners  of  the  united  colonies  met  at 
Hartford,  and  they  interposed  in  the  affair.  They  resolved,  "  That 
when  questions  of  public  concernment,  about  matters  of  faith  and 
order,  do  arise  in  any  colony,  that  the  decision  thereof  should  be 
referred  to  a  synod,  or  council  of  messengers  of  churches,  indif- 
ferently called  out  of  the  united  colonies,  by  an  orderly  agreement 
of  all  the  general  courts;  and  that  the  place  of  meeting  be  at,  or 
near  Boston."  This  vote  was,  doubtless,  obtained  by  the  art  of 
those  gentlemen,  among  the  civilians  and  ministers,  who  wished 
to  prevent  the  meeting*  of  the  assembly  of  ministers,  and  their  re- 
sulting upon  the  questions. 

The  reverend  elders  Warham,  Hooker,  and  Whiting,  in  a  writ- 
ing under  their  hands,  represented  to  the  assembly,  at  their  session 
in  October,  that  it  was  the  desire  of  the  assembly  of  ministers,  that 
there  might  be  a  more  general  meeting  of  ministers  from  Massa- 
chusetts, to  assist  in  the  consideration  and  decision  of  the  ques- 
tions proposed.  It  was  also  represented  to  the  assembly,  that 
though  they  and  others  were  for  disputing  the  questions  publicly, 
and  offered  to  do  it,  yet  the  major  part  of  the  assembly  refused  the 
offer. 

The  Rev.  Mr.  Bulkley  and  Mr.  Haynes,  on  the  other  hand,  in  a 
letter  addressed  by  them  to  the  assembly,  represented,  that  the 
assembly  had  authorized  a  major  part  of  the  ministers  to  method- 
ize the  proceedings  of  the  assembly,  and  that  a  majority  were 
against  a  public  disputation  of  the  questions :  That  it  was  viewed 
as  what  would  dishonour  God,  disserve  the  peace  and  edification 
of  the  churches,  and  the  general  interests  of  religion;  and  it  was 
judged  most  expedient  to  deliberate  upon  and  decide  the  ques- 
tions among  themselves,  as  was  usual  in  councils,  without  a  public 
disputation.  They  therefore  observed,  that  whatever  fair  offers 
were  made  them  to  dispute  the  questions  publicly,  they  could  not 
consistently  do  it,  as  it  was  contrary  to  a  major  vote  of  the  as- 
sembly of  the  ministers,  and,  in  their  opinion,  would  disserve  tlie 
interest  of  the  churches.  With  respect  to  the  present  application, 
made  by  Messrs.  Warham,  Hooker,  and  Whiting,  they  observed, 
that  it  appeared  strange  to  them,  as  a  considerable  number  of  the 
ministers  were  positively  against  it,  and  others  v-x  -  0  neuter,  and 
not  in  the  vote  for  a  more  general  council ;  and  thot  it  was  the  vote 
of  the  assembly  of  ministers,  to  meet  again  on  the  third  Wednes- 
day in  October.  They  assured  the  legislature,  that  they  were 
ready  and  determined  to  obey  all  their  lawful  commands;  and 
they  desired  information  from  them,  whether  the  assembly  of  min- 


r 


i 


I6671 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


389 


isters  should  meet  again,  according  to  adjournment,  or  not?  The 
general  assembly  voted,  that  the  questions  had  not  been  decided^ 
and  desired  the  several  churches  and  plantations  in  the  colony,  to 
send  their  teaching  elders,  at  their  own  expense,  to  sit  m  council, 
with  such  of  the  elders  of  Massachusetts  and  Plymouth  as  should 
l)e  appointed,  to  consider  and  determine  the  points  in  controversy. 
The  assembly  desired,  that  the  general  court  of  Massachusetts 
might  be  certified  of  the  affair,  and  would  appoint  time  and  place 
for  the  meeting  of  a  synod,  if  they  should  judge  it  expedient. 

Whether  the  assembly  really  wished  to  have  a  general  council, 
or  whether  this  was  only  a  matter  of  policy  to  prevent  a  deter- 
mination of  the  questions  contrary  to  their  wishes,  is  not  certain. 
No  general  council,  however,  was  called ;  nor  does  it  appear,  that 
any  motion  was  made  afterwards  for  that  purpose.  Indeed,  the 
legislature  seem  to  have  fallen  under  the  conviction,  that  the 
clergy  and  churches  would  not  give  up  their  private  opinions,  in 
faith  and  practice,  to  the  decisions  of  councils;  that  honest  men 
would  think  differently,  and  that  they  could  not  be  convinced  and 
made  of  one  mind  by  disputing.  No  further  attempts  were  ever 
made  by  them,  to  bring  those  points  to  a  public  discussion.         ^j 

While  these  affairs  were  transacting  in  Connecticut,  a  remark- 
able transaction  took  place  in  the  first  church  at  Boston,  the  most 
considerable  church  in  New-England.  Their  pastor,  the  Rev.  Mr. 
Wilson,  was  one  of  the  synod  in  1662,  and  one  who  had  adopted  its 
determinations  relative  to  the  subjects  of  baptism.  His  church 
also  appeared  to  have  consented  to  the  practice  of  admitting  per- 
sons to  own  their  covenant  and  bring  their  children  10  baptism. 
Nevertheless,  after  Mr.  Wilson's  decease,  they  elected  the  Rev. 
Mr.  Davenport,  of  New-Haven,  for  their  pastor,  as  the  only  gen- 
tleman worthy  to  succeed  the  distinguished  lights  which  had 
illuminated  that  golden  candlestick.  He  had  publicly  written 
against  the  synod,  and  was  one  of  the  most  strict  and  rigid  minis- 
ters, with  respect  to  the  admission  of  members  to  full  communion, 
the  subjects  of  baptism,  and  with  respect  to  church  discipline,  in 
New-England.  He  had  now  arrived  nearly  to  seventy  years  of 
age,  yet,  in  1667,  upon  the  application  of  the  church  and  congrega- 
tion at  Boston,  he  accepted  their  invitation,  and  the  next  year 
removed  to  that  capital.  He  had  been  about  thirty  years  minister 
at  New-Haven,  and  was  greatly  esteemed  and  beloved  by  his  flock. 
This  circumstance,  with  his  advanced  period  of  life,  made  his  re- 
moval very  remarkable.  His  church  and  people  were  exceed- 
ingly unwilling  that  he  should  leave  them,  and,  it  seems,  never  for- 
mally gave  their  consent.  The  affair,  on  the  whole,  was  unhappy. 
It  occasioned  a  separation  from  the  first  church  in  Boston;  and 
the  church  and  congregation  at  New-Haven,  for  many  years,  re- 
mained in  an  uncomfortable  state,  unable  to  unite  in  the  choice  of 
any  person  to  take  the  pastoral  charge  of  them. 


ii 


jii 
iiliilf 

lillH 
1;  111  i? 


In 


111! 


Pi 


i  'i 


III 


H 


I 


mi 


390 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


I1667 


The  town  of  Windsor  had,  for  many  years,  been  almost  in  per- 
petual controversy,  relative  to  the  settlement  of  a  minister.  After 
Mr.  Warham  became  advanced  in  years,  he  wished  for  a  colleague, 
to  assist  him  in  ministerial  labors.  Various  young  gentlemen 
were  invited  to  preach  in  the  town;  but  such  as  one  part  of  the 
people  chose  for  the  minister,  the  other  would  violently  oppose. 
Sometimes  one  party  would  appear  with  great  zeal  for  one  candi- 
date, and  the  other  would  strive  with  equal  engagedness  for  an- 
other. In  such  case  advice  had  been  given,  that  both  the  persons, 
for  whom  they  were  thus  contending,  should  leave  the  town,  and 
that  application  should  be  made  to  some  other  candidate.  Much 
heat  and  obstinacy,  however,  continued  between  the  parties,  and 
all  attempts  to  unite  them  were  unsuccessful.  It  seems,  that  their 
passions  were  so  inflamed,  that,  upon  occasion  of  their  meetings, 
their  language  and  deportment  were  unbrotherly  and  irritating. 
One  Mr.  Chauncey  was  now  preaching  in  the  town,  and  parties 
were  warmly  engaged  for  and  against  him.  The  general  assembly, 
in  this  state  of  their  affairs,  enacted,  "  That  all  the  freemen  and 
householders  in  Windsor  and  Massacoe  should  meet  at  the  meet- 
ing-house, on  Monday  morning  next,  by  sun  an  hour  high,  and 
bring  in  their  votes  for  a  minister,  to  Mr.  Henry  Wolcott:  That 
those  who  were  for  Mr.  Chauncey  to  be  the  settled  minister  of 
Windsor,  bring  in  a  written  paper,  and  those  who  were  not  for 
him  to  give  in  a  paper  without  any  writing  upon  it:  That  the  in- 
habitants during  the  meeting  forbear  all  discourse  and  agitation  of 
any  matter,  which  may  serve  to  provoke  and  disturb  each  other's 
spirits,  and  when  the  meeting  is  over  return  to  their  several  occa- 
sions." 

Mr.  Wolcott  reported  to  the  assembly  the  state  of  the  town,  that 
there  were  eighty  six  votes  for  Mr.  Chauncey  and  fifty  five  against 
him.  The  assembly,  upon  the  petition  of  the  minor  party,  and  a 
full  view  of  the  state  of  the  town,  gave  them  liberty  to  settle  an 
orthodox  minister  among  themselves,  and  to  the  church  and  ma- 
jority of  the  town  to  settle  Mr.  Chauncey,  if  they  judged  it  expedi- 
ent. It  was  enacted,  that  the  minority  should  pay  Mr.  Chauncey 
until  they  should  obtain  another  minister  to  preach  and  reside  in 
the  town.  Mr.  Chauncey  was  not  finally  ordained,  but  the  affair 
was  carried  so  far  that  a  separation  was  soon  after  made  in  the 
church,  and  a  distinct  church  was  formed  by  the  minority.  The 
town  continued  in  an  unhappy  state  of  division,  for  about  sixteen 
years  from  this  time. 

f  The  legislature,  having  given  over  all  further  attempts  to  com- 
pose the  divisions  in  the  colony,  by  public  disputation  and  the  de- 
cisions of  general  councils,  determined  to  pursue  a  different 
course.  They  conceived  the  design  of  uniting  the  churches  in 
some  general  plan  of  church  communion  and  discipline,  by  which 
they  might  walk,  notwithstanding  their  different  sentiments,  in 


1668] 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


39» 


points  of  less  importance.  With  this  view,  an  act  passed  au- 
thorizing the  Rev.  Messrs.  James  FitcK,  Gershom  Bulkley,  Joseph 
Elliot,  and  Samuel  Wakcman,  to  meet  at  Saybrook,  and  devise  a 
way  in  which  this  desirable  purpose  might  be  effected.  This  ap- 
pears to  have  been  the  first  step  towards  forming  a  religious  con- 
stitution. From  this  time  it  became  more  and  more  a  general  ob- 
ject of  desire  and  pursuit,  though  many  years  elapsed  before  the 
work  could  be  accomplished.  -^ 

Notwithstanding  the  divisions  in  the  church  at  Hartford,  some 
years  since,  had  been  so  far  composed  and  healed,  that  it  had  been 
kept  together  until  this  time,  yet  there  were  really  different  senti- 
ments among  the  brethren  and  between  the  ministers,  relative  to 
the  qualifications  of  church  members,  the  subjects  of  baptism,  and 
the  mode  of  discipline.  Mr.  Whiting  and  part  of  the  church  were 
zealous  for  the  strictly  congregational  way,  as  it  has  been  called, 
practised  by  the  ministers  and  churches,  at  their  first  coming  into 
New-England.  Mr.  Haynes  and  a  majority  of  the  congregation 
were  not  less  engaged  against  it.  The  difference  became  so  great, 
that  it  was  judged  expedient,  both  by  an  ecclesiastical  council  and 
the  assembly,  that  the  church  and  town  should  be  divided.  An 
ecclesiastical  council  having  first  advised  to  a  division,  the  general 
assembly,  in  October,  1669,  passed  the  following  act. 

"  Upon  the  petition  presented  by  Joseph  Whiting,  &c.  to  this 
court,  for  a  distinct  walking  in  congregational  church  order,  as 
hath  been  settled  according  to  the  council  of  the  elders,  the  court 
doth  commend  it  to  the  church  at  Hartford  to  take  some  effectual 
course,  that  Mr.  Whiting,  &c,  may  practise  the  congregational 
way,  without  disturbance,  either  from  preaching  or  practice,  di- 
versely to  their  just  offence;  or  else  to  grant  their  loving  consent 
to  their  brethren  to  walk  distinct,  according  to  such  their  congre- 
gational principles ;  which  this  court  allows  liberty  in  Hartford  to 
be  done.  But  if  both  these  be  refused  and  neglected  by  the  church, 
then  these  brethren  may,  in  any  regular  way,  relieve  themselves 
without  offence  to  this  court."  ^ 

The  next  February,  Mr.  Whiting  and  his  adherents  resolved 
and  covenanted  in  the  manner  following,  and  formed  the  second 
church  in  Hartford. 

"  Having  had  the  consent  and  countenance  of  the  general  court, 
and  the  advice  of  an  ecclesiastical  council  to  encourage  us  in  em- 
bodying as  a  church  by  ourselves,  accordingly  upon  the  day  of 
completing  our  distinct  state,  (viz.  February  12th,  1669')  this 
paper  was  read  before  the  messengers  of  the  churches  and  con- 
sented to  by  ourselves.    Viz. 

"  The  holy  providence  of  the  Most  High  so  disposing,  that  pub- 

'  Parties  ran  high  at  this  time  in  the  colony ;  four  assistants  and  fourteen  depu- 
ties dissented,  and  desired  their  dissent  and  names  to  be  recorded. 
'  This,  according  to  the  present  mode  of  dating,  was  February,  167a 


^ij 


wv. 


!;! 


]«' 


rf 


m 


m 


392 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


[1670 


II  lie  opposition  and  disturbance  hath,  of  late  years,  been  given,  both 
by  preaching  and  practice,  to  the  congregational  way  of  church 
order,  by  all  manner  of  orderly  establishments  settled,  and  for  a 
long  time  unanimously  approved  and  peaceably  practised  in  this 
place,  all  endeavours  also  (both  among  ourselves  and  from  abroad) 
with  due  patience  therein,  proving  fruitless  and  unsuccessful  to  the 
removing  of  that  disturbance;  We,  whose  names  are  after  men- 
tioned, being  advised  by  a  council  of  the  neighbouring  churches, 
and  allowed  also  by  the  honorable  general  court,  to  dispose  our- 
selves into  a  capacity  of  distinct  walking,  in  order  to  a  peaceable 
and  edifying  enjoyment  of  all  God's  holy  ordinances.  Do  declare, 
that  according  to  the  light  we  have  hitherto  received,  the  foremen- 
tioned  congregational  way  (for  the  substance  of  it)  as  formerly 
settled,  professed  and  practised,  under  the  guidance  of  the  first 
leaders  of  this  church  of  Hartford,  is  the  way  of  Christ;  and  that 
as  such  we  are  bound  in  duty  carefully  to  observe  and  attend  it, 
until  such  further  light,  (about  any  particular  points  of  it)  shall  ap- 
pear to  us  from  the  scripture,  as  may  lead  us,  with  joint  or  general 
satisfaction,  to  be  otherwise  persuaded.  Some  main  heads  or  prin- 
ciples of  which  congregational  way  of  church  order  are  those  that 
follow.    Viz. 

1.  "  That  visible  saints  are  the  only  fit  matter,  and  confederation 
the  only  form  of  a  visible  church. 

2.  "  That  a  competent  number  of  visible  saints,  (with  their  seed) 
embodied  by  a  particular  covenant,  are  a  true,  distinct,  and  entire 
church  of  Christ, 

3.  "  That  such  a  particular  church,  bting  organized,  or  having 
furnished  itself  with  those  officers  which  Christ  hath  appointed, 
hath  all  power  and  privileges  of  a  church  belonging  to  it. 

"  In  special, 

1.  "To  admit  or  receive  members. 

2.  "  To  deal  with,  and  if  need  be,  reject  offenders. 

3.  "  To  administer  and  enjoy  all  other  ecclesiastical  ordinances 
within  itself. 

4.  "  That  the  power  of  guidance,  or  leading,  belongs  only  to  the 
eldership,  and  the  power  of  judgment,  consent,  or  privilege,  be- 
longs to  the  fraternity,  or  brethren  in  full  communion. 

5.  "  That  communion  is  carefully  to  be  maintained  between  the 
churches  of  Christ  according  to  his  order. 

6.  "  That  counsel,  in  cases  of  difficulty,  is  to  be  sought  and  sub- 
mitted to  according  to  God." 

Having  made  this  declaration,  the  brethren  proceeded  to  cove- 
nant in  the  following  manner: 

"  Since  it  hath  pleased  God,  in  his  infinite  mercy,  to  manifest 
himself  willing  to  take  unworthy  sinners  near  unto  himself,  even 
into  covenant  relation  to  and  interest  in  him,  to  become  a  God  to 
them,  and  avouch  them  to  be  his  people,  and  accordingly  to  com- 


i670] 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


J93 


mand  and  encourage  them  to  give  up  themselves  and  their  chil- 
dren also  to  him; 

"  We  do,  therefore,  this  day,  in  the  presence  of  God,  his  holy 
angels,  and  this  assembly,  avouch  the  Lord  Jehovah,  the  true 
and  living  God,  even  God  the  Father,  the  Son,  and  the  Holy 
Ghost,  to  be  our  God,  and  give  up  ourselves  and  ours  also  unto 
him,  to  be  his  subjects,  and  servants;  promising  through  grace 
and  strength  in  Christ  (without  whom  we  can  do  nothing)  to 
walk  in  professed  subjection  to  him  as  our  Lord  and  Lawgiver, 
yielding  universal  obedience  to  his  blessed  will,  according  to  what 
discoveries  he  hath  made,  or  shall  hereafter  make,  of  the  same  to 
us ;  in  special,  that  we  will  seek  him  in  all  his  holy  ordinances,  ac- 
cording to  the  rules  of  the  gospel,  submitting  to  his  government 
in  this  particular  church,  and  walking  together  therein,  with  all 
brotherly  love  and  mutual  watchfulness,  to  the  building  up  of  one 
another  in  faith  and  love  unto  his  praise.  All  which  we  promise 
to  perform,  the  Lord  helping  us,  through  his  grace  in  Jesus 
Christ." 

Nearly  at  the  same  time,  when  the  contentions  commenced  in 
the  church  at  Hartford,  the  people  at  Stratford  fell  into  the  same 
unhappy  state  of  controversy  and  division.  During  the  adminis- 
trations of  Mr.  Blackman,  their  first  pastor,  the  church  and  town 
enjoyed  great  peace,  and  conducted  their  ecclesiastical  affairs  with 
exemplary  harmony.  However,  he  was  far  advanced  in  years,  and 
about  the  year  1663  became  very  infirm,  and  unable  to  perform 
his  ministerial  labors.  The  church,  therefore,  applied  to  Mr. 
Israel  Chauncey,  son  of  the  president  Charles  Chauncey,  of  Cam- 
bridge, to  make  them  a  visit  and  preach  among  them.  A  majority 
of  the  church  and  town  chose  him  for  their  pastor,  and  in  1665  he 
was  ordained.^  But  a  large  and  respectable  part  of  the  church  and 
town  were  opposed  to  his  ordination.  To  make  them  easy,  it  was 
agreed,  that  if,  after  hearing  Mr.  Chauncey  a  certain  time,  they 
should  continue  dissatisfied  with  his  ministry,  they  should  have 
liberty  to  call  and  settle  another  minister,  and  have  the  same  privi- 
leges in  the  meeting  house  as  the  other  party.  Accordingly,  after 
hearing  Mr.  Chauncey  the  time  agreed  upon,  and  not  being  satis- 
fied with  his  ministerial  performances,  they  invited  Mr.  Zechariah 
Walker  to  preach  to  them,  and  finally  chose  him  for  their  pastor. 
He  was  ordained  to  the  pastoral  office  in  a  regular  manner,  by  the 
Rev.  Mr.  Haynes  and  Mr.  Whiting,  the  ministers  of  Hartford, 
sometime  about  the  year  1667,  or  1668.  Both  ministers  performed 
public  worship  in  the  same  house.  Mr.  Chauncey  performed  his 
services  at  the  usual  hours,  and  Mr.  Walker  was  allowed  two  hours 
in  the  middle  of  the  day.    But  after  some  time,  it  so  happened,  that 

I  His  ordination  was  in  the  independent  mode.  It  has  been  the  tradition,  that 
Elder  Brinsmade  laid  on  hands  with  a  leathern  mitten.  Hence  it  has  been  termed 
the  leathern  mitten  ordination. 


I'M 


fi, 


394 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


[1670 


k 


iM 


til 


Mr.  Walker  continued  his  service  longer  than  usual.  Mr.  Chaun- 
cey  and  his  people  coming  to  the  house  and  finding  that  Mr. 
Walker's  exercises  were  not  finished,  retired  to  a  private  house, 
and  there  performed  their  afternoon  devotions.  They  were,  how- 
ever, so  much  displeased,  that  the  next  day  they  went  over  to  Fair- 
field, and  exhibited  a  complaint  to  major  Gould,  one  of  the  magis- 
trates, against  Mr.  Walker.  The  major,  upon  hearing  the  case, 
advised  to  pacific  measures,  and  that  Mr.  Walker  should  be  al- 
lowed three  hours  for  the  time  of  his  public  exercises. 

In  May,  1669,  the  general  assembly  advised  the  town  to  grant 
Mr.  Walker  full  three  hours  for  his  exercises,  until  the  next  as- 
sembly in  October.  In  the  mean  time,  the  parties  were  directed 
to  call  an  able  council  to  give  them  advice  and  assistance,  and  if 
possible  to  reconcile  them.  All  attempts  for  a  reconciliation,  how- 
ever, were  unsuccessful.  The  parties  became  more  fixed  in  their 
opposition  to  each  other,  and  their  feelings  and  conduct  more  and 
more  unbrotherly.  At  length,  Mr.  Chauncey  and  the  majority  ex- 
cluded Mr.  Walker  and  his  hearers  the  meeting  house,  and  they 
convened  and  worshipped  in  a  private  dwelling. 

Governor  Winthrop,  affected  with  the  unhappy  controversy  and 
animosities  subsisting  in  the  town,  advised,  that  Mr.  Walker  and 
his  church  and  people  should  remove,  and  that  a  tract  of  land,  for 
the  settlement  of  a  new  township,  should  be  granted  for  their  en- 
couragement and  accommodation.  Accordingly,  Mr.  John  Sher- 
man,^ Mr.  William  Curtiss,  and  their  associates,  were  autliorized 
to  begin  a  plantation  at  Pomperaug.  Consequently,  Mr.  Walker 
and  his  people  removed  and  settled  the  town  of  Woodbury,  about 
the  years  1673  and  1674.  This  gave  peace  to  the  town  of  Stratford, 
and  Mr.  Walker  and  his  church  and  congregation  walked  in 
harmony  among  themselves  and  with  their  sister  churches. 

The  tradition  is,  that  Mr.  Walker  and  his  church  were  not  so  in- 
dependent, in  their  principles,  as  the  church  of  Stratford ;  and  that 
Mr.  Walker  was  a  more  experimental,  pungent  preacher,  than  Mr. 
Chauncey.  Mr.  Chauncey  was  learned  and  judicious.  They  both 
became  sensible  that  their  conduct  towards  each  other,  during  the 
controversy  at  Stratford,  had  not,  in  all  instances,  been  brotherly, 
and,  after  some  time,  made  concessions  to  each  other,  became  per- 
fectly reconciled,  and  conducted  towards  each  other  with  broth- 
erly affection. 

During  these  transactions,  those  venerable  fathers,  who  had 
been  singularly  instrumental  in  planting,  and  had  long  illuminated 
the  churches  of  Connecticut  and  New-England,  the  Rev.  John 
Davenport  and  the  Rev.  John  Warham,  finished  their  course.  Mr. 
Davenport  died  at  Boston,  of  an  apoplexy,  March  15th,  1670,  in 

I  Mr.  Sherman  wat  son  of  the  Rev.  John  Sherman,  of  Watertown,  he  was  some 
years  speaker  of  the  lower  house,  and  afterwards  one  of  the  magistrates  of  this  col- 
ony.   He  was  one  of  Mr.  Walker's  piincipal  hearers. 


i670] 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


395 


the  73d  year  of  hU  age.  He  was  born  in  the  city  of  Coventry,  in 
Warwickshire,  1597.  His  father  was  mayor  of  the  city.  At  about 
fourteen  years  of  age,  he  was  supposed  to  become  truly  pious,  and 
was  admitted  into  Brazen  Nose  college,  in  the  university  at  Ox- 
ford. When  h'  was  nineteen,  he  became  a  constant  preacher  in 
the  city  of  Let?  ion.  He  appears,  from  his  early  life,  to  have  been 
a  man  of  public  spirit,  planning  and  attempting  to  serve  the  gen- 
eral welfare  of  the  church.  About  the  year  1626,  he  united  with 
Dr.  Gouge,  Dr.  Sibs,  and  Mr.  Offspring,  the  lord  mayor  of  Lon- 
don, the  king's  sergeant  at  lav/,  and  with  several  other  attorneys 
and  citizens,  in  a  design  of  purchasing  impropriations,  and,  with 
the  profits  of  them,  to  maintain  a  constant,  able,  and  laborious 
ministry,  in  those  parts  of  the  kingdom,  where  the  poor  people 
were  destitute  of  the  word  and  ordinances,  and  such  a  ministry 
was  most  needed,  and  would  be  of  the  greatest  utility.  Such  in- 
credible progress  was  made  in  this  charitable  design,  that  all  the 
church  lands,  in  the  hands  of  laymen,  would  have  been  soon  hon- 
estly recovered  to  the  immediate  service  of  the  reformed  religion. 
But  Bishop  Laud,  viewing  the  undertaking  with  a  jea'ous  eye,  lest 
it  might  serve  the  cause  of  non-conformity,  caused  a  bill  to  be  ex- 
hibited in  the  exchequer  chamber,  by  the  king's  attorney-general, 
against  the  feoffees,  who  had  the  management  of  the  aiic^ir.  By 
this  means,  an  act  of  court  was  procured,  condemning  the  pro- 
ceedings, as  dangerous  to  the  church  and  state.  The  feoffments 
and  contrivances  made  to  the  charitable  design,  were  declared  to 
be  illegal,  the  company  was  dissolved,  and  the  money  was  confis- 
cated to  the  use  of  his  majesty.  But  as  the  affair  met  with  general 
approbation,  and  multitudes  of  wise  and  devout  people  extremely 
resented  the  conduct  of  the  court,  the  crime  was  never  prosecuted. 
Laud,  however,  watched  Mr.  Davenport  with  a  jealous  eye,  and 
as  he  soon  after  discovered  inclinations  to  non-conformity,  he 
marked  him  out  as  an  object  of  his  vengeance.  Mr.  Davenport, 
therefore,  to  avoid  the  storm,  by  the  consent  of  his  people,  re- 
signed his  pastoral  charge  in  Coleman-street.  He  hoped,  by  this 
means,  to  enjoy  a  quiet  life;  but  he  found  his  expectations  sadly 
disappointed.  He  was  so  constantly  harassed  by  one  busy  and 
furious  pursuivant  after  another,  that  he  was  obliged  to  leave  the 
kingdom,  and  retire  into  Holland.  In  1633,  he  arrived  at  Amster- 
dam, and,  at  the  desire  of  the  people,  who  met  him  on  his  way,  be- 
came colleague  pastor  with  the  aged  Mr.  Paget.  After  about  two 
years,  finding  that  he  could  not  conscientiously  administer  bap- 
tism in  that  loose  way,  to  all  sorts  of  children,  practised  in  the 
Dutch  churches,  he  desisted  from  his  ministry  at  Amsterdam. 
While  he  was  in  this  city,  he  received  letters  from  Mr.  Cotton,  at 
Boston,  acquainting  him,  that  the  order  of  the  churches  and  com- 
monwealth was  then  so  settled,  in  New-England,  by  common  con- 
sent, that  it  brought  into  his  mind  the  new  heaven  and  the  new 


t ' 


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396 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


[1670 


earth,  wherein  dwelleth  righteousness.  He,  therefore,  returned  to 
London,  and  having  shipped  himself,  with  a  number  of  pious  peo- 
ple, came  into  New-England ;  and,  as  has  been  related,  settled  at 
New-Haven.  He  was  a  preacher  of  the  gospel  about  fifty-four 
years,  nearly  thirty  of  which  were  spent  at  New-Haven.  He  was 
eminently  pious,  given  to  devotion  in  secret  and  private;  and  it 
Avas  supposed  that  he  was  abundant  in  ejaculatory  prayer.  He  is 
characterized  as  a  hard  student  and  universal  scholar ;  as  a  labo- 
rious, prudent,  exemplary  minister;  as  an  excellent  preacher, 
speaking  with  a  gravity,  energy,  and  agreeableness,  of  which  few 
of  his  brethren  were  capable.  It  is  said,  he  was  acquainted  with 
^reat  men,  and  great  things,  and  was  great  himself.^ 

The  Rev.  John  Warham  survived  Mr.  Davenport  but  a  short 
time.  He  expired  on  the  ist  of  April,  1670.  He  was  about  forty 
years  minister  in  New-England;  six  at  Dorchester,  and  thirty- 
four  at  Windsor.  He  was  distinguished  for  piety  and  the  btrictest 
morals;  yet,  at  times,  was  subject  to  great  gloominess  and  relig- 
ious melancholy.  Such  were  his  doubts  and  fears,  at  some  times, 
that  when  he  administered  the  Lord's  supper  to  his  brethren,  he 
did  not  participate  with  them,  fearing  that  the  seals  of  the  cove- 
nant did  not  belong  to  him.  It  is  said,  he  was  the  first  minister 
in  New-England  who  used  notes  in  preaching;  yet  he  was  ap- 
plauded by  his  hearers,  as  one  of  the  most  animated  and  energetic 
preachers  of  his  day.  He  was  considered  as  one  of  the  princip.il 
fathers  and  pillars  of  the  churches  of  Connecticut. 

After  the  close  of  the  war  with  Philip  and  the  Narraganset  Ind- 
ians, the  general  assembly  recommended  it  to  the  ministers 
through  the  colony,  to  take  special  pains  to  instruct  the  people 
in  the  duties  of  religion,  and  to  stir  up  and  awaken  them  to  re- 
pentance, and  a  general  reformation  of  manners.  They,  also, 
appointed  a  day  of  solemn  fasting  and  prayer,  to  supplicate  the 
divine  aid,  that  they  might  be  enabled  to  repent,  and  sincerely 
amend  their  ways.  The  same  measures  were  recommended,  at 
the  May  session,  the  next  year,  and  the  people  were  called  to  hu- 
miliation and  prayer,  under  a  deep  sense  of  the  abounding  of 
sin  and  the  dark  aspects  of  Providence. 

The  general  court,  about  three  years  after,  for  the  more  effect- 
ual preservation  and  propagation  of  religion  to  posterity,  recom- 
mended it  to  the  ministry  of  this  colony,  upon  the  Lord's  day, 
to  catechise  all  the  youth  in  their  respective  congregations,  under 
twenty  years  of  age,  in  the  assembly  of  divines,  or  some  other 
orthodox  catechism.  To  continue  and  increase  unity  in  religious 
sentiments  among  the  people,  and  that  they  might  have  the  ad- 
vantage of  participating  in  the  variety  of  ministerial  gifts,  it  was 

'  Magnalia,  B.  III.  p.  S' — S7>  He  left  a  respectable  family,  and  his  descend- 
ants have  supported  its  dignity  to  the  present  time.  Some  of  them  have  been  in 
the  ministry,  and  others  magistrates  of  this  colony. 


1670] 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


397 


also  recommended  to  the  ministers,  to  attend  a  weekly  lecture  in 
each  county,  on  Wednesday,  in  such  manner  as  they  should  judge- 
most  subservient  to  these  purposes.* 

The  religious  state  of  the  colony,  at  this  time,  is  given  in  an 
answer  to  the  queries  of  the  lords  of  trade  and  plantations.  It 
is  to  the  following  effect. 

"  Our  people,  in  this  colony,  are  some  of  them  strict  congre- 
gational men,  others  more  large  congregational  men,  and  some 
moderate  presbyterians.  The  congregational  men,  of  both  sorts, 
arc  the  greatest  part  of  the  people  in  the  colony.  There  are  four 
or  five  seventh  day  men,  and  about  so  many  more  quakers." 

"  Great  care  is  taken  for  the  instruction  of  the  people  in  the 
christian  religion,  by  ministers  catechising  of  them,  and  preach- 
ing to  them  twice  every  sabbath  day,  and  sometimes  on  lecture 
days;  and  by  masters  of  families  instructing  and  catechising  their 
children  and  servants,  which  they  are  required  to  do  by  law.  In 
our  corporation  are  twenty-six  towns,  and  twenty- one  churches. 
There  is  in  every  town  in  the  colony  a  settled  minister,  except 
in  two  towns  newly  begun."  In  some  towns  there  were  two  min- 
isters; so  that  there  were,  on  the  whole,  then  about  the  same 
number  of  ministers  as  of  towns.  There  was  about  one  minister, 
upon  an  average,  to  every  four  hundred  and  sixty  persons,  or 
to  about  ninety  families. 

While  settlements  and  churches  were  forming  in  various  parts 
of  the  colony,  and  the  English  inhabitants  were  providing  for 
their  own  instruction,  some  pains  were  taken  to  instruct  and 
christianize  the  Connecticut  Indians.  A  law  was  made,  obliging 
those  under  the  protection  of  the  government  to  keep  the  chris- 
tian sabbath.  The  Rev.  Mr.  Fitch  was  particularly  desired  to 
teach  Uncas  and  his  family  Christianity.  A  large  bible,  printed 
in  the  Indian  language,  was  provided  and  given  to  the  Moheagan 
sachems,  that  they  might  read  the  scriptures.  When  the  council 
of  ministers  met  at  Hartford,  in  1657,  the  famous  Mr.  Elliot, 
hearing  of  the  Podunk  Indians,  desired  that  the  tribe  might  be 
assembled,  that  he  might  have  an  opportunity  of  offering  Christ 
to  them  for  their  Saviour. 

By  the  influence  of  some  principal  gentlemen,  they  were  per- 
suaded to  come  together,  at  Hartford,  and  Mr.  Elliot  preached 
to  them  in  their  own  language,  and  labored  to  instruct  them  con- 
cerning their  Creator  and  Redeemer.  When  he  had  finished 
his  sermon,  and  explained  the  matter  to  them,  he  desired  an 
answer  from  them,  whether  they  would  accept  of  Jesus  Christ 
for  their  Saviour,  as  he  had  been  offered  to  them?  But  their 
chief  men,  with  great  scorn  and  resentment,  utterly  refused. 
They  said  the  English  had  taken  away  their  lands,  and  were  at- 
tempting now  to  make  them  servants. 

'  Records  of  the  colony. 


mm 


11 


i 


I     ; 


■ifi. 


398 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


[1676 


ii 


<«    ill  I".'  : 


Mr.  Stone  and  Mr.  Newton,  before  this  time,  had  both  been 
employed,  at  the  desire  of  the  colony,  to  teach  the  Indians  in 
Hartford,  Windsor,  Farmington,  and  that  vicinity;  and  one  John 
Minor  was  employed  as  an  interpreter,  and  was  taken  into  Mr. 
Stone's  family,  that  he  might  be  further  instructed  and  prepared 
for  that  service.  Catechisms  were  prepared  by  Mr.  Elliot  and 
others,  in  the  Indian  language,  and  spread  among  the  Indians. 
The  Rev.  Mr.  Pierson,  it  seems,  learned  the  Indian  language  and 
preached  to  the  Connecticut  Indians.  A  considerable  sum  was 
allowed  him  by  the  commissioners  of  the  united  colonies;  and 
a  sum  was  also  granted  by  them,  for  the  instruction  of  the  Ind- 
ians in  the  county  of  New- Haven.*  The  ministers  of  the  several 
towns,  where  Indians  lived,  instructed  them,  as  they  had  oppor- 
tunity; but  all  attempts  for  christianizing  the  Indians,  in  Con- 
necticut, were  attended  with  little  success.  They  were  engaged, 
a  great  part  of  their  time,  in  such  implacable  wars  among  them- 
selves, were  so  totally  ignorant  of  letters  and  the  English  lan- 
guage, and  the  English  ministers,  in  general,  were  so  entirely 
ignorant  of  their  dialect,  that  it  was  extremely  difficult  to  teach 
them.  Not  one  Indian  church  was  ever  gathered,  by  the  English 
ministers,  in  Connecticut.  Several  Indians,  however,  in  one  town 
and  another,  became  christians,  and  were  baptized  and  admitted 
to  full  communion  in  the  English  churches.  Some  few  were 
admitted  into  the  church  at  Farmington,*  and  some  into  the 
church  at  Derby.  One  of  the  sachems  of  the  Indians  at  Nauga- 
tuck  falls,  was  a  member  of  the  church  at  Derby,  and  it  has  been 
said  that  he  was  a  sober  w^U  conducted  man.  Some  few  of  the 
Moheagans  have  professed  Christianity,  and  been,  many  years 
since,  admitted  to  full  communion  in  the  north  church  in  New- 
London. 

The  gospel,  however,  hath  had  by  far  the  most  happy  effect 
upon  the  Quinibaug,  or  Plainfield  Indians,  of  any  in  Connecticut. 
They  ever  lived  peaceably  with  the  English,  and  about  the  year 
1745,  in  the  time  of  the  great  awakening  and  reformation  in  New- 
England,  they  became  greatly  affected  with  the  truths  of  the 
gospel,  professed  Christianity,  and  gave  the  strongest  evidence  of 
a  real  conversion  to  God.  They  were  filled  with  the  knowledge 
of  salvation,  and  expressed  it  to  admiration.  They  were  entirely 
reformed  as  to  their  manner  of  living.  They  became  temperate, 
and  abstained  from  drinking  to  excess,  which  it  had  before  been 
found  utterly  impossible  to  effect  by  any  other  means.  They  held 
religious  meetings,  and  numbers  of  them  formed  into  church  state 
and  had  the  sacraments  administered  to  them.' 

■  Records  of  the  united  colonies. 

-  There  was  an  Indian  school  formerly  kept  in  this  town,  at  the  expense  of  the 
society  for  propagating  christian  knowledge  among  the  Indians,  The  number  of 
Indian  scholars  was  sometimes  fifteen  or  sixteen. 

'  Manuscripts  from  Plainfield.  These  Indians  were  numerous  at  the  time  when 
the  town  was  settled,  amounting  to  4  or  500.   , 


!  time  when 


1680] 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


399 


Upon  the  assembly's  granting  liberty  to  the  minor  party  in 
Windsor  to  call  and  settle  an  orthodox  minister,  they  immediately 
called  one  Mr.  Woodbridge  to  preach  among  them.  Mr.  Chaun- 
cey  and  Mr.  Woodbridge  continued  to  preach,  one  to  one  party, 
and  the  other  to  the  other,  from  1667  to  1680.  Several  councils 
had  been  called  to  advise  and  unite  the  parties,  but  it  seems  none 
had  judged  it  expedient  to  ordain  either  of  the  gentlemen;  but 
after  a  separation  of  about  ten  years,  a  council  advised,  that  both 
ministers  should  leave  the  town,  and  that  the  churches  and  par- 
ties should  unite,  and  call  and  settle  one  minister  over  the  whole. 
As  the  parties  did  not  submit  to  this  advice,  it  seems,  that  another 
council  was  called  three  years  afterwards.  May,  1680,  which  gave 
the  same  advice,  but  the  parties  did  not  comply.  The  general 
assembly  therefore  interposed  and  passed  the  following  act,  Oc- 
tober 14th,  1680. 

"  This  court,  having  considered  the  petition  of  some  of  Windsor 
people  and  the  sorrowful  condition  of  the  good  people  there,  and 
tinding,  that  notwithstanding  all  means  of  healing  afforded  them, 
they  do  remain  in  a  bleeding  state  and  condition,  do  find  it  nec- 
essary for  this  court  to  exert  their  authority  towards  issuing  or 
putting  a  stop  to  the  present  troubles  there;  and  this  court  do 
liereby  declare,  that  they  find  all  the  good  people  of  Windsor 
obliged  to  stand  to,  and  rest  satisfied  with  the  advice  and  issue 
of  the  council  they  chose  to  hear  and  issue  their  matters;  which 
advice  being  given  and  now  presented  to  the  court,  dated  January, 
1677,  this  court  doth  confirm  the  same,  and  order  that  there  be  a 
seasonable  uniting  of  the  second  society  in  Windsor  with  the 
first,  according  to  order  of  council,  by  an  orderly  preparation  for 
their  admission;  and  if  there  be  objection  against  the  life  or 
knowledge  of  any,  then  it  be  according  to  the  council's  advice 
heard  and  issued  by  Mr.  Hooker  and  the  other  moderator's  suc- 
cessor; and  that  both  the  former  ministers  be  released:  And  that 
the  committee  appointed  to  seek  out  for  a  minister,  with  the  ad- 
vice of  the  church  and  town  collectively,  by  their  major  vote,  do 
vigorously  pursue  the  procuring  of  an  able,  orthodox  minister, 
qualified  according  to  the  advice  of  the  governor  and  council, 
and  ministers,  May  last;  and  all  the  good  people  of  Windsor  are 
hereby  required  to  be  aiding  and  assisting  therein,  and  not  in 
the  least  to  oppose  and  hinder  the  same,  as  they  will  answer  the 
contrary  at  their  peril."  ^ 

In  consequence  of  this  act,  Mr.  Samuel  Mather  was  invited  to 
preach  to  the  people,  and  about  two  years  after,  was  ordained 
to  the  pastoral  office  over  the  whole  town.  The  two  parties  were 
generally  united  in  him,  and  to  complete  the  union  of  the  town 
and  churches,  the  assembly  enacted,  May,  1682,  "  That  the  people 

>  Records  of  the  colony. 


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HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


[1682 


m 


at  Windsor  should  quietly  settle  Mr.  Mather  and  communicate 
to  his  support:  That  such  as,  on  examination,  should  satisfy  Mr. 
Mather  of  their  experimental  knowledge,  should  upon  proper 
testimony  of  their  good  conversation,  be  admitted  on  their  return 
from  the  second  church."  ^ 

Both  churches,  and  the  whole  town,  were  united  under  Mr. 
Mather,  and  their  ecclesiastical  affairs  were,  under  his  ministry, 
conducted  with  harmony  and  brotherly  affection. 

Notwithstanding  the  result  of  the  synod,  in  1662,  and  the  vari- 
ous attempts  which  had  been  made  to  introduce  the  practice  of 
what  has  been  generally  termed  owning  the  covenant,  it  does 
not  appear  to  have  obtained  in  the  churches  of  this  colony  until 
the  year  1696.  It  appears  first  to  have  betn  introduced  by  Mr. 
Woodbridge,  at  Hartford.-  The  covenant  proposed,  bearing 
date,  February,  1696,  is  for  substance  as  follows, 

"  We  do  solemnly,  in  the  presence  of  God  and  this  congrega- 
tion, avouch  God,  in  Jesus  Christ,  to  be  our  God,  one  God  in 
three  persons,  the  Father,  the  Son,  and  the  Holy  Ghost;  and  that 
we  are  by  nature  children  of  wrath,  and  that  our  hope  of  mercy 
with  God,  is  only  through  the  righteousness  of  Jesus  Christ,  ap- 
prehended by  faith;  and  we  do  freely  give  up  ourselves  to  tlie 
Lord,  to  walk  in  communion  with  him,  in  the  ordinances  ap- 
pointed in  his  holy  word,  and  to  yield  obedience  to  all  his  com- 
mandments, and  submit  to  his  government.  And  whereas,  to 
the  great  dishonor  of  God,  scandal  of  religion,  and  hazard  of  the 
damnation  of  many  souls,  drunkenness  and  uncleanness  are  pre- 
vailing amongst  us,  we  do  solemnly  engage  before  God,  this  day, 
through  his  grace,  faithfully  and  conscientiously  to  strive  against 
these  evils  and  the  temptations  leading  thereunto." 

Sixty  nine  persons,  male  and  female,  subscribed  this  in  Feb- 
ruary; on  the  8th  of  March,  one  fortnight  after,  eighty  three 
more  subscribed.  In  about  a  month,  the  number  of  subscribers 
amounted  to  one  hundred  and  ninety  two;  which  appears  to  have 
been  nearly  the  whole  body  of  young  people  in  that  congregation. 

The  like  practice  was,  about  the  same  time,  or  not  many  years 
after,  introduced  into  the  other  church,  and  the  practice  of  own- 
ing the  covenant  by  people,  and  offering  their  children  to  bap- 
tism, was  gradually  introduced  into  other  churches. 

The  practice  of  the  ministers  and  churches  at  Hartford,  in  some 
respects,  was  different  from  that  in  other  churches.  The  minis- 
ters, Mr.  Woodbridge  and  Mr.  Buckingham,  with  their  deacons, 
went  round  among  the  young  people  and  warned  them,  once  ev- 
ery year,  to  come  and  publicly  subscribe,  or  own  the  covenant. 


fi!'l>': 


'  Records  of  ihe  colony. 

'  It  appears  from  cVurch  'records  quoted  by  Styles,  that  this  covenant  was 
adopted  by  Mr.  Warham,  at  Windsor,  in  1657,  suspended  in  1664,  and  resumed 
in  1668.    Ancient  Windsor,  ist  ed.  p.  172.— J.  T. 


1696] 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


401 


When  such  persons  as  had  owned  or  subscribed  it  came  into 
family  state,  they  presented  their  children  to  baptism,  though  they 
made  no  other  profession  of  religion,  and  neglected  the  sacrament 
of  the  Lord's  supper  and  other  duties  peculiar  to  members  in 
full  communion.  In  other  churches,  the  covenant  was  owned 
by  persons,  sometimes  before  marriage,  but  more  generally  not 
until  they  became  parents,  and  wished  to  have  baptism  adminis- 
tered to  their  children.  — ■. 

The  practice  of  making  a  relation  of  christian  experiences,  and ' 
of  admitting  none  to  full  communion,  but  such  as  appeared  to 
be  christians  indeed,  yet  prevailed;   and  the  number  of  church 
members,  in  full  communion,  was  generally  small.     In  those 
churches  where  the  owning  of  the  covenant  was  not  practised,  1 
great  numbers  of  children  were  unbaptized. 

While  the  inhabitants  and  churches,  in  Connecticut,  were  con- 
stantly increasing,  and  the  calls  for  a  learned  ministry,  to  supply 
the  churches,  became  more  and  more  urgent,  a  number  of  the 
ministers  conceived  the  purpose  of  founding  a  college  in  Con- 
necticut. By  this  means,  they  might  educate  young  men.  from 
among  themselves,  for  the  sacred  ministry,  and  for  various  de- 
partments in  civil  life,  and  diffuse  literature  and  piety  more  gen- 
erally among  the  people.  The  clergy,  and  people  in  general,  by 
long  experience,  found  the  great  inconvenience  of  educating  their 
sons  at  so  great  a  distance  as  Cambridge,  and  in  carrying  so  much 
money  out  of  the  colony,  which  otherwise  might  be  a  consider- 
able emolument  to  this  commonwealth.  A  well  founded  college 
might  not  only  serve  the  interests  of  the  churches  in  this  gov- 
ernment, but  in  the  neighbouring  colonies,  where  there  were  no 
colleges  erected;  might  not  only  prevent  a  large  sum  of  money 
annually  from  being  carried  abroad,  but  bring  something  con- 
siderable into  it,  from  the  extensive  country  around  them.  Col- 
leges had  been  anciently  considered  as  the  schools  of  the  church ; 
and  not  only  the  prophets  had  been  encouragers  and  heads  of 
them ;  but  the  apostles  and  their  immediate  successors  had  taken 
great  care  to  establish  schools,  wherever  the  gospel  had  been 
preached,  for  the  propagation  of  the  truth,  and  to  transmit  the 
religion  of  the  Redeemer  to  all  succeeding  ages.  The  ministers 
therefore  conceived  it  to  be  entirely  in  character,  and  as  happily 
corresponding  with  the  great  design  of  the  first  settlement  of 
New-England  and  Connecticut,  for  them  to  be  the  planners  and 
founders  of  a  college. 

The  design  was  first  concerted,  in  1698,  by  the  Rev.  Messieurs 
Pierpont  of  New-Haven,  Andrew  of  Milford,  and  Russell  of  Bran- 
ford.  These  were  the  most  forward  and  active,  in  carrying  the 
affair  into  immediate  execution.  The  design  was  mentioned  to 
principal  gentlemen  and  ministers  in  private  conversation,  at  oc- 
casional meetings  of  the  clergy,  and  in  councils.    In  this  way 


II. 


1: 


1  ;.;      St 

I)' I 

ll"; 


-^Jk 


l^: 


I         > 


li 


I'll;  4.. 


■irH. 


402 


HISTORY  OF  CONNLCTICUT. 


[1693 


i: 


the  affair  was  so  far  ripened,  that  ten  of  the  principal  ministers 
in  the  colony  were  nominated  and  agreed  upon  to  stand  as  trus- 
tees, to  found,  erect,  and  govern  a  college.  The  gentlemen  thus 
agreed  upon  were  the  Reverend  Messieurs  James  Noyes  of  Ston- 
ington,  Israel  Chauncey  of  Stratford,  Thomas  Buckingham  of 
Saybrook,  Abraham  Pierson  of  Killingworth,  Samuel  Mather  of 
Windsor,  Samuel  Andrew  of  Milford,  Timothy  Woodbridge  of 
Hartford,  James  Pierpont  of  New-Haven,  Noadiah  Russell  of 
Middletown,  and  Joseph  Webb  of  Fairfield. 

In  1700,  these  gentlemen  convened  at  New-Haven,  and  formed 
themselves  into  a  body  or  society,  to  consist  of  eleven  ministers 
including  a  rector,  and  determined  to  found  a  college  in  the  col- 
ony of  Connecticut.  They  had  another  meeting,  the  same  year, 
at  Branford,  and  then  founded  the  university  of  Yale  college. 
The  transaction  was  in  this  manner.  Each  gentleman  gave  a 
number  of  books,  and  laying  them  upon  a  table,  pronounced 
words  to  this  eflfect,  "  I  give  these  books  for  the  founding  of  a 
college  in  this  colony."  About  forty  volumes  in  folio  were  thus 
given.  The  trustees  took  possession  of  them,  and  appointed  Mr, 
Russell  of  Branford,  to  be  keeper  of  their  library. 

Various  other  donations,  both  of  books  and  money,  were  soon 
after  made,  by  which  a  good  foundation  was  laid  for  a  public  -em- 
inary.  But  doubts  arising  whether  the  trustees  were  vested  wuh 
a  legal  capacity  for  the  holding  of  lands,  and  whether  private  do- 
nations and  contributions  would  be  sufficient  to  effect  the  great 
design  which  they  had  in  view,  it  was,  upon  the  best  advice  and 
mature  deliberation,  determined  to  make  application  to  the  legis- 
lature for  a  charter  of  incorporation.  The  draught  was  made  by 
the  honorable  judge  Sewall  and  Mr.  secretary  Addington  of  Bos- 
ton. This  was  presented  to  the  general  assembly  with  a  petition 
signed  by  a  large  number  of  ministers  and  other  principal  char- 
acters in  the  colony  praying  for  a  charter.  The  petition  repre- 
sented, "  That  from  a  sincere  regard  to,  and  zeal  for,  upholding 
the  Protestant  religion,  by  a  succession  of  learned  and  orthodox 
men,  they  had  proposed  that  a  collegiate  school  should  be  erected 
in  this  colony,  wherein  youth  should  be  instructed  in  all  parts 
of  learning,  to  qualify  them  for  public  employments  in  church 
and  civil  state;  and  that  they  had  nominated  ten  ministers  to 
be  trustees,  partners  or  undertakers  for  the  founding,  endowing 
and  ordering  the  said  school."  The  gentlemen  were  particularly 
named,  and  it  was  desired,  that  full  liberty  and  privilege  might 
be  granted  to  them  for  that  end. 

To  facilitate  the  design,  the  honorable  James  Fitch,  Esq.  of 
Norwich,  one  of  the  council,  before  the  petition  was  heard,  made 
a  formal  donation  under  his  hand,  predicated  on  "  the  great  pains 
and  charge  the  ministers  had  been  at  in  setting  up  a  collegiate 
school;  and  therefore  to  encourage  a  work  so  pleasing  to  God, 


170x1 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


403 


and  beneficial  to  posterity,  he  gave  a  tract  of  land,  in  Killingly, 
of  about  600  acres ;  and  all  the  glass  and  nails  which  should  be 
necessary  to  build  a  college  house  and  hall." 

The  general  assembly,  at  their  session  in  October,  1701,  incor- 
porated the  trustees  nominated,  granting  them  a  charter,  and 
vesting  them  with  all  powers  and  privileges  necessary  for  the 
government  of  a  college,  the  holding  of  lands,  and  the  employ- 
ment of  all  money  and  estates  which  might  be  given  for  the  bene- 
fit of  the  college.  The  charter  ordained  that  the  corporation 
should  consist  of  ministers  only,  and  that  none  should  be  chosen 
trustees  under  the  age  of  forty  years.  Their  number  was  not,  at 
any  time,  to  exceed  eleven  nor  be  less  than  seven.  The  assembly 
made  them  an  annual  grant  of  one  hundred  and  twenty  pounds, 
equal  to  about  sixty  pounds  sterling. 

The  trustees,  animated  with  their  charter  privileges  and  the 
countenance  of  the  legislature,  met  the  next  November,  at  Say- 
brook,  and  chose  the  Rev.  Abraham  Pierson  of  Killingworth, 
rector  of  the  college,  and  the  Rev.  Samuel  Russell  was  chosen 
a  trustee  to  complete  the  number  of  the  corporation.  They  also 
made  rules  for  the  general  government  and  instruction  of  the 
collegiate  school. 

It  was  ordered,  "  That  the  rector  take  special  care,  as  of  the 
moral  behaviour  of  the  students  at  all  times,  so,  with  industry, 
to  instruct  and  ground  them  well  in  theoretical  divinity;  and  to 
that  end,  shall  neither  by  himself,  nor  by  any  other  person  whom- 
soever, allow  them  to  be  instructed  in  any  other  system  or  synop- 
sis of  divinity,  than  such  as  the  trustees  do  order  and  appoint: 
But  shall  take  effectual  care,  that  said  students  bt:  weekly  (at  such 
seasons  as  he  shall  see  cause  to  appoint)  caused  memoriter  to 
recite  the  assembly's  catechism  in  Latin,  and  Dr.  Ames's  Theo 
logical  Theses,  of  which,  as  also  Ames's  Cases  of  Conscience, 
he  shall  make,  or  cause  to  be  made,  from  time  to  time,  such  ex- 
planations as  may,  through  the  blessing  of  God,  be  most  con- 
ducive to  their  establishment  in  the  principles  of  the  Christian 
Protestant  religion." 

"  The  rector  shall  also  cause  the  scriptures  daily,  except  on 
the  sabbath,  morning  and  evening,  to  be  read  by  the  students 
at  the  times  of  prayer  in  the  school,  according  to  the  laudable 
order  and  usage  of  Harvard  college,  making  expositions  upon 
the  same:  And  upon  the  sabbath,  shall  expound  practical  the- 
ologfy,  or  cause  the  non-graduated  students  to  repeat  sermons: 
And  in  all  other  ways,  according  to  the  best  of  his  discretion, 
shall,  at  all  times,  studiously  endeavour,  in  the  education  of  the 
students,  to  promote  the  power  and  purity  of  religion,  and  the 
best  edification  of  these  New-England  churches." 

At  this  meeting,  it  was  debated  where  to  fix  the  college. 
Though  the  trustees  were  not  fully  satisfied  or  agreed  on  the 


ft     I 


\   1 


!ii 


ml  r 


404 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


[1702 


I- 


h 


mi 


most  convenient  place,  yet  they  fixed  upon  Saybrook,  until,  upon 
further  consideration,  they  should  have  sufficient  reason  to  alter 
their  opinion.  They  desired  the  rector  to  remove  himself  and 
family  to  Saybrook.  Until  that  could  be  effected,  they  ordered, 
that  the  scholars  should  be  instructed,  at  or  near  the  rector's 
house,  in  Killingworth.  The  corporation  made  various  attempts 
to  remove  the  rector  to  Saybrook,  but  his  people  were  entirely 
opposed  to  it,  and  such  other  impediments  were  in  the  way  that 
it  was  not  eflfected.  The  students  continued  at  Killingworth  dur- 
ing his  life.  The  library,  for  that  reason,  was  removed  from  Bran- 
ford,  to  the  rector's  house. 

The  ministers  had  been  several  years  in  effecting  their  plan, 
and  a  number  of  young  men  had  been  preparing  for  college, 
under  the  instructions  of  one  and  another  of  the  trustees.  As 
soon  as  the  college  became  furnished  with  a  rector  and  tutor, 
eight  of  them  were  admitted  and  put  into  different  classes,  ac- 
cording to  the  proficiency  which  they  had  respectively  made. 
Some,  in  a  year  or  two,  became  qualified  for  a  degree. 

The  first  commencement  was  at  Saybrook,  September  131)1, 
1702.  The  following  gentlemen  appear,  at  this  time,  to  have 
received  the  degree  of  master  of  arts,  Stephen  Buckingham,  Sal- 
mon Treat,  Joseph  Coit,  Joseph  Moss,  Nathaniel  Chauncey,  and 
Joseph  Morgan.  Four  of  them  had  been  previously  graduated 
at  Cambridge.  They  all  became  ministers  of  the  gospel,  and 
three  of  them,  Mr.  Buckingham,  Mr.  Moss,  and  Mr.  Chauncey, 
were  afterwards  fellows  of  the  college. 

To  avoid  charge  and  other  inconveniences,  for  some  years  at 
first,  the  commencements  were  private.  Mr.  Nathaniel  Lynde 
of  Saybrook,  was  pleased  generously  to  give  a  house  and  land 
for  the  use  of  the  college,  so  long  as  it  should  be  continued  in 
that  town.  For  the  further  encouragement  and  accommodation, 
in  1703,  there  was' a  general  contribution  through  the  colony, 
to  build  a  college  house  at  Saybrook,  or  any  other  place  wherever 
it  should  finally  be  judged  most  convenient  to  fix  the  college.' 

>  This  year  that  venerable  man,  the  Reverend  James  Fitch,  pastor  of  the  church 
in  Norwich,  finished  his  course,  at  Lebanon,  in  the  80th  year  of  his  age.  His  his- 
tory and  character  are  given  in  the  inscription  upon  his  monumental  stone. 

In  hoc  Sepulchro  depositee  sunt  Reliquiae  Viri  vere  Keverendi  D.  Jacobi 
Fitch  ;  natus  fuit  apud  Boking,  in  Comitatu  Essexise,  in  Anglia,  Anno  Domini 
i6a3,  Decem.  24.  Qui,  postquam  Linguis  literatis  optime  instructus  fuisset,  in 
Nov-Angliam  venit,  Mintt  16 ;  et  deinde  Vitam  degit,  Hartfordise,  per  Septennium, 
sub  Instructione  Virorum  celeberrimorum  D.  Hooker  &  D.  Stone.  Postea  Munere 
pastorali  functus  est  apud  Saybrook  per  Annos  14.  Illinc  cum  Ecclesise  majori 
Parte  Norvicum  migravit ;  et  ibi  cseterbf.  Vitse  Annos  transegit  in  Opere  Evan- 
gelico.  In  Senectute,  vero,  prse  Corpori.v  iniirmitate  necessarie  cessabit  ab  Opere 
publico ;  tandemque  recessit  Liberis,  apud  Lebanon  ;  ubi  Semianno  fere  exacto  ob- 
dormivit  in  Jeru,  Anno  1702,  Novembris  18,  .^tat.  80. 

Vir  Ingenii  Acumine,  Ponderc  Judicii,  Prudentia,  Charitate,  Sanctis  Laboribus, 
et  omni  moda  Vitse  sanctitate,  Peritia  quoque  et  Vi  concionandi  nuUi  secundus. 
^  In  English  to  this  effect. 

In  this  grave  are  deposited  the  remains  of  that  truly  reverend  man,  Mr.  James 


1706] 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


4df, 


During  the  term  of  about  seventy  years  from  the  settlement 
of  Connecticut,  the  congregational  had  been  the  only  mode  of 
worship  in  the  colony.  But  the  society  for  propagating  the  gos- 
pel in  foreign  parts,  in  1704,  fixed  the  Rev.  Mr.  Muirson  as  a 
missionary  at  Rye.  Some  of  the  people  at  Stratford  had  been 
educated  in  the  church  of  England  mode  of  worship  and  admin- 
istering of  the  ordinances,  and  others  were  not  pleased  with  the 
rigid  doctrines  and  discipline  of  the  New-England  churches,  and 
they  made  an  earnest  application  to  Mr.  Muirson  to  make  a  visit 
at  Stratford,  and  preach  and  baptize  among  them.  About  the 
year  1706,  upon  their  invitation,  he  came  to  Stratford,  accom- 
panied with  colonel  Heathcote,  a  gentleman  zealously  engaged 
in  promoting  the  episcopal  church.  The  ministers  and  people, 
in  that  and  the  adjacent  towns,  it  seems,  were  alarmed  at  his 
coming,  and  took  pains  to  prevent  their  neighbors  and  families 
from  hearing  him.  However,  the  novelty  of  the  affair,  and  other 
circumstances,  brought  together  a  considerable  assembly;  and 
Mr.  Muirso.i  baptized  five  and  twenty  persons,  principally  adults. 
This  was  the  first  step  towards  introducing  the  church  worship 
into  this  colony.  In  April,  1707,  he  made  another  visit  to  Strat- 
ford. Colonel  Heathcote  was  pleased  to  honor  him  with  his 
company,  as  he  had  done  before.  He  preached,  at  this  time,  at 
Fairfield  as  well  as  Stratford;  and  in  both  towns  baptized  a 
number  of  children  and  adult  persons.  Both  the  magistrates  and 
ministers  opposed  the  introduction  of  episcopacy,  and  advised 
the  people  not  to  attend  the  preaching  of  the  church  mission- 
aries; but  the  opposition  only  increased  the  zeal  of  the  church 
people.  Mr.  Muirson,  after  this,  made  several  journeys  to  Con- 
necticut, and  itinerated  among  the  people.  But  there  was  no 
missionary,  from  the  society,  fixed  in  Connecticut,  until  the  year 
1722,  when  Mr.  Pigot  was  appointed  missionary  at  Stratford. 
The  churchmen  at  first,  in  that  town,  consisted  of  about  fifteen 
families,  among  whom  were  a  few  husbandmen,  but  much  the 
greatest  number  were  tradesmen,  who  had  been  born  in  England^ 
and  came  and  settled  there.  Some  of  their  neighbors  joined 
them,  so  that  Mr.  Pigot  had  twenty  communicants,  and  about 

Fitch.  He  wu  bom  at  Boking,  in  the  county  of  Essex,  in  England,  the  24th  of 
December,  in  the  year  of  our  Lord,  1633.  Who,  after  he  had  been  most  excellently 
taught  the  learned  languages,  came  into  New-England,  at  the  age  of  sixteen  ;  and 
then  spent  seren  years  under  the  instruction  of  those  very  famous  men,  Mr.  Hooker 
and  Mr.  Stone.  Afterwards,  he  discharged  the  pastoral  office,  fourteen  years,  at 
Saybrook.  Thence  he  removed,  with  the  major  part  of  his  church,  to  Norwich  ; 
where  he  spent  the  other  years  of  his  life  in  the  work  of  the  gospel.  In  his  old  age, 
ino'eed,  he  was  obliged  to  cease  from  his  public  labors,  by  reason  of  bodily  indispo- 
sition ;  and  at  length  retired  to  his  children,  at  Lebanon  ;  where,  after  spendmg 
nearly  half  a  year,  he  slept  in  Jesus,  in  the  year  1703,  on  the  i8th  of  November,  in 
the  80th  year  of  his  age. 

He  was  a  man,  as  to  the  smartneu  of  his  genius,  the  solidity  of  his  judgment, 
his  charity,  holy  labors,  and  every  kind  of  purity  of  life,  and  also  as  to  his  skill  and 
energy  of  preaching,  inferior  to  none. 


!l 


.    i 

li:;      I 


m 


'!!.• 


406 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


[1706 


a  hundred  and  fifty  hearers.  In  1723,  Christ  Church  in  Strat- 
ford was  founded,  and  the  Rev.  Mr.  Johnson,  afterwards  Dr. 
Johnson,  was  appointed  to  succeed  Mr.  Pigot.' 

The  first  plan  of  the  college  was  very  formal  and  minute,  drawn 
in  imitation  of  the  ancient  protestant  colleges  and  universities 
in  France.  It  was  proposed,  that  it  should  be  erected  by  a  general 
synod  of  the  consociated  churches  of  Connecticut.  It  was  de- 
signed, that  it  should  be  under  the  government  of  a  president 
and  ten  trustees,  seven  of  whom  were  to  be  a  quorum:  That  the 
synod  should  have  the  nomination  of  the  first  president  and  trus- 
tees, and  have  a  kind  of  general  influence  in  all  future  elections, 
that  the  governors  might  be  preserved  in  orthodox  sentiments. 
It  was  designed,  also,  that  the  synod  should  agree  upon  a  confes- 
sion of  faith,  to  which  the  president,  trustees,  and  tutors  should, 
upon  their  appointment  to  office,  be  required  to  give  their  con- 
sent; and  that  the  college  should  be  called  the  school  of  the 
church.  Indeed,  it  was  proposed,  that  the  churches  should  con- 
tribute to  its  support. 

Though  this  plan  was  not  formally  pursued,  yet  at  a  meeting 
of  the  trustees,  at  Guilford,  March  17th,  1703,  they  wrote  a  cir- 
cular letter  to  the  mmisters,  proposing  "  to  have  a  general  synod 
of  all  the  churches  in  ihe  colony  of  Connecticut,  to  give  their 
joint  consent  to  the  confession  of  faith,  after  the  example  of  the 
synod  in  Boston,  in  1680."  As  this  proposal  was  universally  ac- 
ceptable, the  churches  and  ministers  of  the  several  counties  met 
in  a  consociated  council,  and  gave  their  assent  to  the  Westmin- 
ster and  Savoy  confessions  of  faith.  It  seems,  that  they  also  drew 
up  certain  rules  of  ecclesiastical  union  in  discipline,  as  prepara- 
tory to  a  general  synod,  which  they  had  still  in  contemplation. 

The  Cambridge  platform,  which,  for  about  sixty  years,  had 
been  the  general  plan  of  discipline  and  church  fellowship  in  New- 
England,  made  no  provision  for  the  general  meeting  of  minis- 
ters, or  for  their  union  in  associations  or  in  consociations,  yet, 
at  an  early  period,  they  had  a  general  meeting,  both  in  Connecti- 
cut and  Massachusetts,  and  began  to  form  into  associations. 
Their  annual  meetings  were  at  the  times  of  the  general  election 
at  Boston  and  Hartford.  At  this  time,  they  had  handsome  enter- 
tainments made  for  them  at  the  public  expense.*  In  these  gen- 
eral meetings,  they  went  into  consultations  respecting  the  gen- 
eral welfare  of  the  churches,  the  supplying  them  with  ministers, 
providing  for  their  stated  enjoyment  of  divine  ordinances,  and 
the  preservation  of  their  peace  and  order.  The  general  interests 
of  literature  were  consulted,  and  advice  given  in  cases  in  which 

•  Manuscripts  from  Stratford,  and  Dr.  Humphrey's  History  of  the  Incorporated 
Society's  Missionaries. 

*  The  legislature  have  continued  this  generosity  to  the  present  time.  A  genteel 
entertainment  is  made  not  only  for  the  clergy  of  Connecticut,  but  of  the  neif.hbor- 
ing  colonies,  who  are  present  on  the  occasion. 


1703] 


I703] 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


407 


it  was  requisite.  Sometimes  measures  were  adopted  to  assist  the 
poor  and  afflicted,  in  particular  instances  of  distress.  The  affair 
of  civilizing  and  christianizing  the  Indians,  came  under  their 
serious  deliberations.  Sometimes  they  consulted  measures,  and 
gave  general  directions  respecting  candidates  for  the  ministry, 
and  the  orderly  manner  of  introducing  them  into  the  churches. 

The  ministers  of  particular  neighborhoods,  in  various  parts 
of  the  country,  held  frequent  meetings,  for  their  mutual  assistance, 
and  to  instruct  and  advise  the  churches  and  people,  as  circum- 
stances required.  This  particularly  was  the  practice  in  Connect- 
icut. 

The  venerable  Mr.  Hooker  was  a  great  friend  to  the  meeting 
and  consociation  of  ministers  and  churches,  as  a  grand  mean  of 
promoting  purity,  union,  and  brotherly  affection,  among  the  min- 
isters and  churches.  During  his  life,  the  ministers  in  the  vicinity 
of  Hartford,  had  frequent  meetings  at  his  house.  About  a  week 
before  his  death,  he  observed,  with  great  earnestness,  "  We  must 
ag^ee  upon  constant  meetings  of  ministers,  and  settle  the  conso- 
ciation of  churches,  or  else  we  are  undone."  Soon  after  his  de- 
cease, ministers  in  various  parts  of  New-England,  and  especially 
in  Connecticut,  began  to  establish  constant  meetings,  or  associa- 
tions, in  particular  vicinities,  and  agreed  on  the  business  to  be 
done,  ari  the  manner  in  which  they  would  proceed. 

They  d'd  not,  however,  all  adopt  the  same  mode.  Some  of  the 
meetings,  or  associations,  fasted  and  prayed,  and  discussed  ques- 
tions of  importance  for  mutual  instruction  and  edification.  A 
moderator  was  chosen  to  conduct  the  business  of  the  meetings 
with  order  and  decency,  to  receive  all  communications  which 
might  be  made  from  the  churches,  or  other  similar  meetings,  and 
to  call  the  associated  brethren  together  on  particular  emergen- 
cies. These  meetings  were  always  opened  and  concluded  with 
prayer. 

Some  of  the  associations  were  very  formal  and  particular  in 
covenanting  together,  and  in  fixing  the  business  which  should 
be  transacted  by  them.  They  covenanted  to  submit  to  the  coun- 
sels, reproofs,  and  censures  of  the  associated  brotherhood;  and 
that  they  would  not  forsake  the  association,  nor  neglect  the  ap- 
pointed meetings,  without  sufficient  reasons.  They  engaged,  that 
in  the  meetings  they  would  debate  questions  immediately  respect- 
ing themselves  and  their  conduct:  That  they  would  hear  and 
consider  all  cases  proposed  to  them  from  neighboring  churches 
or  individuals;  answer  letters  directed  to  them  from  particular 
churches  or  persons;  and  discuss  any  question,  which  had  been 
proposed  at  a  preceding  meeting.  In  some  of  these  associations, 
it  was  agreed  to  meet  statedly  once  in  six  weeks  or  two  months.^ 
As  the  design  was  for  their  own  mutual  improvement  and  the 

>  M»gnalia,  B.  V.  p.  58. 


rfti 


[/■it 


401 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


t«701 


W) 


i 


advancement  of  cliristianity  in  genefal,  the  associations  attended 
a  lecture  in  the  parishes  in  which  they  convened  for  the  instruc- 
tion and  edification  of  the  people.  In  Connecticut,  after  the  res- 
olution of  the  assembly,  in  1680,  the  ministers  had  county  meet- 
ings every  week. 

iiut  these  associations  and  meetings  were  merely  voluntary, 
countenanced  by  no  ecclesiastical  constitution,  attended  only  by 
such  ministers,  in  one  place  and  another,  as  were  willing  to  asso- 
ciate, and  could  bind  none  but  themselves.  The  churches  migiit 
advise  with  them  if  they  chose  it,  or  neglect  it  at  pleasure.  There 
was  no  regular  way  of  introducing  candidates  to  the  improvement 
of  the  churches,  by  the  general  consent  either  of  themselves  or 
the  elders.  When  they  had  finished  their  collegiate  studies,  if 
they  imagined  themselves  qualified,  and  could  find  some  friendly 
gentleman  in  the  ministry  to  introduce  them,  they  began  to 
preach,  without  an  examination  or  recommendation  from  any 
body  of  ministers  or  churches.  If  they  studied  a  time  Arith  any 
particular  minister  or  ministers,  after  they  had  received  the  hon- 
ors of  college,  that  minister,  or  those  ministers  introduced  them 
into  the  pulpit  at  pleasure,  without  the  general  consent  and  ap- 
probation of  their  bretliren.  Many  judged  this  to  be  too  loose 
a  practice,  in  a  matter  of  such  immense  importance  to  the  divine 
honor,  the  reputation  of  the  ministry,  and  the  peace  and  edifica- 
tion of  the  churches.  Degrees  at  college  were  esteemed  no  suffi- 
cient evidence  of  men's  piety,  knowledge  of  theology,  or  minis- 
terial gifts  and  qualifications. 

Besides,  it  was  generally  conceded,  that  the  state  of  the  churches 
was  lamentable,  with  respect  to  their  general  order,  government, 
and  discipline.  That  for  the  want  of  a  more  general  and  ener- 
getic government,  many  churches  ran  into  confusion ;  that  coun- 
cils were  not  sufficient  to  relieve  the  aggrieved  and  restore  peace. 
As  there  was  no  general  rule  for  the  calling  of  councils,  council 
was  called  against  council,  and  opposite  results  were  given  upon 
the  same  cases,  to  the  reproach  of  councils  and  the  wounding  of 
religion.  Aggfrieved  churches  and  brethren  were  discouraged,  as 
in  this  way  their  case  seemed  to  be  without  remedy.  There  was 
no  such  thing,  in  this  way,  as  bringing  their  difficulties  to  a  final 
issue.* 

For  the  relieving  of  these  inconveniences,  there  were  many,  in 
the  New-England  churches,  not  only  among  the  clergy,  but  other 
gentlemen  of  principal  character,  who  earnestly  wished  for  a 
ne.irer  union  among  the  churches.  A  great  majority  of  the  legis- 
lature and  clergy  in  Connecticut,  were  for  the  association  of  min- 
isters, and  the  consociation  of  churches.  The  synod,  in  1662, 
had  given  their  opinion  fully  in  favor  of  the  consociation  of 
churches.  The  heads  of  agreement  drawn  up  and  assented  to, 
'  Wise's  vindication,  p.  165,  Boston  edition,  1772.  J 


I708l 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


409 


by  the  united  ministers,  in  ICngland,  called  presbytcrian  and  con- 
gregational, in  1692,  had  made  their  appearance  on  this  side 
uf  the  Atlantic;  and,  in  general,  were  highly  approved.  The 
VII.  article  of  agreement,  under  the  head  of  the  ministry,  makes 
express  provision  for  the  regular  introduction  of  candidates  for 
the  ministry.  The  united  brethren  say,  "  It  is  expedient,  that 
they  who  enter  on  the  work  of  preaching  the  gospel,  be  not  only 
qualified  for  the  communion  of  saints;  but  also,  that,  except  in 
car.cs  extraordinary,  they  give  proof  of  their  gifts  and  htness  for 
the  said  work,  unto  the  pastors  of  the  churches  of  known  abil- 
ities, to  discern  and  judge  of  their  qualihcations;  that  they  may 
be  sent  forth  with  solemn  approbation  and  prayer;  which  we 
judge  needful,  that  no  doubt  may  remain  concerning  their  being 
called  unto  the  work ;  and  for  preventing,  as  much  as  in  us  lieth, 
ignorant  and  rash  intruders."  In  these  articles,  it  is  also  agreed, 
"  that  in  so  great  and  weighty  a  matter,  as  the  calling  and  choos- 
ing a  pastor,  we  judge  it  ordinarily  requisite,  that  every  such 
church  consult  and  advise  with  the  pastors  of  the  neighboring 
congregations." 

In  this  state  of  the  churches,  the  legislature  passed  an  act,  at 
their  session  in  May,  1708,  requiring  the  ministers  and  churches 
to  meet  and  form  an  ecclesiastical  constitution.  The  apprehen- 
sions and  wishes  of  the  assembly  will,  in  the  best  manner,  be 
discovered  by  their  own  act,  which  is  in  the  words  following: 

"  This  assembly,  from  their  own  observation,  and  the  complaint 
of  many  others,  being  made  sensible  of  the  defects  of  the  disci- 
pline of  the  churches  of  this  government,  arising  from  the  want 
of  a  more  explicit  asserting  of  the  rules  given  for  that  end  in  the 
holy  scriptures;  from  which  would  arise  a  permanent  establish- 
ment among  ourselves,  a  good  and  regular  issue  in  cases  sub- 
ject to  ecclesiastical  discipline,  glory  to  Christ,  our  head,  and 
edification  to  his  members;  hath  seen  fit  to  ordain  and  require, 
and  it  is  by  the  authority  of  the  same  ordained  and  required, 
that  the  ministers  of  the  several  counties  in  this  povernment  shall 
meet  together,  at  their  respective  county  towns,  w  .th  such  mes- 
sengers, as  the  churches  to  which  they  belong  shall  see  cause 
to  send  with  them,  on  the  last  Monday  in  June  next;  there  to 
consider  and  agree  upon  those  methods  and  rules  for  the  man- 
agement of  ecclesiastical  discipline,  which  by  them  shall  be  judged 
agreeable  and  conformable  to  the  word  of  God,  and  shall,  at  the 
same  meeting,  appoint  two  or  more  of  their  number  to  be  their 
delegates,  who  shall  all  meet  together  at  Saybrook,  at  the  next 
commencement  to  be  held  there;  where  they  shall  compare  the 
results  of  the  ministers  of  the  several  counties,  and  out  of  and 
from  them,  to  draw  a  form  of  ecclesiastical  discipline,  which,  by 
two  or  more  persons  delegated  by  them,  shall  be  offered  to  this 
court,  at  their  session  at  New-Haven,  in  October  next,  to  be  con- 


IP' 


«;li 


iH 


410 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


[1708 


1708] 


v-.r 


sidered  of  and  confirmed  by  them :  And  the  expense  of  the  above 
mentioned  meetings  shall  be  defrayed  out  of  the  public  treasury 
of  this  colony." 

"  A  true  copy  of  the  record. 

"  Test.  ELEAZER  KIMBERLY,  Secretary." 

According  to  the  act  of  the  assembly,  the  ministers  and 
churches  of  the  several  counties  convened,  at  the  time  appointed, 
and  made  their  respective  drafts  for  discipline,  and  chose  their 
delegates  for  the  general  meeting  at  Saybrook,  :n  September. 

The  ministers  and  messengers  chosen  for  this  council,  and  its 
result,  will  appear  from  their  minutes. 

"  At  a  meeting  of  delegates  from  the  councils  of  the  several 
counties  of  Connecticut  colony,  in  New-England,  in  America, 
at  Saybrook,  Sept.  9th,  1708, 

PRESENT, 

From  the  council  of  Hartford  county: — The  Rev.  Timothy 
Woodbridge,  Noadiah  Russell,  and  Stephen  Mix.  Messenger, 
John  Haynes,  Esq. 

From  the  council  in  Fairfield  county: — The  Rev.  Charles 
Chauncey  and  John  Davenport.  Messenger,  deacon  Samuel 
Hoyt. 

From  the  council  in  New-London  county: — The  Rev.  James 
Noyes,  Thomas  Buckingham,  Moses  Noyes,  and  John  Wood- 
ward.   Messengers,  Robert  Chapman,  deacon  William  Parker. 

From  the  council  of  New-Haven  county: — The  Rev.  Samuel 
Andrew,  James  Pierpont,  and  Samuel  Russell. 

"The  Rev.  James  Noyes  and  Thomas  Buckingham  being 
chosen  moderators.  The  Rev.  Stephen  Mix  and  John  Woodward 
being  chosen  scribes. 

"  In  compliance  with  an  order  of  the  general  assembly,  May 
13th,  1708,  after  humble  addresses  to  the  th-one  of  grace  for 
the  divine  presence,  assistance,  and  blessing  upon  us,  having  our 
eyes  upon  the  word  of  God  and  the  constitution  of  our  churches, 
We  agree  that  the  confession  of  faith  owned  and  assented  unto 
by  the  elders  and  messengers  assembled  at  Boston,  in  New-Eng- 
land, May  I2th,  1680,  being  the  second  session  of  that  synod, 
be  recommended  to  the  honourable  general  assembly  of  this  col- 
ony, at  the  next  session,  for  their  public  testimony  thereunto,  as 
the  FAITH  of  the  churches  of  this  colony."  ^ 

"  We  agree  also,  that  the  heads  of  ag^'eement  assented  to  by 
the  united  ministers,  formerly  called  presbyterian  and  congrega- 
tional, be  observed  by  the  churches  throughout  this  colony." 

"  And  for  the  better  regulation  of  the  administration  of  church 
discipline,  in  relation  to  all  cases  ecclesiastical,  both  in  particular 
churches  and  councils,  to  the  full  determining  and  executing  the 
rules  in  all  such  cases,  it  is  agreed," 

>  This  was  the  Savoy  confession,  with  some  small  alterations. 


[i7o8 


1708] 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


411 


"  I.  That  the  elder,  or  elders  of  a  particular  church,  with  the 
consent  of  the  brethren  of  the  same,  have  power,  and  ought  to 
exercise  church  discipline,  according  to  the  rule  of  God's  word, 
in  relation  to  all  scandals  that  fall  out  within  the  same.  And 
it  may  be  meet,  in  all  cases  of  difHculty,  for  the  respective  pastors 
of  particular  churches,  to  take  advice  of  the  elders  of  the  churches 
in  the  neighbourhood,  before  they  proceed  to  censure  in  such 


cases 
"11 


» 


That  the  churches  which  are  neighbouring  to  each  other, 
shall  consociate,  for  mutual  affording  to  each  other  such  assist- 
ance as  may  be  requisite,  upon  all  occasions  ecclesiastical.  And 
that  the  particular  pastors  and  churches,  within  the  respective 
counties  in  this  government,  shall  be  one  consociation,  (or  more, 
if  they  shall  judge  meet,)  for  the  end  aforesaid." 

"  III.  That  all  cases  of  scandal,  that  fall  out  within  the  circuit 
of  any  of  the  aforesaid  consociations,  shall  be  brought  to  a  coun- 
cil of  the  elders,  and  also  messengers  of  the  churches  within  the 
said  circuit,  i.  e.  the  churches  of  one  consociation,  if  they  see  cause 
to  send  messengers,  when  there  shall  be  need  of  a  council  for  the 
determination  of  them." 

"  IV.  That,  according  to  the  common  practice  of  our  churches, 
nothing  shall  be  deemed  an  act  or  judgment  of  any  council,  which 
hath  not  the  act  of  the  major  part  of  the  elders  present  concur- 
ring, and  such  a  number  of  the  messengers  present,  as  makes  the 
majority  of  the  council:  provided  that  if  any  such  church  shall 
not  see  cause  to  send  any  messengers  to  the  council,  or  the  per- 
sons chosen  by  them  shall  not  attend,  neither  of  these  shall  be 
any  obstruction  to  the  proceedings  of  the  council,  or  invalidate 
any  of  their  acts." 

"  V.  That  when  any  case  is  orderly  brought  before  any  council 
of  the  churches,  it  shall  there  be  heard  and  determined,  which, 
(unless  orderly  removed  from  thence,)  shall  be  a  final  issue ;  and 
all  parties  therein  concerned  shall  sit  down  and  be  determined 
thereby.  And  the  council  so  hearing,  and  giving  the  result  or 
final  issue,  in  the  said  case,  as  aforesaid,  shall  see  their  determina- 
tion, or  judgment,  duly  executed  and  attended,  in  such  way  or 
manner,  as  shall,  in  their  judgment,  be  most  suitable  and  agree- 
able to  the  word  of  God." 

"  VI.  That  if  any  pastor  and  church  doth  obstinately  refuse 
a  due  attendance  and  conformity  to  the  determination  of  the  coun- 
cil, that  hath  the  cognizance  of  the  case,  and  determineth  it  as 
above,  after  due  patience  used,  they  shall  be  reputed  guilty  of 
scandalous  contempt,  and  dealt  with  as  the  rule  of  God's  word 
in  such  case  doth  provide,  and  the  sentence  of  non-communion 
shall  be  declared  against  such  pastor  and  church.  And  the 
churches  are  to  approve  of  the  said  sentence,  by  withdrawinjjj 
from  the  communion  of  the  pastor  and  church,  which  so  refused 
to  be  healed." 


V  J 


412 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


[1708 


St.. 

m.: 

;? 

1 

i 

m 

"  VII.  That,  in  case  any  difficulties  shall  arise  in  any  of  the 
churches  in  this  colony,  which  cannot  be  issued  without  consid- 
erable disquiet,  that  church,  in  which  they  arise,  (or  that  minister 
or  member  aggrieved  with  them,)  shall  apply  themselves  to  the 
council  of  the  consociated  churches  of  the  circuit,  to  which  the 
said  church  belongs;  who,  if  they  see  cause,  shall  thereupon  con- 
vene, hear,  and  determine  such  cases  of  difficulty,  unless  the  mat- 
ter brought  before  them,  shall  be  judged  so  great  in  the  nature 
of  it,  or  so  doubtful  in  the  issue,  or  of  such  general  concern,  that 
the  said  council  shall  judge  best  that  it  be  referred  to  a  fuller 
council,  consisting  of  the  churches  of  the  other  consociation  with- 
in the  same  county,  (or  of  the  next  adjoining  consociation  of 
another  county,  if  there  be  not  two  consociations  in  the  county 
where  the  difficulty  ariseth,)  who,  together  with  themselves,  shall 
hear,  judge,  determine,  and  finally  issue  such  case,  according 
to  the  word  of  God." 

"  VIII.  That  a  particular  church,  in  which  any  difficulty  doth 
arise,  may,  if  they  see  cause,  call  a  council  of  the  consociated 
churches  of  the  circuit  to  which  the  church  belongs,  before  they 
proceed  to  sentence  therein;  but  there  is  not  the  same  liberty  to 
an  offending  brother,  to  call  the  council,  before  the  church  to 
which  he  belongs  proceed  to  excommunication  in  the  said  case, 
unless  with  the  consent  of  the  church." 

'*  IX.  That  all  the  churches  of  the  respective  consociations 
shall  choose,  if  they  see  cause,  one  or  two  members  of  each 
church,  to  represent  them  in  the  councils  of  the  said  churches, 
as  occasion  may  call  for  them,  who  shall  stand  in  that  capacity 
till  new  be  chosen  for  the  same  service,  unless  any  church  shall 
incline  to  choose  their  messengers  anew,  upon  the  convening  of 
such  councils." 

"  X.  That  the  minister  or  ministers  of  the  county  towns,  or 
where  there  are  no  ministers  in  such  towns,  the  two  next  min- 
isters to  the  said  town,  shall,  as  soon  as  conveniently  may  be, 
appoint  time  and  place  for  the  meeting  of  the  elders  and  messen- 
gers of  the  churches  in  said  county,  in  order  to  their  forming 
rhemselves  into  one  or  more  consociations,  and  notify  the  time 
and  place  to  the  elders  and  churches  of  that  county  who  shall 
attend  at  the  same,  the  elders  in  their  persons,  and  the  churches 
by  their  messengers,  if  they  see  cause  to  send  them.  Which 
elders  and  messengers,  so  assembled  in  council,  as  also  any  other 
council  hereby  allowed  of,  shall  have  power  to  adjourn  them- 
selves, as  need  shall  be,  for  the  space  of  one  year,  after  the  be- 
ginning or  first  session  of  the  said  council,  and  no  longer.  And 
that  minister  who  was  chosen  at  the  last  session  of  any  council, 
to  be  moderator,  shall,  with  the  advice  and  consent  of  two  more 
elders,  (or,  in  case  of  the  moderator's  death,  any  two  elders  of 
the  same  consociation,)  call  another  council  within  the  circuit, 


i7o8] 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


413 


when  they  shall  judge  there  is  need  thereof.  And  all  councils  may 
prescribe  rules,  as  occasion  may  require,  and  whatever  they  judge 
needful  within  their  circuit,  for  the  well  performing  and  orderly 
managing  the  several  acts,  to  be  attended  by  them,  or  matters 
that  come  under  their  cognizance." 

"  XL  That  if  any  person  or  persons,  orderly  complained  of 
to  a  council,  or  that  are  witnesses  to  such  complaints,  (having 
regular  notification  to  appear,)  shall  refuse,  or  neglect  so  to  do, 
in  the  place,  and  at  the  time  specified  in  the  warning  given,  ex- 
cept they  or  he  give  some  satisfying  reason  thereof  to  the  said 
council,  they  shall  be  judged  guilty  of  scandalous  contempt." 

"  XII.  That  the  teaching  elders  of  each  county  shall  be  one 
association,  (or  more,  if  they  see  cause,)  which  association,  or 
associations,  shall  assemble  twice  a  year,  at  least,  at  such  time 
and  place  as  they  shall  appoint,  to  consult  the  duties  of  their 
office,  and  the  common  interest  of  the  churches,  who  shall  con- 
sider and  resolve  questions  and  cases  of  importance  which  shall 
be  offered  by  any  among  themselves  or  others;  who  also  shall 
have  power  of  examining  and  recommending  the  candidates  of 
♦h"  ministry  to  the  work  thereof. 

Y^II.  That  the  said  associated  pastors  shall  take  notice  of 
>  ,  J  ong  themselves,  that  may  be  accused  of  scandal  or  heresy, 
t.  >  jr  cognizable  by  them,  examine  the  matter  carefully,  and 
if  they  find  just  occasion  shall  direct  to  the  calling  of  the  council, 
where  such  offenders  shall  be  duly  proceeded  against." 

"  XIV.  That  the  associated  pastors  shall  also  be  consulted  by 
bereaved  churches,  belonging  to  their  association,  and  recom- 
mend to  such  churches  such  persons,  as  may  be  fit  to  be  called 
and  settled  in  the  work  of  the  gospel  ministry  among  them.  And 
if  such  bereaved  churches  shall  not  seasonably  call  and  settle  a 
minister  among  them,  the  said  associated  pastors  shall  lay  the 
state  of  such  bereaved  church  before  the  general  assembly  of 
this  colony,  that  they  may  take  order  concerning  them,  as  shall 
be  found  necessary  for  their  peace  and  edification." 

"  XV.  That  it  be  recommended  as  expedient,  that  all  the  as- 
sociations in  this  colony  do  meet  in  a  general  association,  by 
their  respective  delegates,  one  or  more  out  of  each  association, 
once  a  year,  the  first  meeting  to  be  at  Hartford,  at  the  general 
election  next  ensuing  the  date  hereof,  and  so  annually  in  all  the 
counties  successively,  at  such  time  and  place,  as  they  the  said 
delegates  shall  in  their  annual  meetings  appoint." 

The  confession  of  faith,  heads  of  agreement,  and  these  articles 
of  discipline  having  unanimously  passed,  and  been  signed  by  the 
scribes,  were  presented  to  the  legislature  the  succeeding  Octo- 
ber, for  their  approbation  and  establishment.  Upon  which  they 
passed  the  following  adopting  act. 

At  a  general  court  holden  at  New-Haven,  October  1708. 


;if. 


t.v 


m 


414 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


[1708 


fP 


"  The  reverend  ministers,  delegates  from  the  elders  and  mes- 
sengers of  this  government,  met  at  Saybrook,  September  9th, 
1708,  having  presented  to  this  assembly  a  Confession  of  Faith, 
and  Heads  of  Agreement,  and  regulations  in  the  administration 
of  church  discipline,  as  unanimously  agreed  and  consented  to  by 
the  elders  and  churches  in  this  government;  this  assembly  doth 
declare  their  great  approbation  of  such  an  happy  agreement,  and 
do  ordain,  that  all  the  churches  within  this  government,  that  are, 
or  shall  be,  thus  united  in  doctrine,  worship,  and  discipline,  be, 
and  for  the  future  shall  be  owned  and  acknowledged  established 
by  law;  provided  always,  that  nothing  herein  shall  be  intended 
or  construed  to  hinder  or  prevent  any  society  or  church,  that  is 
or  shall  be  allowed  by  the  laws  of  this  government,  who  soberly 
differ  or  dissent  from  the  united  churches  hereby  established, 
from  exercising  worship  and  discipline,  in  their  own  way,  accord- 
ing to  their  consciences. 

"  A  true  copy,  Test, 

"  Eleazer  Kimberly,  Secretary." 

Though  the  council  were  unanimous  in  passing  the  platform  of 
discipline,  yet  they  were  not  all  of  one  opinion.  Some  were  for 
high  consociational  government,  and  in  their  sentiments  nearly 
presbyterians ;  others  were  much  more  moderate  and  rather  verg- 
ing on  independency;  but  exceedingly  desirous  of  keeping  the 
unity  of  the  spirit  in  the  bond  of  peace,  they  exercised  great 
christian  condescension  and  amicableness  towards  each  other. 

As  it  was  stipulated,  that  the  heads  of  agreement  should  be  ob- 
served through  the  colony,  this  was  an  important  mean  of  recon- 
ciling numbers  to  the  constitution,  as  these  did  not  carry  points 
so  far  as  the  articles  of  discipline.  These  did  not  make  the  judg- 
ments of  councils  decisive,  in  all  cases,  but  only  maintained,  that 
particular  churches  ought  to  have  a  reverential  regard  to  their 
judgment,  and  not  to  dissent  from  it  without  apparent  grounds 
from  the  word  of  God.  Neither  did  these  give  the  elders  a  nega- 
tive in  councils  over  the  churches;  and  in  some  other  instances 
they  gave  more  latitude  than  the  articles  of  discipline.  These 
therefore  served  to  reconcile  such  elders  and  churches,  as  were 
not  for  a  rigid  consociational  government,  and  to  gain  their  con- 
sent. Somewhat  diflferent  constructions  were  put  upon  the  con- 
stitution. Those  who  were  for  a  high  consociational  government, 
construed  it  rigidly  according  to  the  articles  of  discip'ine,  and 
others  by  the  heads  of  agreement;  or,  at  least,  they  were  for  soft- 
ening down  the  more  rigid  articles,  by  construing  them  agreeably 
to  those  heads  of  union. 

Notwithstanding  the  Savoy  confession  was  adopted,  as  the 
faith  of  the  Connecticut  churches,  yet,  by  adopting  the  heads 
of  agreement,  it  was  agreed,  that  with  respect  to  soundness  of 
judgment  in  matters  of  faith,  it  was  sufficient,  "  That  a  church 


1708] 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


415 


acknowledge  the  scriptures  to  be  the  word  of  God,  the  perfect 
and  only  rule  of  faith  and  practice,  and  own  either  the  doctrinal 
part  of  those  commonly  called  the  articles  of  the  church  of  Eng- 
land, or  the  confession  or  catechisms,  shorter  or  longer,  compiled 
by  the  assembly  at  Westminster,  or  the  confession  agreed  on 
at  the  Savoy,  to  be  agreeable  to  the  said  rule." 

The  Saybrook  platform,  thus  unanimously  recommended  by 
the  elde  \  and  messengers  of  the  churches,  and  adopted  by  the 
legislature,  as  the  religious  constitution  of  the  colony,  met  with 
a  general  reception,  though  some  of  the  churches  were  extremely 
opposed  to  it.^ 

The  elders  and  messengers  of  the  county  of  Hartford  met  in 
council,  at  Hartford,  the  next  February,  and  formed  into  two 
distinct  consociations  and  associations  for  the  purposes  expressed 
in  the  constitution.  The  ministers  and  churches  of  the  other  three 
counties  afterwards  formed  themselves  into  consociations  and 
associations.  There  were,  therefore,  soon  after,  five  consocia- 
tions and  the  same  number  of  associations  in  the  colony.  The 
associations  met  annually,  by  a  delegation  of  two  elders  from  each 
association,  in  a  general  association.  This  has  a  general  advisory 
superintendency  over  all  the  ministers  and  churches  in  the  colony. 
Its  advice  has  generally  been  acceptable  to  the  ministers  and 
churches,  and  cheerfully  carried  into  execution.  The  meeting  of 
the  general  association  was  anciently  in  September;  but  the  time 
of  meeting,  after  some  years,  was  altered,  and  for  more  than  sixty 
years  has  been  on  the  third  Tuesday  in  June. 

The  corporation  of  college  having  now  obtained  a  confession 
of  faith,  adopted  by  the  churches  and  legislature  of  the  colony, 
adopted  it  for  college,  and  the  trustees  and  officers  of  the  col- 
lege, upon  their  introduction  to  office,  were  required  to  give  their 
assent  to  it,  and  to  the  Westminster  confession  and  catechisms. 

But  before  this  could  be  effected,  Mr.  Pierson,  the  president, 
was  no  more.  He  died  on  the  5th  of  March,  1707,  to  the  un- 
speakable loss  and  affliction  both  of  the  college  and  the  people 
of  his  charge.  He  had  his  education  at  Harvard  college,  where 
he  was  graduated,  1668.  He  appears  first  to  have  settled  in  the 
ministry  at  Newark  in  New- Jersey.  Thence  he  came  to  Killing- 
worth,  and  was  installed  in  1694.  He  had  the  character  of  a 
hard  student,  good  scholar,  and  great  divine.  In  his  whole  con- 
duct, he  was  wise,  steady,  and  amiable.  He  was  greatly  respected 
as  a  pastor,  and  he  instructed  and  governed  the  college  with  gen- 
eral approbation. 

'  Though  Messri.  Andrew,  Pierpont,  and  RusseH,  were  influential  characters, 
yet  it  is  observable,  that  the  churches,  in  that  county,  sent  no  messengers  to  the 
synod  ;  and  the  tradition  is  that  the  church  and  people  of  Norwich  were  so  offended 
with  their  minister,  Mr.  John  Woodward,  for  consenting  to  it,  that  they  never 
would  forgive  him  and  be  reconciled  ;  but  made  such  opposition  to  his  ministry, 
that,  by  the  advice  of  council,  he  resigned  it  and  left  the  town. 


f       I 


4i6 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


[1709 


Upon  the  death  of  rector  Pierson,  the  Rev.  Mr,  Andrew  was 
chosen  rector  pro  tempore.  The  senior  class  were  removed  to 
Milford,  to  be  under  his  immediate  instruction,  until  the  com- 
mencement. The  other  students  were  removed  to  Saybrook,  and 
put  under  the  care  and  instructions  of  two  tutors.  Mr.  Andrew 
moderated  at  the  commencements  and  gave  general  directions 
to  the  tutors.  Mr.  Buckingham  also,  who  was  one  of  the  trustees, 
and  resided  at  Saybrook,  during  his  life,  had  a  kind  of  direction 
and  inspection  over  the  college.  In  this  state  it  continued,  with- 
out any  material  alteration,  until  about  the  year  171 5. 

The  ministers  of  Connecticut  were  exceedingly  attentive  to  the 
morals  and  qualifications  of  those,  whom  they  recommended  to 
the  improvement  of  the  churches,  or  ordained  to  the  pastoral 
office.  The  general  association,  September  12,  1712,  at  a  meet- 
ing of  theirs,  at  Fairfield,  agreed  upon  the  following  rules,  and 
recommended  them  to  the  consideration  of  the  several  associa- 
tions for  their  approbation  and  concurrence. 

"  Rules  agreed  upon  for  the  examination  of  candidates  for  the 
ministry. 

"  Agreed  upon,  that  the  person  to  be  examined  concerning  his 
qualifications  for  the  evangelical  ministry,  shall  be  dealt  with, 
in  his  examinations,  with  all  candor  and  gentleness. 

"  I.  That  he  be  able  to  give  satisfaction,  to  the  association  ex- 
amining him,  of  his  skill  in  the  Hebrew,  Greek,  and  Latin  tongues. 

"  2.  That  he  be  able  to  give  satisfaction,  to  the  association  ex- 
amining him,  of  his  skill  in  Logic  and  Philosophy. 

"  3.  He  shall  be  examined  what  authors,  in  divinity,  he  hath 
read ;  and  also  concerning  the  main  grounds  or  principles  of  the 
christian  religion;  and  shall  therein  offer  just  matter  of  satis- 
faction to  the  association  examining  him ;  and  shall  give  his  as- 
sent to  the  confession  of  faith  publicly  owned  and  declared  to  be 
the  confession  of  the  faith  of  the  united  churches  of  this  colony. 

"  4.  That  if  the  life  and  conversation  of  the  person  to  be  ex- 
amined be  not  well  known  to  the  association  examining  him,  then 
said  person  shall  offer  sufficient  evidence  to  said  association  of 
his  sober  and  religious  conversation. 

"  5.  That  the  person  to  be  examined  shall  publicly  pray,  and 
also  preach,  in  the  presence  of  the  association  examining  him, 
from  some  text  of  scripture  which  shall  be  given  him  by  said 
association,  and  at  such  time  and  place  as  they  shall  appoint,  in 
order  to  prove  his  gifts  for  the  ministerial  work. 

"  Rules  relating  to  the  ordination  of  a  person  to  the  work  of 
the  ministry. 

"Agreed,  i.  In  case  of  ordination,  those  who  are  to  ordain 
ought  to  be  satisfied,  that  the  person  to  be  ordained  is  apt  to 
teach,  and  of  his  inclination  to  the  work  of  the  ministry. 

"  2.  That  they  shall  be  satisfied  with  his  prudence  and  fitness 


i7ia] 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


417 


for  the  management  of  so  great  a  trust,  as  that  of  the  work  of  the 
ministry. 

"  3.  The  persons  to  ordain  shall  be  satisfied,  that  his  preaching 
and  conversation  be  acceptable  to  the  people  over  whom  he  is  to 
be  ordained. 

"  4.  That  he  shall  be  able  to  explain  such  texts  of  scripture  as 
shall  be  proposed  to  him. 

"  5.  That  he  shall  be  able  to  resolve  such  practical  cases  of 
conscience  as  shall  be  proposed  to  him. 

"6.  That  he  shall  shew,  to  the  satisfaction  of  the  pastors  to 
ordain  him,  his  competent  ability  to  refute  dangerous  errors,  and 
defend  the  truth  against  gainsayers. 

"7.  That  he  shall  give  his  consent  to  the  church  discipline 
of  this  colony  as  established  by  law;  yet  the  pastors  to  ordain 
are  not  to  be  too  severe  and  strict  with  him  to  be  ordained,  upon 
his  sober  dissent  from  some  particulars  in  said  discipline." 

Such  has  been  the  '  dus  care  of  the  venerable  fathers  of  the 
churches  in  Connecticut,  to  preserve  in  them  a  learned,  orthodox, 
experimental  ministry.  The  associations  have  examined  all  can- 
didates for  the  ministry  and  recommended  them  to  the  churches 
previously  to  their  preaching  in  them.  In  their  examinations,  they 
have  carefully  enquired  into  their  knowledge  in  divinity,  their  ex- 
perimental acquaintance  with  religion,  their  ministerial  gifts  and 
qualifications,  and  have  paid  a  special  attention  to  their  morals, 
and  good  character.  Hence  these  churches  have  been  distin- 
guished and  singularly  happy  in  a  learned,  pious,  laborious,  and 
prudent  ministry. 

About  this  time  a  very  valuable  addition  of  books  was  made 
to  the  college  library,  at  Saybrook.  In  1713,  Sir  John  Davie,  of 
Groton,  who  had  an  estate  descended  to  him  in  England,  with 
the  title  of  baronet,  gave  a  good  collection.  The  next  year  a  much 
greater  donation  was  made  by  the  generosity  and  procurement 
of  Jeremiah  Dummer,  Esq.  of  Boston.  He  was  then  in  London, 
in  the  capacity  of  an  agent  for  several  of  the  New-England  col- 
onies. He  sent  over  above  800  volumes.  About  120  of  them  were 
procured  at  his  own  charge.  The  rest  were  from  principal  gen- 
tlemen in  England,  through  his  solicitation  and  influence.  Par- 
ticularly from  Sir  Isaac  Newton,  Sir  Richard  Blackmore,  Sir 
Richprd  Steele,  Doctors  Burnet,  Halley,  Bentley,  Kennet,  Cal- 
amy,  and  Edwards;  and  from  the  Rev.  Mr.  Henry  and  Mr.  Whis- 
ton.  These  severally  gave  a  collection  of  their  own  works,  and 
governor  Yale  put  in  about  40  volumes.  The  library  now  con- 
sisted of  about  nine  hundred  volumes. 

From  1702  to  1 71 3  inclusively,  forty  six  young  gentlemen  were 
graduated,  at  Saybrook.  Of  these,  thirty  four  became  ministers 
of  the  gospel,  and  two  were  elected  magistrates.  Notwithstand- 
ing the  infant  state  of  the  college,  numbers  of  them,  through  their 


4i8 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


[«7«3 


I7»3l 


native  strength  nt  genius  and  the  instructions  of  those  excellent 
tutors,  Mr.  John  Hart  and  Mr.  Phineas  Fisk,  became  excellent 
scholars,  and  shone  not  only  as  distinguished  lights  in  the  church- 
es, but  made  a  figure  in  the  republic  of  letters.  Seven  of  them 
afterwards  were  fellows  of  the  college,  at  New- Haven;  and  an- 
other of  them  was  that  excellent  man,  the  Reverend  Jonathan 
Dickinson,  president  of  the  college  in  New-Jersey. 

The  number  of  ordained  ministers  in  the  colony,  this  year, 
exclusive  of  those  in  the  towns  under  the  government  of  Massa- 
chusetts, was  forty  three.  Upon  the  lowest  computation  there 
was  as  much  as  one  ordained  minister  to  every  four  hundred  per- 
sons, or  to  every  eighty  families.  It  does  not  appear,  that  there 
was  one  bereaved  church  in  the  colony.  Besides,  there  were  a 
considerable  number  of  candidates  preaching  in  the  new  towns 
and  parishes,  in  which  churches  were  not  yet  formed.  At  or  about 
this  time,  Mr.  Thomas  Towsey  began  to  preach  at  Newtown,  Mr. 
Joseph  Meacham  at  Coventry,  Mr.  John  Bliss  at  Hebron,  and 
Mr.  John  Fisk  at  Killingly,  at  which  places  churches  were  soon 
after  gathered  and  those  gentlemen  ordained.  Several  other  can- 
didates were  preaching  in  other  places. 


Catalogue  of  the  ministers  of  Connecticut,  from  i6jo,  to  i//j, 

inclusively. 

COUNTY   OF   HARTFORD. 


Ui, 


Minister's  Names. 

Names  of  towns 

Ordained  or 
Installed. 

Died  or 
Removed. 

Thomas  Hooker 

Oct.  II,    1633 

July, 

1647 

Samuel  Stone 

do.           do. 

July  20, 

1663 

Joseph  Haynes 

May  24, 

1679 

Samuel  Whiting 

Hartford 

Mr.          Foster 

1st  church 

Timothy  Woodbridge 

Nov.  18,   1685 

April  30, 

1732 

Samuel  Whiting       ) 
Tho's  Buckingham  (  . 

'yA    At\ 

1669 

1709 

«U    UV* 

Nov.  19, 

1731 

John  Warham 

April  I, 

1670 

Ephraim  Hewet 

Windsor 

1639 

Sept.  4, 

1644 

Samuel  Mather 
Timothy  Edwards' 

1682 

March  18, 

1726 

2d  church 

May,        1694 

Jan.  27, 

1758 

As  the  mthering,  or  fonning  of  the  churches,  m  far  m  can  be  found,  was  uni. 
Tersally  on  the  day  of  ordination,  no  column  is  made  to  certify  the  time  of  their 
formation  ;  but  wberever  this  mark  t  is  set  after  the  figures  expressing  the  time  of 
ordination,  it  gives  notice  that  the  church  was  formed  at  the  same  time. 


'  Mr.  Edwards  was  nearly  sixty-four  years  in  the  ministry,  and  able  to  preach 
until  he  was  about  84  years  of  age. 


[>7I3 


1713] 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


419 


Minister's  Names. 


Henrv  Smith 
Jonatnan  Russell 
Gershom  Bulkley* 
Joseph  Rowlandson' 
John  Woodbridge 
Stephen  Mix 
Roger  Newton 
Samuel  Hooker 
Samuel  Whitman 
William  Burnham 
Nathaniel  Collins 
Noadiah  Russell 
Timothy  Stevens 
Joseph  Peck* 
John  Southmayd 
Dudlev  Woodbri'lge 
Timothy  Woodbridge 
Jeremiah  Hobart* 
Samuel  Whiting 
John  Bulkley 
Stephen  Hosmer 
Joseph  Coit 
Cleazar  Williams 
Nathaniel  Chauncey 
Samuel  Esterbrook 


Names  0/ towns 


Weathersfteld 


Farmington 

Kensin-{'n2dch 
Middle  own* 
Glastenbury 
Waterbury 

Simsbury 

Haddam 

Windham 

Colchester 

East-Haddam 

Plainlield 

Mansfield 

Durham 

Canterbury 


Ordained  or 
Installed. 


Inst. 
Inst. 
Inst. 
Ord. 
Oct.  13, 
July, 
Dec.  10, 
Dec.  10, 
Nov.  4, 
Oct.  4, 
Oct. 

Aug.  26, 
May  30, 
March  3, 

Nov.  14, 
Dec.  4, 
Dec.  20, 
May  1, 
Jan.  6, 
Oct.  18, 
Feb.  7, 
June  13, 


1666 

1679 

1694 

1653 

1661 

1706 

1712 

i668f 

1688 

1705 
1690 
1712 


Died  or 
Removed. 


Dis. 
Died 

Aug.  28, 
Removed, 
Nov.  6, 


Dec.  18, 

April  16, 
t  June  7, 


Aug.  3, 
Aug.  28, 

i70ot,Die(I  Nov 

i7oot  Sept  27, 

1703!  June, 

I7c't| 

i7ootjr?  ^missed, 

i7iotl 

171  If  Died  Feu.  : 

171 1  {D.  June  26, 


1641 

1667) 
•713* 

1738 
1657 

1697 


1684 

1725 
1699 

1710 
1742 
6,  171S 
1725 
I73» 

1748 
1727 


COUNTY  OF  NEW-HAVEN. 


1647 
1663 
1679 


1732 
1709 

173' 
1670 
1644 
1726 
1758 


Inst. 

1639 

Removed, 

1666 

Ord. 

1644 

1654 

Ord. 

X 

Di.  Ap.  22, 

1678 

July  2, 

Di.  Nov.  22, 

1714 

John  Davenport 

William  Hook  1  m.-  u.»... 

Nicholas  Street*  I- New-Haven 

James  Pierpont 

■  Mr.  Bulkley  was  ion  of  the  Rev.  Peter  Bulkley,  of  Concord,  in  Massachuietti, 
and  a  gentleman  of  a  verv  eminent  character.  It  is  thus  given  upon  his  monument  t 
"  Who  was  of  rare  abilities,  extraordinary  industry,  exoellent  in  learning,  master  of 
many  languages,  exquisite  in  his  skill  in  divinity,  physic  and  law,  and  A  a  most 
exemplary  and  christian  life."  By  reason  of  infirmity  he  resigned  the  ministry  many 
years  before  his  death. 

*  Mr.  RowlandaoUf  the  fourth  minister  of  Weathersfield,  removed  from  Lancas- 
ter, in  Massachusetts,  after  that  town  was  burnt  by  the  Indians,  in  1676. 

*  Mr.  Samuel  Stow  preached  some  vears  at  Middletown,  but  as  be  was  dis- 
missed before  the  church  was  gathered,  he  is  not  reckoned  in  the  list  of  its  ministers. 

*  This  name  should  be  Jeremiah  Peck.  The  date  of  his  ordination  and  the  es« 
tablishment  of  this  church  should  be  Aug.  a6^  1691,  as  appears  by  MS.  notes  in  Dr. 
Trumbull's  handwriting,  confirmed  by  the  Colonial  Records,  which  show  that  the 
General  Assembly  granted  permission  to  establish  this  church,  at  the  May  session, 
1691.— J.  T. 

*  The  Rev.  Mr.  Hobart  was  first  ordained  at  Topsfield,  in  Massachusetts.  Thence 
he  removed  to  Long-Island,  and  afterwards  to  Haddam,  where  he  died  in  the  min- 
istry, at  a  very  advanced  age.  Before  him,  Mr.  Nicholas  Noyes  preached  thirteen 
years  in  the  town  ;  but  during  this  time  no  church  was  formed  ;  and  he  left  the 
town,  and  was  afterwards  ordained  to  the  pastoral  office  in  a  churcu  at  Salem,  in 
Massachusetts. 

^  After  the  removal  of  Mr.  Davenport,  Mr.  Street  continued  the  only  instructor 
of  the  church  until  his  death ;  and  after  his  decease  the  church  and  people  were 
eleven  years  without  a  pastor.  A  great  variety  of  preachers  were  invited  into  the 
town,  but  none  could  unite  them  until  Mr.  Pierpont  was  called.  Under  his  ministry 
they  enjoyed  great  peace,  and  were  edified. 


MU 


'f- 


420 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


(>7»3 


Minister's  Names. 


l^t) 


V   ' 


In 


Peter  Prudden 
Roger  Newton 
Samuel  Andrew 
Henry  Whitfield 
John  Higginson 
Joseph  Elliot 
Thomas  Ruggles 
John  Hart 
Abraham  Pierson 
Samuel  Russell 

John  fiowers 
ohn  James 
oseph  Moss 
Samuel  Street 
Samuel  Whittelsey 
James  Hemingway 


Names  of  towns 


Milford 


Guilford 

E.Guiiford2dS. 
Branford 

Derby 

Wallingford ' 
East- Haven 


Ordained  or 
Installed, 


April  1 8,  1640 
In.Au.32, 1660 
Nov.  18,  1685 


1664 
Nov.  20,  1695 
Nov.    1 707 

1644 
March,  1687! 


May, 


1674 
1710 
I707t 


Died  or 

Removed. 


June  7, 
'an.  24, 
Removed, 
Removed, 
May  24, 
June  I, 
March, 
Removed, 
June  25, 


Jan.  16, 
April  15, 
Oct.  7, 


1656 
1683 

1738 
1650 
1659 
1694 
1728 

1732 
1665 


1717 
1752 
>7S4 


COUNTY  OF  NEW-LONDON. 


Richard  Blynman 
Gershom  Bulkley 
Simon  Bradstreet< 
Gurdon  Saltonstall 
Eliphalet  Adams 
James  Fitch 
Thomas  Buckingham 

James  Noyes* 
ames  Fitch 
John  Woodward 
John  Woodbridge 
Abraham  Pierson 
Jared  Elliott 
Ephraim  Woodbridge 
Moses  Noyes 
Samuel  Pierpont« 
Salmon  Treat 
Joseph  Parsons 
Samuel  Wells 


New-London 

Saybrook 

Stonington 

Norwich 

Killingworth 

Groton 
Lyme 
Preston 
Lebanon 


1648 

Oct  5,  1670 
Nov.  25,  1691 
Feb.         1709 


Removed.  1666 

Died,  1683 

Rem.  Jan.  1707 

Died,  April,  1753 


Sept.  10,  i674f  D.  Dec.  30,  1719 

::66o  1702 

Dec.  6,     1699  Dis.  Sept.  13,  1716 

1666  Rem.  to  W.  1679 

Inst.          1694  Died  May  5,  1707 

Oct.  26,    1709  April  22,  1763 

Nov.  8,     1714  1724 

'693t 
Dec.  10,    1724   March,  1725 

Nov.  16,  1698  Res.  Mar.  14,  1744 
Nov.  27,  1700  Dismissed  1708 
Dec.  5,     171 1  1722 

'  The  committee  of  New-IIaven  for  tetlling  the  town  of  Wallingford,  for  the 
safety  of  the  church,  obliged  the  undertakers,  and  all  the  successive  planters,  to 
subscribe  the  following  engagement,  viz.  "  He  or  they  shall  not  by  any  means  dis- 
turb the  church,  when  settled  there,  in  their  choice  of  minister  or  ministers,  or 
other  church  officers ;  or  in  any  of  their  other  church  rights,  liberties  or  adminis- 
trations ;  nor  shall  withdraw  due  maintenance  from  such  ministry."  This  shows 
how  strongly  the  churches  in  this  part  of  the  colony  were,  at  that  time,  opposed  to 
towns  and  parishes  having  anything  to  do  in  the  choice  of  a  minister,  or  in  any 
church  affairs. 

•  There  seems  to  have  been  no  church  formed  in  New- London  until  the  ordina- 
tion of  Mr.  Bradstreet,  and  it  is  probable  that  neither  Mr.  Blynman  nor  Mr.  Bulk- 
ley  were  installed  or  ordained  in  the  town.* 

*  Th«  Rev.  Dr.  S.  Le  Roy  Blake,  pastor  of  die  church  since  April,  1887,  says  there  are  good  rea- 
sons for  believing  that  the  church  was  organized  at  Gloucester,  Mass.,  in  164a,  and  that  it  came  with 
Richard  Blinman  to  New-London  in  1650,  a*  the  first  church  of  Hartford  came  from  Cambridge  with 
Hooker  in  1636.  He  discusses  the  subject  at  length  in  his  volume  on  the  Origin  and  Early  History  of 
lh«  First  Church  of  Christ  in  New  London.  —J.  T. 

•  The  Kev.  Mr.  Noyes  preached  at  Stonington  more  than  ten  years  before  his 
ordination.  It  appears  by  the  church  records,  that  he  preached  in  the  town  55  years 
and  6  months. 

*  Mr.  Pierpont,  returning  from  a  visit  which  he  had  made  his  friends,  at  New- 
Haven,  was  drowned  in  Connecticut  river,  March,  1725.  He  attempted  to  cross  the 
river  in  a  canoe,  but  an  unexpected  gust  of  wind  arose,  by  which  it  was  overset.  His 
body  wafted  to  Fisher's  Island,  where  it  was  taken  up  and  buried. 


»7I3] 


HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT. 


431 


I 


COUNTY  OF  FAIRFIELD. 
Minisltr's  Names. 

Mr.  Jones' 
Samuel  Wakeman 
Joseph  Webb 
Adam  Blackman 
Israel  Chauncey 
Timothy  Cutler 
Zachariah  Walker 
Richard  Denton* 
John  Bishop 
John  Davenport 
Thomas  Hanford 
Stephen  Buckingham 
Joseph  Morgan 
Seth  Shove 
Zachariah  Walker 
John  Bowers* 

Ministtrs  within  the  boundaritt  of  Conntcticut,  but  unaer  tht  Jurisdiction  of  Mat~ 

saeAutttts,  in  1713. 


Names  of  towns 

Ordained  or 
Installed. 

Died  or 
Removed, 

Fairfield 

Sept.  30,  1665 

March  8,         1693 

Aug.  15,    1694 

Sept.  19,         1733 
Died,               166s 
March  14,       1733 

Stratford 

X 

Jan.  II,    1709 

R.  toY.  C.      171Q 

2d  church 

R.  to  Woodburv 
Removed,       1044 

1641 

Stamford 

1644 

Died,               1694 

1694 

D.  Feb.  5,      1731 

Norwalk 

1654 
Nov.  17,   1697 

Res.  Feb.  34,  1737 

Greenwich 

Danbury 

Oct.  13,    i697t 

Oct.  3,             173s 

Woodbury 

May  3.      1670 

Rye 

Nathaniel  Collins* 
Benjamin  Ruggles 
Josiah  Dwight 


I  Enfield 
Suffield 
Woodstock 


i697f|Res.  died,        1757 
May,         1698}  Sept.  5,  1708 


Within  the  boundariei  of  the  colony,  including  those  under  the  jurisdiction  of 
Massachusetts,  there  were  forty-six  churches,  which  had  been  illuminated  with  about 
ninety  ministers.  The  churches  enjoyed  peace,  and  increased  in  numbers,  knowl< 
edge  and  beauty. 

■  Mr.  Jones  was  episcopally  ordained  in  England,  and  came  into  this  coontry  at 
an  early  period,  but  as  the  first  records  of  Fairfield  were  burnt,  no  particular  ac< 
count  can  be  given  of  his  installation,  or  the  time  of  his  death. 

*  Mr.  Denton  died  at  Hampstead,  upon  Long-Island,  about  the  year  1663,  where 
he  left  posterity. 

*  Mr.  Bowers  removed  from  Derby,  and  settled  at  Rye,  about  the  year  1688.  Mr. 
Webb  then  preached  at  Derby  about  twelve  years,  but  was  not  ordained. 

«  Mr.  Collins,  after  laboring  more  than  twenty  years  at  Enfield,  resigned  his  min- 
istry in  that  place,  but  preached  to  other  congregations,  and  continued  in  it  until  his 
death. 


'I 


i! 


To  all 
Earl 
ing. 
KN( 
vers  g 
hath  g 
firmed, 
feoff,  a 
count ! 
right  h 
Esq.  Si 
ard  K 
Hump 
signs,  1 
in  Am( 
Narraj 
near  tf 
west,  a 
miles  t 
ditame 
north  s 
tude  oi 
lands  t 
and  gr 
havens 
meats 
parcel 
thesai< 
parts  0 


APPENDIX. 


ORIGINAL  PAPERS 

ILLUSTRATINO   THE  PRECEDING   HISTORY. 

NUMBER  I. 
The  old  patent  of  Connecticut^  1631. 

To  all  people,  unto  whom  this  present  writing  shall  come,  I  Albert, 
Earl  of  Warwick,  sendeth  greeting,  in  our  LoKn  God  everlast- 
ing. 

KNOW  ye,  that  the  said  Robert,  Earl  of  Warwick.  *or  di- 
vers good  causes  and  considerations  him  thereunto  incomg, 
hath  given,  granted,  bargained,  sold,  enfeoiTed,  aliened,  .nd  con- 
firmed, and  by  these  presents  doth  give,  grant,  bargain,  sell,  en- 
feoff, aliene,  and  confirm,  unto  the  right  honorable  William,  Vis- 
count Say  and  Seal,  the  right  honorable  Robert,  Lord  Brook ,  the 
right  honorable  Lord  Rich,  and  the  honorable  Charles  Fiennes, 
Esq.  Sir  Nathaniel  Rich,  Knt.  Sir  Richard  Saltonstall,  Ki  .  Rich- 
ard Knightly,  Esq.  John  Fym,  Esq.  John  Hampden,  John 
Humphrey,  E^q.  and  Herbert  Pelham,  Esq.  their  heirs  and  as- 
signs, and  their  associates  forever,  all  that  part  of  New-England, 
in  America,  which  lies  and  extends  itself  from  a  river  there  called 
Narraganset  river,  the  space  of  forty  leagues  upon  a  straight  line 
near  the  sea  shore  towards  the  southwest,  •  vjst  and  by  south,  or 
west,  as  the  coast  lieth  towards  Virginia,  acc^  >'  Ung  three  English 
miles  to  the  league;  and  also  all  and  singular  the  lands  and  here- 
ditaments whatsoever,  lying  and  being  witfiin  the  lands  aforesaid, 
north  and  south  in  latitude  and  breadt?..  and  in  length  and  longi- 
tude of  and  within,  all  the  breadth  af'^  -.-said,  throughout  the  main 
lands  there,  from  the  western  ocean  to  the  south  sea,  and  all  lands 
and  grounds,  place  and  places,  soil,  wood,  and  woods,  grounds, 
havens,  ports,  creeks  and  rivers,  waters,  fishings,  and  heredita- 
ments whatsoever,  lying  within  the  said  space,  and  every  part  and 
parcel  thereof.  And  also  all  islands  lying  in  America  aforesaid,  in 
the  said  seas,  or  either  of  them,  on  the  western  or  eastern  coasts,  or 
parts  of  the  said  tracts  of  lands,  by  these  presents  mentioned  to  be 

4W 


424 


APPENDIX. 


!!^^:^-: 


given,  granted,  bargained,  sold,  enfeoffed,  aliened,  and  confirmed, 
and  also  all  mines  and  minerals,  as  well,  royal  mines  of  gold  and 
silver,  as  other  mines  and  minerals  whatsoever,  in  the  said  land  and 
premises,  or  any  part  thereof,  and  also  the  several  rivers  within  the 
said  limits,  by  what  name  or  names  soever  called  or  known,  and  all 
jurisdictions,  rights,  and  royalties,  liberties,  freedoms,  immunities, 
powers,  privileges,  franchises,  pre-eminences,  and  commodities 
whatsoever,  which  the  said  Robert,  Earl  of  Warwick,  now  hath  or 
had,  or  might  use,  exercise,  or  enjoy,  in  or  within  any  part  or  parcel 
thereof,  excepting  and  reserving  to  his  majesty,  his  heirs,  and  suc- 
cessors the  fifth  part  of  all  gold  and  silver  ore,  that  shall  be  found 
within  the  said  premises,  or  any  part  or  parcel  thereof:  To  have 
and  to  HOLD  the  said  part  of  New-England  in  America,  which  lies 
and  extends  and  is  abutted  as  aforesaid.  And  the  said  several 
rivers  and  every  part  and  parcel  thereof,  and  all  the  said  islands, 
rivers,  ports,  havens,  waters,  fishings,  mines,  minerals,  jurisdic- 
tions, powers,  franchises,  royalties,  liberties,  privileges,  commodi- 
ties, hereditaments  and  premises,  whatsoever  with  the  appurtenan- 
ces, unto  the  said  William,  Viscount  Say  and  Seal,  Robert,  Lord 
Brook,  Robert,  Lord  Rich,  Charles  Fiennes,  Sir  Nathaniel  Rich, 
Sir  Richard  Saltonstall,  Richard  Knightly,  John  Pym,  John 
Hampden,  John  Humphrey  and  Herbert  Pelham,  their  heirs  and 
assigns  and  their  associates,  to  the  only  proper  and  absolute  use 
and  behoof  of  them  the  said  William,  Viscount  Say  and  Seul,  Rob- 
ert, Lord  Brook,  Robert,  Lord  Rich,  Charles  Fiennes,  Sir  Na- 
thaniel Rich,  Sir  Richard  Saltonstall,  Richard  Knightly,  John 
Pym,  John  Hampden,  John  Humphrey,  and  Herbert  Pelham, 
their  heirs  and  assigns,  and  their  associates  for  ever  more.  In  wit- 
ness whereof  the  said  Robert,  Earl  of  Warwick,  hath  hereunto  set 
his  hand  and  seal,  the  nineteenth  day  of  March,  in  the  seventh 
year  of  the  reign  of  our  sovereign  Lord  Charles,  by  the  Grace  of 
God,  King  of  England,  Scotland,  France  and  Ireland,  defender  of 
the  faith,  &c.  Annoq.  Domini,  163 1. 

Signed,  sealed,  and  delivered,  in  the  presence  of 
Walter  Williams, 
Thomas  Howson. 

Robert  Warwick,  A  Seal. 


NUMBER  II. 

Mr.  Winthrop's  commission  to  erect  a  fort  at  the  mouth  of  Connectietit 
river,  with  articles  of  agreement  between  him  and  their  lordships  Say 
and  Seal,  Brook,  dr'c.  1635. 

KNOW  all  men,  by  these  presents,  that  we,  Arthur  Hasselring, 
Baronet,  Sir  Richard  Saltonstall,  Knt.  Henry  Lawrence,  Henry 
Darley,  and  George  Fenwick,  Esquires,  in  our  own  names,  and  in 
the  name  of  the  right  honorable  Viscount  Say  and  Seal,  Robert, 


APPENDIX. 


425 


Lord  Brook,  and  the  rest  of  our  company,  do  ordain  and  consti- 
tute John  Winthrop,  Esq.  the  younger,  governor  of  the  river  Con- 
necticut, with  the  places  adjoining  thereunto,  for,  and  during  the 
space  of  one  whole  year,  after  his  arrival  there,  giving  him,  from 
and  under  us,  full  power  and  authority,  to  do  and  execute  any  such 
lawful  act  and  thing,  both  in  respect  of  the  place  and  people,  as 
also  of  the  afiFairs  we  have,  or  shall  have  there,  as  to  the  dignity  or 
office  of  a  governor  doth,  or  may  appertain.  In  witness  whereof 
we  have  hereunto  put  our  hands  and  seals,  this  i8th  day  of  July, 

1635. 

Richard  Saltonstall,  Arthur  Hasselring, 

Henry  Lawrence,  George  Fenwick, 

Henry  Darley. 

Five  seals  appendant,  impressed  in  one  large  piece  of  wax. 

Articles  made  between  the  right  honorable  the  lord  Viscount  Say  and 
Seal,  Sir  Arthur  Hasselring,  Baronet,  Sir  R.chard  Saltonstall, 
Knight,  Henry  Lawrence,  Henry  Darley,  and  George  Fenwick,  Es- 
quires, on  the  one  part,  and  John  Winthrop,  Esq.  the  younger,  of  the 
other,  the  jth  July,  1635. 

First,  That  we,  in  our  names,  and  the  rest  of  the  company,  do  by 
these  presents  appoint  John  Winthrop,  the  younger,  governor  of 
the  river  Connecticut,  in  New-England,  and  of  the  harbour  and 
places  adjoining,  for  the  space  of  one  year,  from  his  arrival  there. 
And  the  said  John  Winthrop  doth  undertake  and  covenant  for  his 
part,  that  he  will,  with  all  convenient  speed,  repair  to  those  places, 
and  there  abide  as  aforesaid  for  the  best  advancement  of  the  com- 
pany's service. 

Secondly,  That  so  soon  as  he  comes  to  the  bay,  he  shall  en- 
deavour to  provide  able  men  to  the  number  of  fifty,  at  the  least, 
for  making  of  fortifications,  and  building  of  houses  at  the  river 
Connecticut,  and  the  harbour  adjoining,  first  for  their  own  present 
accommodations,  and  then  such  houses  as  may  receive  men  of 
quality,  which  latter  houses  we  would  have  to  be  builded  within 
the  fort. 

Thirdly,  That  he  shall  employ  those  men,  according  to  his  best 
ability,  for  the  advancement  of  the  company's  service,  especially 
in  the  particulars  abovementioned,  during  the  time  of  his  govern- 
ment; and  shall  also  give  a  true  and  just  account  of  all  the  monies 
and  goods  committed  to  his  managing. 

Fourthly,  That  for  such  as  shall  plant  there  now,  in  the  begin- 
ning, he  shall  take  care  that  they  plant  themselves  either  at  the 
harbour,  or  near  the  mouth  of  the  river,  that  these  places  may  be 
the  better  strengthened  for  their  own  safety,  and  to  that  end,  that 
they  also  set  down  in  such  bodies  together,  as  they  may  be  most 
capable  of  an  entrenchmeni;  provided  that  there  be  reserved 
unto  the  fort,  for  the  maintenance  of  it,  one  thousand  or  fifteen 


I' 


¥ 


426 


APPENDIX. 


hundred  acres,  at  least,  of  good  ground,  as  near  adjoining  there- 
unto as  may  be. 

Fifthly,  That  forasmuch  as  the  service  will  take  him  oH  from  his 
own  employment,  the  company  do  engage  themselves,  to  give 
him  a  just  and  due  consideration  for  the  same.     In  witness 
whereof  we  have  interchangeably  hereunto  subscribed  our  names. 
W.  Say  and  Seal,  George  Fbnwick, 

Henry  Lawrence,  Arthur  Hasselrino, 

Richard  Saltonstall,  Henry  Darley. 


i 


r^ 


NUMBER  III. 

TAe  original  comiitution  of  Connecticut^  formed  by  wluntary  compact, 

1639. 

FORASMUCH  as  it  hath  pleased  the  Almighty  God,  by  the 
wise  disposition  of  his  divine  providence,  so  to  order  and  dispose 
of  things,  that  we  the  inhabitants  and  residents  of  Windsor,  Hart- 
ford, and  Weathersfield,  are  now  cohabiling,  and  dwelling  in  and 
upon  the  river  Connecticut,  and  the  lands  thereunto  adjoining, 
and  well  knowing  where  £^  people  are  gathered  together,  tlie  word 
of  God  requireth  that,  to  maintain  the  peace  and  union  of  such  a 
people,  there  should  be  an  orderly  and  decent  government  estab- 
lished according  to  God,  to  order  and  dispose  of  the  affairs  of  the 
people  at  all  seasons,  as  occasion  should  require;  do  therefore 
associate  and  conjoin  ourselves  to  be  as  one  public  State  or 
Commonwealth  ;  and  do,  for  ourselves  and  our  successors,  and 
such  as  shall  be  adjoined  to  us  at  any  time  hereafter,  enter  into 
combination  and  confederation  together,  to  maintain  and  pre- 
serve the  liberty  and  purity  of  the  gospel  of  our  Lord  Jesus,  which 
we  now  profess,  as  also  the  discipline  of  the  churches,  which,  ac- 
cording to  the  truth  of  said  gospel,  is  now  practised  amongst  us ; 
as  also  in  our  civil  affairs  to  be  guided  and  governed  according  to 
such  laws,  rules,  orders,  and  decrees,  as  shall  be  made,  ordered, 
and  decreed,  as  followeth: 

I.  It  is  ordered,  sentenced,  and  decreed,  that  there  shall  be 
yearly  two  general  assemblies  or  courts,  the  one  on  the  second 
Thursday  of  April,  the  other  the  second  Thursday  of  September 
following:  The  first  shall  be  called  the  Court  of  Election, 
wherein  shall  be  yearly  chosen,  from  time  to  time,  so  many  mag- 
istrates and  other  public  officers,  as  shall  be  found  requisite, 
whereof  one  to  be  chosen  governor  for  the  year  ensuing,  and  until 
another  be  chosen,  and  no  other  magistrate  to  be  chosen  for  more 
than  one  year;  provided  always,  there  be  six  chosen  besides  the 
governor,  which  being  chosen  and  sworn  according  to  an  oath 
recorded  for  that  purpose,  shall  have  power  to  administer  justice 


APPENDIX. 


P7 


according  to  the  laws  here  established,  and  for  want  thereof  ac- 
cording to  the  rule  of  the  word  of  God ;  which  choice  shall  be  made 
by  all  that  are  admitted  frrcmer.,  and  have  taken  the  oath  of  fidel- 
ity, and  do  cohabit  within  IhU  jurisdiction,  having  been  admitted 
inhabitants  by  the  major  part  of  the  town  where  they  live,  or  the 
major  part  of  such  as  shall  be  then  present. 

II.  It  is  ordered,  sentenced,  and  decreed,  that  the  election  of 
the  aforesaid  magistrates  shall  be  in  this  manner;  every  person 
present  and  qualified  for  choice,  shall  bring  in  (to  the  persons  de- 
puted to  receive  them)  one  single  paper,  with  the  name  of  him 
written  on  it  whom  he  desires  to  have  governor,  and  he  that  hath 
the  greatest  number  of  papers  shall  be  governor  for  that  year: 
And  the  rest  of  the  magistrates  or  public  officers  to  be  chosen  in 
this  manner;  the  secretary  for  the  time  being,  shall  first  read  the 
names  of  all  that  are  to  be  put  to  choice,  and  then  shall  severally 
nominate  them  distinctly,  and  every  one  that  would  have  the  per- 
son nominated  to  be  chosen  shall  bring  in  one  single  paper  written 
upon,  and  he  that  would  not  have  him  chosen  shall  bring  in  a 
blank,  and  every  one  that  has  more  written  papers  than  blanks, 
shall  be  a  magistrate  for  that  year,  which  papers  shall  be  received 
and  told  by  one  or  more  that  shsdl  be  then  chosen,  by  the  court, 
and  sworn  to  De  faithful  therein;  but  in  case  there  should  not  be 
six  persons  as  aforesaid,  besides  the  governor,  out  of  those  which 
are  nominated,  then  he  or  they  which  have  the  most  written  pa- 
pers, shall  be  a  magistrate  or  magistrates  for  the  ensuing  year,  to 
make  up  the  aforesaid  number. 

III.  It  is  ordered,  sentenced,  and  decreed,  that  the  secretary 
shall  not  nominate  any  person  new,  nor  shall  any  person  be  chosen 
newly  into  the  magistracy,  which  was  not  propounded  in  some 
general  court  before,  to  be  nominated  the  next  election :  And  to 
that  end  it  shall  be  lawful  for  each  of  the  towns  aforesaid,  by  their 
deputies,  to  nominate  any  two  whom  they  conceive  fit  to  be  put  to 
election,  and  the  court  may  add  so  many  more  as  they  judge  req- 
uisite. 

IV.  It  is  ordered,  sentenced,  and  decreed,  that  no  person  be 
chosen  governor  above  once  in  two  years,  and  that  the  governor 
be  always  a  member  of  some  approved  congregation,  and  formerly 
of  the  magistracy  within  this  jurisdiction,  and  all  the  magistrates 
freemen  of  this  commonwealth ;  and  that  no  magistrate  or  other 
public  officer,  shall  execute  any  part  of  his  or  their  office  before 
they  are  severally  sworn,  which  shall  be  done  in  the  face  of  the 
court  if  they  be  present,  and  in  case  of  absence,  by  some  deputed 
for  that  purpose. 

V.  It  is  ordered,  sentenced,  and  decreed,  that  to  the  aforesaid 
court  of  election,  the  several  towns  shall  send  their  deputies,  and 
when  the  elections  are  ended  they  may  proceed  in  any  public  ser- 
vice, as  at  other  courts ;  also,  the  other  general  court  in  Septem- 


428 


APPENDIX. 


b 


ber,  shall  be  for  making  of  laws,  and  any  other  public  occasion 
which  concerns  the  good  of  the  commonwealth. 

VI.  It  is  ordered,  sentenced,  and  decreed,  that  the  governor 
shall,  either  by  himself  or  by  the  secretary,  send  out  summons  to 
the  constables  of  every  town,  for  the  calling  of  those  two  standing 
courts,  one  month  at  least,  before  their  several  times;  and  also,  if 
the  governor  and  the  greatest  part  of  the  magistrates  see  cause, 
upon  any  special  occasion,  to  call  a  general  court,  they  may  give 
order  to  the  secretary  so  to  do,  within  fourteen  days  warning;  and 
if  urgent  necessity  so  require,  upon  a  shorter  notice,  giving  suffi- 
cient grounds  for  it  to  the  deputies  when  they  meet,  or  else  be 
questioned  for  the  same.  And  if  the  governor,  or  major  part  of 
the  magistrates,  shall  either  neglect  or  refuse  to  call  the  two  gen- 
eral standing  courts,  or  either  of  them,  as  also  at  other  times  when 
the  occasions  of  the  commonwealth  require,  the  freemen  thereof, 
or  the  major  part  of  them,  shall  petition  to  them  so  to  do;  if  then 
it  be  either  denied  or  neglected,  the  said  freemen,  or  the  major 
part  of  them,  shall  have  power  to  give  order  to  the  constables  of  the 
several  towns  to  do  *bt  same,  and  so  may  meet  together  and 
choose  to  themselves  a  moderator,  and  may  proceed  to  do  any  act 
of  power  which  any  other  general  courts  may. 

VII.  It  is  ordered,  sentenced,  and  decreed,  that  after  there  are 
WuiTants  given  out  for  any  of  the  said  general  courts,  the  consta- 
ble or  constables  of  each  town,  shall  forthwith  give  notice  dis- 
tinctly to  the  inhabitants  of  the  same,  in  some  public  assembly, 
or  by  going  or  sending  from  house  to  house,  that  at  a  place  and 
time  by  him  or  them  limited  and  set,  they  meet  and  assemble 
themselves  together,  to  elect  and  choose  certain  deputies  to  be  at 
the  general  court  then  following,  to  agitate  the  affairs  of  the  com- 
monwealth, which  said  deputies  shall  be  chosen  by  all  that  are 
admitted  inhabitants  in  the  several  towns,  and  have  taken  the  oath 
of  fidelity;  provided,  that  none  be  chosen  a  deputy  for  any  general 
court  which  it  not  a  freeman  of  this  commonwealth :  The  aforesaid 
deputy  shall  be  chosen  in  manner  following;  every  person  that  is 
present  and  qualified,  as  before  expressed,  shall  bring  the  names 
of  such,  written  on  several  papers,  as  they  desire  to  have  chosen, 
for  that  employment;  and  those  three  or  four,  more  or  less,  being 
the  number  agreed  on  to  be  chosen,  for  that  time,  that  have  the 
greatest  number  of  papers  written  for  them,  shall  be  deputies  for 
that  court;  whose  names  shall  be  indorsed  on  the  back  side  of 
the  warrant,  and  returned  into  the  court  with  the  constable  or 
constables  hand  unto  the  same. 

VIII.  It  is  ordered,  sentenced,  and  decreed,  that  Windsor, 
Hartford,  and  Weathersfield,  shall  have  power,  each  town,  to  send 
four  of  their  freemen  as  their  deputies,  to  every  general  court;  and 
whatsoever  other  towns  shall  be  hereafter  added  to  this  jurisdic- 
tion, they  shall  send  so  many  deputies  as  the  court  shall  judge 


APPENDIX. 


429 


meet;  a  reasonable  proportion  to  the  number  of  freemen  that  are 
in  said  towns,  being  to  be  attended  therein;  which  deputies  shall 
have  the  power  of  the  whole  town  to  give  their  votes,  and  allow- 
ance to  all  such  laws  and  orders,  as  may  be  for  the  public  good, 
and  unto  which  the  said  towns  are  to  be  bound. 

IX.  It  is  ordered,  sentenced,  and  decreed,  that  the  deputies 
thus  chosen,  shall  have  power  and  liberty  to  appoint  a  time  and  a 
place  of  meeting  together,  before  any  general  court,  to  advise  and 
consult  of  all  such  things  as  may  concern  the  good  of  the  public; 
as  also  to  examine  their  own  elections,  whether  according  to  the 
order;  and  if  they  or  the  greatest  part  of  them  find  any  election  to 
be  illegal,  they  may  seclude  such  for  the  present  from  their  meet- 
ing, and  return  the  same  and  their  reasons  to  the  court;  and  if  it 
prove  true,  the  court  may  fine  the  party  or  parties  so  intruding 
upon  the  town,  if  they  see  cause,  and  give  out  a  warrant  to  go  to 
a  new  election  in  a  legal  way,  either  in  part  or  in  whole;  also  the 
said  deputies  shall  have  power  to  fine  any  that  shall  be  disorderly 
at  their  meeting,  or  for  not  coming  in  due  time  or  place,  according 
to  appointment;  and  they  may  return  said  fine  into  the  court,  if  it 
be  refused  to  be  paid,  and  the  treasurer  to  take  notice  of  it,  and  to 
estreat  or  levy  the  same  as  he  doth  other  fines. 

X.  It  is  ordered,  sentenced,  and  decreed,  that  every  general 
court  (except  such  as,  through  neglect  of  the  governor  and  the 
greatest  part  of  the  magistrates,  the  freemen  themselves  do  call,) 
shall  consist  of  the  governor,  or  some  one  chosen  to  moderate  the 
court,  and  four  other  magistrates  at  least,  with  the  major  part  of 
the  deputies  of  the  several  towns  legally  chosen;  and  in  case  the 
freemen,  or  the  major  part  of  them,  through  neglect  or  refusal  of 
the  governor  and  major  part  of  the  magistrates,  shall  call  a  court, 
that  shall  consist  of  the  major  part  of  the  freemen  that  are  present, 
or  their  deputies,  with  a  moderator  chosen  by  them;  in  which  said 
general  court  shall  consist  the  Supreme  Power  of  the  Common- 
wealth, and  they  only  shall  have  power  to  make  laws  or  repeal 
them,  to  grant  levies,  to  admit  freemen,  to  dispose  of  lands  undisposed 
of,  to  several  towns  or  persons,  and  also  shall  have  power  to  call 
other  courts,  or  magistrates,  or  any  other  person  whatsoever,  into 
question  for  any  misdemeanor;  and  may  for  just  causes  displace 
or  deal  otherwise,  according  to  the  nature  of  the  offence;  and  also 
may  deal  in  any  other  matter  that  concerns  the  good  of  this  com- 
monwealth, except  election  of  magistrates,  which  shall  be  done 
by  the  whole  body  of  freemen;  in  which  court  the  governor  or 
moderator  shall  have  power  to  order  the  court,  to  give  liberty  of 
speech,  and  silence  unreasonable  and  disorderly  speaking,  to  put 
all  things  to  vote,  and  in  case  the  vote  be  equal  to  have  a  casting 
voice;  but  none  of  these  courts  shall  be  adjourned  or  dissolved 
without  the  consent  of  the  major  part  of  the  court. 

XI.  It  is  ordered,  sentenced,  and  decreed,  that  when  any  gen- 


_i) 


430 


APPENDIX. 


eral  court,  upon  the  occasions  of  the  commonwealth,  have  agreed 
upon  any  sum  or  sums  of  money  to  be  levied  upon  the  several 
towns  within  this  jurisdiction,  that  a  committee  be  chosen  to  set 
out  and  appoint  what  shall  be  the  proportion  of  every  town  to  pay, 
of  the  said  levy,  provided  the  committee  be  made  up  of  an  equal 
number  out  of  each  town.   14th  January,  1638.^ 


It^ 


NUMBER  IV. 

The  JundanutUal  articles,  or  original  constitution  of  the  colony  of  Neuh 

Haven,  June  ^hf  1639. 

THE  4th  day  of  the  4th  month,  called  June,  1639,  ^^  ^^  ^^^^ 
planters  assembled  together  in  a  general  meeting,  to  consult  about 
settling  civil  government,  according  to  God,  and  the  nomination  of 
persons  that  might  be  found,  by  consent  of  all,  fittest  in  all  respects 
for  the  foundation  work  of  a  church,  which  was  intended  to  be 
gathered  in  Quinipiack.  After  solemn  invocation  of  the  name  of 
God,  in  prayer  for  the  presence  and  help  of  his  spirit  and  grace,  in 
those  weighty  businesses,  they  were  reminded  of  the  business 
whereabout  they  met,  (viz.)  for  the  establishment  of  such  civil  order 
as  might  be  most  pleasing  unto  God,  and  for  the  choosing  the  fit- 
test men  for  the  foundation  work  of  a  church  to  be  gathered.  For 
the  better  enabling  them  to  discern  the  mind  of  God,  and  to  agree 
accordingly  concerning  the  establishment  of  civil  order,  Mr.  John 
Davenport  propounded  divers  queries  to  them  publicly,  praying 
them  to  consider  seriously  in  the  presence  and  fear  of  God,  the 
weight  of  the  business  they  met  about,  and  not  to  be  rash  or  slight 
in  giving  their  votes  to  things  they  understood  not;  but  to  digest 
fully  and  thoroughly  what  should  be  propounded  to  them,  and 
without  respect  to  men,  as  they  should  be  satisfied  and  persuaded 
in  their  own  minds,  to  give  their  answers  in  such  sort  as  they 
would  be  willing  should  stand  upon  record  for  posterity. 

This  being  earnestly  pressed  by  Mr.  Davenport,  Mr.  Robert 
Newman  was  intreated  to  write,  in  characters,  and  to  read  dis- 
tinctly and  audibly,  in  the  hearing  of  all  the  people,  what  was  pro- 
pounded and  accorded  on,  that  it  might  appear,  that  all  consented 
to  matters  propounded,  according  to  words  written  by  him. 

Query  I.  Whether  the  scriptures  do  hold  forth  a  perfect  rule  for 
the  direction  and  government  of  all  men  in  all  duties  which  they 
are  to  perform  to  God  and  men,  as  well  in  families  and  common- 
wealth, as  in  matters  of  the  church  ?  This  was  assented  unto  by  all, 
no  man  dissenting,  as  was  expressed  by  holding  up  of  the  hands. 
Afterwards  it  was  read  over  to  them,  that  they  might  see  in  what 
words  their  vote  was  expressed.  They  again  expressed  their  con- 
sent by  holding  up  their  hands,  no  man  dissenting. 
'  This  M  we  now  date  wu  1639. 


APPENDIX. 


431 


Query  II.  Whereas,  there  was  a  covenant  solemnly  made  by 
the  whole  assembly  of  free  planters  of  this  plantation,  the  first  day 
of  extraordinary  humiliation,  which  we  had  after  we  came  to- 
gether, that  as  in  matters  that  concern  the  gathering  and  ordering 
of  a  church,  so  likewise  in  all  public  officers  which  concern  civil 
order,  as  choice  of  magistrates  and  officers,  making  and  repealing 
laws,  dividing  allotments  of  inheritance,  and  all  things  of  like  nat- 
ure, we  would  all  of  us  be  ordered  by  those  rules  which  the  script- 
ure holds  forth  to  us;  this  covenant  was  called  a  plantation  cove- 
nant, to  distinguish  it  from  a  church  covenant,  which  could  not  at 
that  time  be  made,  a  church  not  being  then  gathered,  but  was  de- 
ferred till  a  church  might  be  gathered,  according  to  God:  It  was 
demanded  whether  all  the  free  planters  do  hold  themselves  bound 
by  that  covenant,  in  all  businesses  of  that  nature  which  are  ex- 
pressed in  the  covenant,  to  submit  themselves  to  be  ordered  by  the 
rules  held  fortn  in  the  scripture? 

This  also  was  assented  unto  by  ail,  and  no  man  gainsayed  it; 
and  they  did  testify  the  same  by  holding  up  their  hands,  both  when 
it  was  first  propounded,  and  confirmed  the  same  by  ^^olding  up 
their  hands  when  it  was  read  unto  them  in  public.  John  Clark 
being  absent,  when  the  covenant  was  made,  doth  now  manifest  his 
consent  to  it.  Also,  Richard  Beach,  Andrew  Law,  Goodman  Ban- 
ister, Arthur  Halbridge,  John  Potter,  Robert  Hill,  John  Brocket, 
and  John  Jcdinson,  these  persons,  being  not  admitted  planters 
when  the  covenant  was  made,  do  now  express  their  consent  to  it 

Query  III.  Those  who  have  desired  to  be  received  as  free  plant- 
ers, and  are  settled  in  the  plantation,  with  a  purpose,  resolution 
and  desire,  that  tliey  may  be  admitted  into  church  fellowship,  ac- 
cording to  Christ,  as  soon  as  God  shall  ft  them  thereunto,  were 
desired  to  express  it  by  holding  up  hands.  Accordingly  all  did  ex- 
press this  to  be  their  desire  and  purpose  by  holding  up  their  hands 
twice,  (viz.)  at  the  proposal  of  it,  and  after  when  these  written 
words  were  read  unto  them. 

Query  IV.  All  the  free  planters  were  called  upon  to  express, 
whether  they  held  themselves  bound  to  establish  such  civil  order 
as  might  best  conduce  to  the  securing  of  the  purity  and  peace  of 
the  ordinance  to  themselves  and  their  posterity  according  to  God? 
In  answer  hereunto  they  expressed  by  holding  up  their  hands 
twice  as  before,  that  they  held  themselves  bound  to  establish  such 
civil  order  as  might  best  conduce  to  the  ends  aforesaid. 

Then  Mr.  Davenport  declared  unto  them,  by  the  scripture,  what 
kind  of  persons  might  best  be  trusted  with  matters  of  government; 
and  by  sundry  arguments  from  scripture  proved  that  such  men  as 
were  described  in  Exod.  xviii.  2,  Deut.  i.  13,  with  Deut.  xvii.  15, 
and  I  Cor.  vi.  i,  6,  7,  ought  to  be  intrusted  by  them,  seeing  they 
were  free  to  cast  themselves  into  that  mould  and  form  of  common- 
wealth which  appeared  best  for  them  in  reference  to  the  securing 


If 


432 


APPENDIX. 


y 


I- 


>r 


the  peace  and  peaceable  improvement  of  all  Christ  his  ordinancesk 
in  the  church  according  to  God,  whereunto  they  have  bound  them- 
selves, as  hath  been  acknowledged. 

Having  thus  said  he  sat  down,  praying  the  company  freely  to 
consider,  whether  they  would  have  it  voted  at  this  time  or  not. 
After  some  space  of  silence,  Mr.  Theophilus  Eaton  answered,  it 
might  be  voted,  and  some  others  also  spake  to  the  same  purpose, 
none  at  all  opposing  it.   Then  it  was  propounded  to  vote. 

Query  V.  Whether  free  burgesses  shall  be  chosen  out  of  the 
church  members,  they  that  are  in  the  foundation  work  of  the 
church  being  actually  free  burgesses,  and  to  choose  to  themselves 
out  of  the  like  estate  of  church  fellowship,  and  the  power  of  choos- 
ing magistrates  and  officers  from  among  themselves,  and  the 
power  of  making  and  repealing  laws,  according  to  the  word,  and 
the  dividing  of  inheritances,  and  deciding  of  differences  that  may 
arise,  and  all  the  businesses  of  like  nature  are  to  be  transacted  by 
those  free  burgesses?  This  was  put  to  vote  and  agreed  unto  by 
lifting  up  of  hands  twice,  as  in  the  former  it  was  done.  Then  one 
man  stood  up  and  expressed  his  dissenting  from  the  rest  in  part; 
yet  granting,  i.  That  magistrates  should  be  men  fearing  God.  2. 
That  the  church  is  the  company  where,  ordinarily,  such  men  may 
be  expected.  3.  That  they  that  choose  them  ought  to  be  men 
fearing  God:  only  at  this  he  stuck,  that  free  planters  ought  not 
to  give  this  power  out  of  their  hands.  Another  stood  up  and 
answered,  that  nothing  was  done,  but  with  their  consent.  The 
former  answered,  that  all  the  free  planters  ought  to  resume  this 
power  into  their  own  hands  again,  if  things  were  not  orderly  car- 
ried. Mr.  Theophilus  Eaton  answered,  that  in  all  places  they 
choose  committees  in  like  manner.  The  companies  in  London 
choose  the  liveries  by  whom  the  public  magistrates  are  chosen.  In 
this  the  rest  are  not  wronged,  because  they  expect,  in  time,  to  be  of 
the  livery  themselves,  and  to  have  the  same  power.  Some  others 
intreated  the  former  to  give  his  arguments  and  reasons  whereupon 
be  dissented.  He  refused  to  do  it,  and  said,  they  might  not  ration- 
ally demand  it,  seeing  he  let  the  vote  pass  on  freely  and  did  not 
speak  till  after  it  was  past,  because  he  would  not  hinder  what  they 
agreed  upon.  Then  Mr.  Davenport,  after  a  short  relation  of  some 
former  passages  between  them  two  about  this  question,  prayed 
the  company  that  nothing  might  be  concluded  by  them  on  this 
weighty  question,  but  what  themselves  were  persuaded  to  be 
agreeing  with  the  mind  of  God,  and  they  had  heard  what  had  been 
said  since  the  voting;  he  intreated  them  again  to  consider  of  it, 
and  put  it  again  to  vote  as  before.  Again  all  of  them,  by  holding 
up  their  hands,  did  show  their  consent  as  before.  And  some  of 
them  confessed  that,  whereas  they  did  waver  before  they  came  to 
the  assembly,  they  were  now  fully  convinced,  that  it  is  the  mind  of 
God.    One  of  them  said  that  in  the  morning  before  he  came,  read- 


If 


APPENDIX. 


433 


ing  Deut.  xvii.  15,  he  was  convinced  at  home.  Another  said,  that 
he  came  doubting  to  the  assembly,  but  he  blessed  God,  by  what 
had  been  said,  he  was  now  fully  satisfied,  that  the  choice  of  bur- 
gesses out  of  church  members,  and  to  instruct  those  with  the 
power  before  spoken  of,  is  according  to  the  mind  of  God  revealed 
in  the  scriptures.  All  having  spoken  their  apprehensions,  it  was 
agreed  upon,  and  Mr.  Robert  Newman  was  desired  to  write  it '  s 
an  order  whereunto  every  one  that  hereafter  should  be  admitted 
here  as  planters,  should  submit,  and  testify  the  same  by  subscrib- 
ing their  names  to  the  order:  Namely,  that  church  members  only 
shall  be  free  burgesses,  and  that  they  only  shall  choose  magistrates 
and  officers  among  themselves,  to  have  power  of  transacting  all 
the  public  civil  affairs  of  this  plantation;  of  making  and  repealing 
laws,  dividing  of  inheritances,  deciding  of  differences  that  may 
arise,  and  doing  all  things  and  businesses  of  like  nature. 

This  being  thus  settled,  as  a  fundamental  agreement  concerning 
civil  government,  Mr.  Davenport  proceeded  to  propound  some- 
thing to  consideration  about  the  gathering  of  a  church,  and  to  pre- 
vent the  blemishing  of  the  first  beginnings  of  the  church  work, 
Mr.  Davenport  advised,  that  the  names  of  such  as  were  to  be  ad- 
mitted might  be  publicly  propounded,  to  the  end  that  they  who 
were  most  approved  might  be  chosen ;  for  the  town  being  cast  into 
seve  a  private  meetings,  wherein  they  that  lived  nearest  together 
gave  their  accounts  one  to  another  of  God's  gracious  work  upon 
them,  and  prayed  together  and  conferred  to  their  mutual  edifica- 
tion, sundry  of  them  had  knowledge  one  of  another;  and  in  every 
meeting  some  one  was  more  approved  of  all  than  any  other;  for 
this  reason,  and  to  prevent  scandals,  the  whole  company  was  in- 
treated  to  consider  whom  they  found  fittest  to  nominate  for  this 
work. 

Query  VI.  Whether  are  you  all  willing  and  do  agree  in  this,  that 
twelve  men  be  chosen,  that  their  fitness  for  the  foundation  work 
may  be  tried ;  however,  there  may  Ele  more  named,  yet  it  may  be  in 
their  power  who  are  chosen,  to  reduce  them  to  twelve,  and  that  it 
be  in  the  power  of  those  twelve  to  choose  out  of  themselves  seven, 
that  shall  be  most  approved  of  by  the  major  part,  to  be^n  the 
church? 

This  was  agreed  upon  by  consent  of  all,  as  was  expressed  by 
holding  up  of  hands,  and  that  so  many  as  should  be  thought  fit  for 
the  foundation  work  of  the  church,  shall  be  propounded  by  the 
plantation,  and  written  down  and  pass  without  exception,  unless 
they  had  given  public  scandal  or  offence.  Yet  so  as  in  case  of  pub- 
lic scandal  or  offence,  every  one  should  have  liberty  to  propound 
their  exception,  at  that  time,  publicly  against  any  man,  that  should 
be  nominated,  when  all  their  names  should  be  writ  down.  But  if 
the  offence  were  private,  that  men's  names  might  be  tendered,  so 
many  as  were  offended  were  intreated  to  deal  with  the  offender 


434 


APPENDIX. 


privately,  and  if  he  gave  not  satisfaction,  to  bring  the  matter  to  the 
twelve,  that  they  might  consider  of  it  impartially  and  in  the  fear 
of  God. 

NUMBER  V. 


' 


Thefint  agreement  with  George  Fenwick,  Esq.  1644. 

Articles  of  agreement  made  and  concluded  betwixt  George  Fen- 
wick,  Esq.  of  Saybrook  fort,  on  the  one  part,  and  Edward  Hop- 
kins, John  Haynes,  John  Mason,  John  Steele,  and  James  Boosy, 
for  and  on  the  behalf  of  the  jurisdiction  of  Connecticut  river,  on 
the  other  part,  the  5th  of  December,  1644. 
THE  said  George  Fenwick,  Esq.  doth,  by  these  presents,  con- 
vey and  make  over  to  the  use  and  for  the  behoof  of  the  jurisdiction 
of  Connecticut  river  aforesaid,  the  fort  at  Saybrook,  with  the  ap- 
purtenances hereafter  mentioned,  to  be  enjoyed  by  them  forever. 
Two  demiculvering  cast  pieces,  with  all  the  shot  thereunto  apper- 
taining, except  fifty,  which  are  reserved  for  his  own  use;  two  long 
saker  cast  pieces,  with  all  the  shot  thereunto  belonging;  one  mur- 
derer, with  two  chambers  and  two  hammered  pieces;  two  barrels 
of  gun  powder,  forty  muskets,  with  bandoleers  and  rests,  as  also 
four  carabines,  swords,  and  such  irons  as  are  there  for  a  draw 
bridge;  one  sow  of  lead,  and  irons  for  the  carriages  of  ordaance, 
and  all  the  housing  within  the  palisado. 

It  is  also  provided  and  agreed,  betwixt  the  said  parties,  that  all 
the  land  upon  the  river  of  Connecticut  shall  belong  to  the  said 
jurisdiction  of  Connecticut,  and  such  lands  as  are  yet  undisposed 
of  shall  be  ordered  and  given  out  by  a  committee  of  five,  whereof 
George  Fenwick,  Esq.  aforesaid  is  always  to  be  one. 

It  is  further  provided  and  agreed,  that  the  town  of  Saybrook 
shall  be  carried  on  according  to  such  agreements,  and  in  that  way 
which  is  already  followed  there,  and  attended  betwixt  Mr.  Fenwick 
and  the  inhabitants  there. 

It  is  also  provided  and  agreed,  betwixt  the  said  parties,  that 
George  Fenwick,  Esq.  shall  have  liberty  to  dwell  in,  or  make  use 
of,  any  or  all  the  housing  belonging  to  the  said  fort,  for  the  space 
of  ten  years;  he  keeping  those  which  he  makes  use  of  in  sufficient 
repair,  (extraordinary  casualties  excepted;)  and  in  case  he  re- 
move his  dwelling  to  any  other  place,  that  he  should  give  half  a 
year's  warning  thereof,  that  provision  may  be  made  accordingly; 
only  it  is  agreed,  that  there  shall  be  some  convenient  part  of  the 
housing  reserved  for  a  gfunner,  and  his  family  to  live  in,  if  the  juris- 
diction see  fit  to  :,ettle  one  there. 

It  is  further  provided  and  agreed,  betwixt  the  said  parties,  that 
George  Fenwick,  Esq.  shall  enjoy  to  his  own  proper  use,  these  par- 
ticulars following: 


APPENDIX. 


435 


ist.  The  house  near  adjoining  to  the  wharf,  with  the  wharf  and 
an  acre  of  ground  thereunto  belonging;  provided,  that  the  said 
acre  bf  ground  take  not  up  above  eight  rods  in  breadth  by  the 
water  side. 

2d.  The  point  of  land,  and  the  marsh  lying  under  the  barn  al- 
ready built  by  the  said  George  Fenwick. 

3d.  The  island  commonly  called  six  mile  island,  with  the  mead- 
ow thereunto  adjoining,  on  the  east  side  the  river. 

4th.  The  ground  adjoining  to  the  town  field,  which  is  already 
taken  oft  and  inclosed  with  three  rails,  by  the  said  George  Fen- 
wick; only  there  is  liberty  granted  to  the  said  jurisdiction,  if  they 
see  fit,  to  build  a  fort  upon  the  western  point,  whereunto  there  shall 
be  allowed  an  acre  of  ground  for  a  house  lot. 

5th.  It  is  also  provided  and  agreed,  that  the  said  George  Fen- 
wick, Esq.  shall  have  free  warren  in  his  own  land,  and  liberty  for 
a  floater  for  his  own  occasions;  as  also  the  like  liberty  is  reserved 
for  any  others  of  the  adventurers,  that  may  come  unto  these  parts, 
with  a  double  house  lot  in  such  place  where  they  make  choice  to 
settle  their  abode. 

All  the  forementioned  grants  (except  before  excepted)  the  said 
George  Fenwick,  Esq.  doth  engage  himself  to  make  good  to  the 
jurisdiction  aforesaid,  against  all  claims  that  may  be  made,  by  any 
other  to  the  premises  by  reason  of  any  disbursements  made  upon 
the  place. 

The  said  George  Fenwick  doth  also  promise,  that  all  the  lands 
from  Narraganset  river  to  the  fort  of  Saybrook,  mentioned  in  a 
patent  gfranted  by  the  earl  of  Warwick  to  certain  nobles  and  gen- 
tlemen, shall  fall  in  under  the  jurisdiction  of  Connecticut  if  it  come 
into  his  power.  For,  and  in  regard  of  the  premises,  and  other 
good  considerations,  the  said  Edward  Hopkins,  John  Haynes, 
John  Mason,  John  Steele,  and  James  Boosy,  authorized  thereunto, 
by  the  general  court  for  the  jurisdiction  of  Connecticut,  do,  In  be- 
half of  the  said  jurisdiction,  promise  and  agree,  to  and  with  the 
said  George  Fenwick,  Esquire,  that  for  and  during  the  space  of  ten 
full  and  complete  years,  to  begin  from  the  first  of  March  next  ensu- 
ing the  date  of  these  presents,  there  shall  be  allowed  and  paid  to 
the  said  George  Fenwick,  or  his  assigns,  the  particular  sums  here- 
after following. 

ist.  Each  bushel  of  corn,  of  all  sorts,  or  meal,  that  shall  pass 
out  of  the  river's  mouth,  shall  pay  two  pence  per  bushel. 

2d.  Every  hundred  of  biscuit  that  shall  in  like  manner  pass  out 
of  the  river's  mouth,  shall  pay  six  pence. 

3d.  Each  milk  cow,  and  mare,  of  three  years  or  upwards,  with- 
in any  of  the  towns  or  farms  upon  the  river,  shall  pay  twelve  pence 
per  annum. during  the  foresaid  term. 

4th.  Each  hog  or  sow,  that  is  killed  by  any  particular  person, 
within  the  limits  of  the  river,  and  the  jurisdiction  aforesaid,  to  be 


ill 


u 


,ii  f 


436 


APPENDIX. 


i  t  1 


improved  either  for  his  own  particular  use,  or  to  make  market  of, 
shall  in  like  manner  pay  twelve  pence  per  annum. 

5th.  Each  hogshead  of  beaver,  traded  out  of  this  jurisdiction, 
and  passed  by  water  down  the  river,  shall  pay  twenty  shillings. 

6th.  Each  pound  of  beaver,  traded  within  the  limits  of  the  river, 
shall  pay  two  pence.  Only  it  is  provided,  that  in  case  the  general 
trade  with  the  Indians,  now  in  agitation,  proceed,  this  tax  upon 
beaver,  mentioned  in  this,  and  the  foregoing  articles,  shall  fall. 

7th.  The  said  committee,  by  the  power  aforesaid,  consent  and 
agree,  to  and  with  the  said  George  Fenwick,  Esq.  that  he,  the  said 
George  Fenwick,  and  his  heirs,  shall  be  free  of  any  impositions  or 
customs,  that  may  hereafter,  by  the  jurisdiction,  be  imposed  at  the 
fort. 

It  is  agreed  that  the  aforesaid  payments  shall  be  made  in  man- 
ner following:  What  shall  be  due  from  the  grain  that  is  exported, 
shall  be  paid  in  grain,  according  to  the  proportion  of  the  several 
kinds  of  grain  that  do  pass  away,  at  the  common  current  price; 
neither  attending  such  prices  on  the  one  hand,  that  the  court  may 
set;  nor  yet  on  the  other  hand,  such  as  corn  may  be  sold  at, 
through  the  necessities  of  men:  And  in  case  of  any  difference, 
then  the  price  shall  be  set  by  two  good  men,  the  one  chosen  by 
Mr.  Fenwick,  and  the  other  by  the  court.  What  shall  be  due 
otherwise,  shall  be  paid  in  beaver,  wampum,  barley,  wheat  or 
pease;  the  former  consideration  for  the  price,  to  be  herein  also  at- 
tended. And  it  is  provided  and  agreed,  that  a  strict  order  and 
course  shall  be  taken  in  observing  what  grain  is  put  aboard  any 
vessel  that  goeth  down  the  river,  from  any  of  the  towns:  and  due 
notice  being  taken  thereof,  every  boat  or  vessel  shall  be  enjoined 
to  take  a  note  of  some  person  deputed  by  the  court  in  each  town, 
what  quantities  and  kinds  of  grain  are  aboard  the  said  vessel ;  and 
to  deliver  to  Mr.  Fenwick,  or  his  assigns,  at  Saybrook,  so  much  as 
will  be  due  to  him  according  to  the  forementioned  agreements. 
And  likewise,  for  the  other  payments,  due  care  shall  be  taken,  that 
they  be  made  at  the  place  aforesaid,  in  as  convenient  a  way  as  may 
comfortably  be  attended,  and  that  all  indirect  courses  be  pre- 
vented, whereby  the  true  intent  and  meaning  of  these  agreements 
may  be  evaded.  In  witness  whereof  the  parties  before  mentioned 
have  hereunto  put  their  hands,  the  day  and  year  abovesaid. 

Edward  Hopkins,     John  Haynes, 
John  Mason,  John  Steele, 

George  Fenwick.  James  Boosy.' 

*  Records  of  the  colony  of  Connecticut,  folio  vol.  11.  pp.  59, 60,61  and  62. 


APPENDIX. 


437 


NUMBER  VI. 

TAt  sttond  agreement  with  George  Femviek,  Esquire,  February  17M 

1646. 

IT  wa»  agreed  betwixt  Edward  Hopkins,  on  the  behalf  of 
George  Fenwick,  Esq.  and  John  CuUick,  John  Talcott,  John  Por- 
ter, and  Henry  Clark,  James  Boosy,  and  Samuel  Smith,  on  the 
behalf  of  the  jurisdiction  of  Connecticut,  that  the  agreement 
formerly  made  with  Mr.  Fenwick,  shall  be  afterwards,  and  what 
was  to  be  received  by  him  according  to  that,  reduced  to  the  terms 
hereafter  expressed: — viz. — ^There  shall  yearly,  for  ten  years,  be 
paid  to  Mr.  Fenwick,  or  his  assigns,  one  hundred  and  eighty 
pounds  per  annum,  to  be  paid  every  year  before  the  last  of  June, 
as  it  shall  be  required  by  the  assigns  of  the  said  George  Fenwick, 
either  to  such  vessels  as  shall  be  appointed,  or  to  such  house  or 
houses,  in  Weathersfield  or  Hartford,  as  he  shall  direct  and  order. 
To  be  paid  one  third  in  good  wheat,  at  4s.  per  bushel ;  one  third  in 
pease,  at  3s.  per  bushel;  one  third  in  rye  or  barley,  at  3s.  per 
bushel :  And  if  rye  or  barley  be  not  paid,  then  to  pay  it  in  wheat 
and  pease,  in  an  equal  proportion;  and  this  present  year  some 
Indian  corn  shall  be  accepted;  but  as  little  as  may  be.  Also,  there 
is  to  be  received  by  the  said  George  Fenwick  what  is  due  from 
Springfield,  for  the  aforesaid  term  of  ten  years.  As  also,  what  else 
may  be  due  upon  the  beaver  trade,  according  to  the  former  agree- 
ment with  him.  Also,  whereas  the  town  of  Saybrook  is  to  pay  in 
this  sum  of  180I.  for  this  year,  lol.  when  that  town  increaseth,  so  as 
they  pay  a  greater  proportion,  in  other  rates,  in  reference  to  what 
these  towns,  Windsor,  Hartford,  Weathersfield,  and  Farmington 
do  pay,  they  shall  increase  their  pay  to  Mr.  Fenwick  accordingly. 
Also,  whereas  Mattabeseck  may  hereafter  be  planted,  they  shall 
pay  unto  Mr.  Fenwick  in  the  same  proportion  they  pay  other  rates 
to  these  towns.  These  four  towns  being  accounted  at  one  hun- 
dred and  seventy  pounds.^ 

Edward  Hopkins, 
John  Cullick, 
John  Talcott. 

I  Records  of  the  colony  of  Connecticut,  folio  vol.  ii.  p.  63, 


:^l!!l 


■  'ii 


438 


APPENDIX. 


-        t    ;        ^  NUMBER  VII. 

Petition  to  his  majesty^  King  Charles  II.  i66i,  for  charter  privileges. 

The  humble  petition  of  the  General  Court,  at  Hartford  upon  Con- 
necticut, in  New-England,  to  the  high  and  mighty  Prince 
Charles  the  second,  humbly  shewing: — 
THAT  whereas  your  petitioners  have  not  had,  for  many  years 
past,  since  their  possession  and  inhabiting  these  western  and  in- 
land parts  of  this  wilderness,  any  opportunity,  by  reason  of  the 
calamities  of  the  late  sad  times,  to  seek  for,  and  obtain  such  grants, 
by  letters  patent  from  your  excellent  majesty,  their  sovereign  lord 
and  king,  as  might  assure  them  of  such  liberties  and  privileges, 
and  sufHcient  powers,  as  might  encourage  them  to  go  on  through 
all  difficulties,  hazards,  and  expenses,  in  so  great  a  work  of  planta- 
tion, in  a  place  so  remote  from  the  christian  world,  and  a  desert  so 
difficultly  subdued,  and  no  way  improveable  for  subsistence,  but 
by  great  cost  and  hard  labour,  with  much  patience  and  cares. 

And  whereas,  besides  the  g^eat  charge  that  hath  been  expe  ,  'led 
by  our  fathers,  and  some  of  their  associates  yet  surviving,  about 
the  purchase?^,  building,  fortifying,  and  other  matters,  of  culturing 
and  improving  to  a  condition  of  safety  and  subsistence,  in  the 
places  of  our  present  abode,  among  the  heathen,  whereby  there  is 
a  considerable  and  real  addition  to  the  honour  and  enlargement  of 
his  majesty's  dominion,  by  the  sole  disbursements  of  his  majesty's 
subjects  here;  of  their  own  proper  estates,  they  have  laid  out  a 
very  great  sum  for  the  purchasing  a  jurisdiction  right  of  Mr. 
George  Fenwick,  which  they  were  given  to  understand  was  de- 
rived from  true  royal  authority,  by  letters  patent,  to  certain  lords 
and  gentlemen  therein  nominated,  a  copy  whereof  was  produced 
before  the  commissioners  of  the  colonies,  and  approved  by  them, 
as  appears  by  their  records,  a  copy  whereof  is  ready  to  be  pre- 
sented at  your  majesty's  command,  though,  either  by  fire  at  a 
house  where  it  had  been  sometimes  kept,  or  some  other  accident,  is 
now  lost;  with  which  your  poor  subjects  were  rather  willing  to 
have  contented  themselves,  in  those  afflicting  times,  than  to  seek 
for  power  or  privileges  from  any  other  than  their  lawful  prince  and 
sovereign. 

May  it,  therefore,  please  your  most  gracious  and  excellent  maj- 
esty, to  confer  upon  your  humble  petitioners,  who  unanimously 
do  implore  your  highness's  favour  and  grace  therein,  those  liber- 
ties, rights,  authorities,  and  privileges,  which  were  granted  by  the 
aforementioned  letters  patent,  to  certain  lords  and  gentlemen,  so 
purchased  as  aforesaid,  or  which  were  enjoyed  from  those  letters 
patent,  granted  to  the  Massachusetts  plantation,  by  our  fathers, 
and  some  of  us  yet  surviving,  when  there,  in  our  beginning  in- 


»m 


APPENDIX. 


439 


habiting;  and  upon  which  those  large  encouragements,  liberties, 
and  privileges,  so  great  a  transplantation  from  our  dear  England 
was  undertaken,  and  supposed  to  be  yet  our  inheritance,  till  the 
running  of  that  western  line,  the  bounded  limits  of  those  letters 
patent,  did,  since  our  removal  thence,  determine  our  lot  to  be  fall- 
en without  the  limits  of  that  so  bounded  authority. 

May  it  please  your  majesty  graciously  to  bestow  upon  your 
humble  supplicants  such  royal  munificence,  according  to  the  tenor 
of  a  draft  or  instrument,  which  is  ready  here  to  be  tendered,  at 
your  gracious  order. 

And  whereas,  besides  those  many  other  great  disbursements  as 
aforesaid,  in  prosecution  of  this  wilderness  work,  your  poor  peti- 
tioners were  forced  to  maintain  a  war  against  one  nation  of  the 
heathens,  that  did  much  interrupt  the  beginnings  of  your  servants, 
by  many  bloody  and  hostile  acts,  whereby  divers  of  our  dear  coun- 
trymen were  treacherously  destroyed,  and  have,  also,  been  ever 
since,  and  are  still,  at  much  charge  in  keeping  such  a  correspond- 
ence of  peace  and  amity  with  the  divers  sorts  of  the  heathen  na- 
tions, that  are  round  about  your  plantations,  thus  far  extended 
into  the  bowels  of  the  country,  besides  the  maintenance  of  all  pub- 
lic charges  for  church  and  civil  aflfairs,  which  are  very  great  in  re- 
spect of  our  great  poverty. 

May  it  please  your  most  excellent  majesty,  out  of  your  princely 
bounty,  to  grant  such  an  immunity  from  customs,  as  may  en- 
cortrage  the  merchants  to  supply  our  necessities  in  such  com- 
modities as  may  be  wanting  here,  for  which  we  have  neither  silver 
nor  gold  to  pay;  but  the  supply  in  that  kind  may  enable,  in  due 
time,  to  search  the  bowels  of  the  earth  for  some  good  minerals, 
whereof  there  seems  to  be  fair  probabilities,  or  produce  some  such 
other  staple  commodities,  as  may,  in  future  time,  appear  to  be 
good  effects  of  your  majesty's  goodness  and  bounty.  If  your  poor 
colony  may  find  this  gracious  acceptance  with  your  majesty,  as  to 
grant  their  humble  desire,  whereby  they  may  be  encouraged  to  go 
on  cheerfully  and  strenuously  in  their  plantation  business,  in  hope 
of  a  comfortable  settlement  for  then.selves  and  their  posterity,  that 
under  your  royal  protection  they  may  prosper  in  this  desert;  they 
shall,  Jis  is  their  acknowledged  duty,  ever  pray  for  your  great  tran- 
quillity and  perpetual  happiness ;  and  humbly  craving  leave,  they 
subscribe  themselves  your  majesty's  loyal  subjects  and  servants, 
the  general  court  of  the  colony  of  Connecticut,  in  New-England, 
per  their  order  signed.* 

Jan.  7th,  1661.  Daniel  Clark,  Sec'ry. 

'  Old  Book  of  Patents,  Letters,  &c.  p.  12—14- 


440 


APPENDIX. 


NUMBER  VIII. 


0 


!■"'     'I 


tJ:.-,'i 


k 


The  letter  of  Connecticut  to  Lord  Say  aiid  Seal,  June  7,  166 1. 

Right  Honorable, 
THE  former  encouragements  that  our  fathers,  and  some  of 
their  yet  surviving  associates,  received  from  your  honor  to  trans- 
plant themselves  and  families  into  these  inland  parts  of  this  vast 
wilderness,  where  (as  we  have  been  given  to  understand)  your 
honor  was,  and  as  we  conceive  and  hope  are  still  interested,  by 
virtue  of  patent  p<;wrer  and  authority,  doth  not  only  persuade  us, 
but  assure  us  of  your  patronage  and  favor,  in  that  which  may 
come  within  your  power,  wherein  our  comfort  and  settlement,  and 
the  well  being  of  our  posterity  and  the  whole  colony,  both  in  civil 
and  ecclesiastical  policy ,  is  so  deeply  concerned :  Honorable  Sir, 
not  long  after  that  some  persons  of  note  amongst  us,  and  well 
known  to  yourself,  whose  names  in  that  respect  we  forbear  to 
write,  had  settled  upon  this  river  of  Connecticut,  and  some  planta- 
tions up  the  river  were  possessed,  and  in  some  measure  improved, 
Mr.  George  Fenwick  took  possession  of  Saybrook  fort,  there  re- 
siding for  certain  or  several  years;  at  length  he  was  moved,  for 
ends  best  known  to  himself,  to  return  to  England,  and  thereupon 
propounded  by  himself,  our  agent,  the  sale  of  the  fort,  with  the 
housing  there,  and  several  appurtenances,  together  with  ail  the 
lands  on  the  river,  and  so  to  the  Narraganset  Bay,  with  jurisdic- 
tion power  to  this  colony,  which  was  exceedingly  opposed  by 
several  amongst  us,  whom  some  of  us  have  heard  to  affirm  that 
such  a  thing  would  be  very  distasteful  to  your  honor,  with  the  rest 
of  the  noble  patentees,  who  had  very  bountiful  intentions  to  this 
colony;  nevertheless,  though  there  was  a  stop  for  the  present,  yet 
in  some  short  time  (God  removing  soma  from  us  by  death,  that 
were  interested  in  the  hearts  and  affections  of  several  of  those 
nobles  and  gentlemen  the  patentees  in  England)  the  business  of 
purchase  was  revived  by  Mr.  Fenwick,  and  expressions  to  this 
purpose  given  out  by  him.  or  his  agents,  or  both;  that  he  had 
po\-?r  to  dispose  of  the  pre.  ».s,  the  rest  of  the  patentees  desert- 
ing, it  fell  into  his  hands  by  agreement,  and  in  case  the  towns  on 
the  river  refused  to  comply  with  such  terms  as  he  proposed  for  the 
purchasing  of  the  said  fort,  &c.  it  was  frequently  reported  that  he 
purposed  either  to  'mpose  customs  on  the  river  or  make  sale  there- 
of to  the  Dutch  our  noxious  neighbours ;  at  last,  for  our  peace, 
and  settlement,  and  security,  (as  we  hoped)  we  made,  by  our  com- 
mittee, an  agreement  with  the  said  Mr.  Fenwick.  a  copy  whereof 
is  ready  to  be  presented  unto  your  honor,  which  cost  this  river 
one  thousand  six  hundred  pounds,  or  thereabouts,  wherein  your 
honor  may  see  the  great  abuse  that  we  received  at  Mr.  Fenwick's 


I 


APPENDIX. 


441 


hands,  he  receivmg  a  vast  sum  from  a  poor  people,  and  we  scarcely 
ai  all  advantaged  thereby,  nay,  we  judge  our  condition  worse  than 
if  we  had  contented  ourselves  with  the  patronage  of  the  grand 
patentees,  for  we  have  not  so  much  as  a  copy  of  a  patent  to  secure 
our  standing  as  a  commonwealth,  nor  to  ensure  us  of  the  continu- 
ance of  our  rights  and  privileges  and  immunities  which  we 
thought  the  jurisdiction  power  and  authority,  which  Mr.  Fenwick 
had  engaged  to  us,  and  we  paid  for  at  a  dear  rate,  nor  any  thing 
under  his  hand  to  engage  him  and  !iis  heirs,  to  the  performance  of 
that  which  was  aimed  at  and  intended  in  our  purchase:  the  lands 
up  the  river,  for  a  long  tract,  the  Massachusetts  colony  doth  chal- 
lenge, and  have  run  the  line,  which,  as  they  say,  falls  into  one  of 
our  towns;  on  the  other  side  towards  Narraganset,  we  know  not 
how  to  claim,  being  destitute  of  patent  and  a  copy  to  decide  the 
bounds.  Be  pleased,  noble  sir,  to  consider  our  condition,  who 
have  taken  upon  us  this  boldnec  s  to  address  to  his  majesty,  our 
sovereign  lord,  and  to  petition  his  grace  and  favor  towards  us,  in 
granting  us  the  continuance  of  his  protection  and  the  continuance 
of  those  privileges  and  immunities,  that  we  have  hitherto  enjoyed 
in  this  remote  western  part  of  the  world;  and  likewise  for  a  patent 
whereby  we  may  be  encouraged  and  strengthened  in  our  proceed- 
ings. Right  honorable,  our  humble  request  to  yourself  is,  that  you 
would  be  pleased  lO  countenance  our  enterprise,  and  so  far  to  favor 
us  as  to  counsel  and  advise  our  agent,  who  is  to  represent  this 
poor  colony  and  to  act  in  our  behalf,  John  Winthrop,  Esq.  our 
honored  governor,  whom  we  have  commissioned  and  also  directed 
to  await  your  honor's  pleasure  for  advice  and  counsel,  both  re- 
specting our  petition  to  the  king's  majesty,  as  also  respecting  the 
case  forementioned,  that  if  there  be  any  relief  for  us,  we  may  not 
lose  such  a  considerable  sum  of  money,  and  be  exposed  to  further 
expense  for  the  obtaining  a  patent.  If  we  may  find  this  favor  with 
your  honor  to  afford  your  advice  and  counsel,  and  helpfulness  to 
bring  to  pass  our  desires,  we  shall  still  acknowledge  your  en- 
larged bounty  and  favorable  respect  to  us  and  ours,  and  ever  pray 
an  inundation  of  mercies  may  flow  in  upon  your  lordship  from  the 
AUTHOR  and  fountain  of  blessing.  With  all  due  respects,  we  sub- 
scribe, sir,  your  lordship's  humble  servants,  the  general  assembly 
of  the  colony  of  Connecticut.   Per  their  order  signed, 

Per  Daniel  Clark,  Secretary.' 

^    '  Old  book  u(  lelters,  &c.  p.  9— ii. 


ii 

k 


I' 


11 H 

'if:' 


442 


APPENDIX. 


n  4 


■r-,      y   r       .  'v        NUMBER  IX.  ,     : 

Letter  of  Lord  Say  and  Seat  to  Governor  Wintkrop,  December  i  ith, 

1661 

Mr.  Winthrop, 
I  RECEIVED  your  letter,  hy  Mr.  Richards,  and  I  would  have 
been  glad  to  have  had  an  oppc  tunity  of  being  at  London  myself 
to  have  done  you  and  my  good  friends,  in  New-England,  the  best 
service  I  could;  but  my  weakness  hath  been  such,  and  my  old 
disease  of  the  gout  falling  upon  me,  I  did  desire  leave  not  to  come 
up  this  winter,  but  I  have  wrote  to  the  Earl  of  Manchester,  lord 
chamberlain  oi  his  majesty's  household,  to  give  you  the  best  as- 
sistance he  may;  and  indeed  he  is  a  noble  and  worthy  lord,  and 
one  that  loves  those  that  are  godly.  And  he  and  I  did  join  to- 
gether, that  our  godly  friends  of  New-F^^land  might  enjoy  their 
just  rights  and  Hberties;  and  this  colo.  Jrowne,  who,  I  hear,  is 
still  in  London,  can  fully  inform  you.  Concerning  that  of  Con- 
necticut, I  am  not  able  to  remember  all  the  particulars;  but  I  have 
written  to  my  lord  chamberlain,  that  when  you  shall  attend  him, 
(which  I  think  will  be  best  for  you  to  do,  and  therefore  I  have  in- 
closed a  letter  to  him,  in  yours)  that  you  may  deliver  it,  and  I  have 
desired  him  to  acquaint  you  where  you  may  speak  with  Mr.  Jesup, 
who,  when  we  had  the  patent,  was  our  clerk,  and  he  I  believe,  is 
able  to  inform  you  best  about  it,  and  I  have  desired  my  lord  to  wish 
him  so  to  do.  I  do  think  he  is  now  in  London.  My  love  remem- 
bered unto  you,  I  shall  remain. 

Your  very  loving  friend, 

W.  Say  and  Seal. 

NUMBER  X. 
Letter  of  New  Haven  to  Connecticut,  November  $tA,  1662.''' 

Honored  Gent. 
WE  have  heard  both  the  patent  and  that  writing  read,  which 
those  gentlemen  (who  said  they  were  sent  from  your  general  as- 
sembly) left  with  our  committee,  and  have  considered  the  contents 
according  to  our  capacities.  By  the  one  we  take  notice  of  their 
declared  sense  of  the  patent,  and  also  of  your  desire  of  our  uniting 
with  yourselves  upon  that  account;  by  the  other,  we  understand, 
that  his  majesty  hath  been  graciously  pleased  (at  your  earnest  peti- 
tion) to  grant  liberty  to  the  colony  of  Connecticut,  to  acquire, 
have,  possess,  purchase.  &c.  whatever  lands,  &c.  you  have  gained 
or  shall  gain  by  lawful  means,  within  the  precincts  or  lines  therein 
mentioned:  And  also,  of  his  abundant  grace,  to  allow  and  estab- 
lish you  to  be  one  body  po'itic  for  managing  all  your  public  affairs 


APPENDIX. 


443 


and  government,  in  a  religious  and  peaceable  manner,  to  the  in- 
tents and  purposes  by  his  majesty,  and  the  adventurers  therein 
professed,  over  all  persons,  matters,  and  things,  so  gained  by  pur- 
chase or  conquest,  at  your  own  proper  costs  and  charges,  accord- 
ing as  yourselves  informed  you  had  already  done.  Now  whatever 
is  so  yours,  we  have  neither  purpose  nor  desire  to  oppose,  hurt,  or 
hinder  in  the  least;  but  what  ourselves  (by  like  lawful  means)  have 
attained,  as  to  inheritances,  or  jurisdiction,  as  a  distinct  colony, 
upon  our  most  solemn  and  religious  covenants,  so  well  known  to 
his  majesty,  and  to  all,  we  must  say,  that  we  do  not  find  in  the 
patent  any  command  given  to  you,  nor  prohibition  to  us,  to  dis- 
solve covenants,  or  alter  the  orderly  settlements  of  New-England, 
nor  any  sufficient  reason,  why  we  may  not  so  remain  to  be  as 
formerly;  also  your  beginning  to  procure,  and  proceeding  to  im- 
prove the  patent  without  us,  doth  confirm  this  belief;  but  rather 
it  seems  that  a  way  is  left  open  to  us  to  petition  for  the  like  favor, 
and  to  enter  our  appeal  from  your  declared  sense  of  the  patent,  and 
signify  our  grievances.  Yet,  if  it  shall  appear  (after  a  due  and  full 
information  of  our  state)  to  have  been  his  majesty's  pleasure  so  to 
unite  us,  as  you  understand  the  patent,  we  must  submit  according 
to  God;  but,  for  the  present,  we  cannot  answer  otherwise  than 
our  committee  hath  done,  and  likewise  to  make  the  same  request 
unto  you,  that  we  may  remain  distinct  as  formerly,  and  may  be 
succoured  by  you  as  confederates;  at  least,  that  none  occasion  be 
given  by  yourselves  for  any  to  disturb  us  in  our  ancient  settle- 
ments, until  that,  either  by  the  honored  Mr.  Winthrop,  by  our 
other  confederates,  or  from  his  majesty,  we  may  be  resolved  here- 
in :  All  which  means  are  in  our  thoughts  to  use,  except  you  pre- 
vent, for  the  gaining  of  a  right  understanding,  and  to  bring  a 
peaceable  issue  or  reconcilement  of  this  matter;  and  we  wish  you 
had  better  considered  than  to  act  so  suddenly,  to  seclude  us  from 
patent  privileges  at  first,  if  we  are  included,  as  you  say,  and  to  have 
so  proceeded  since,  as  may  seem  to  give  advantage  unto  disaf- 
fected persons  to  slight  or  disregard  oath  and  covenants,  and 
thereby  to  rend  and  make  division,  manage  contention  and 
troubles  in  the  townships  and  societies  of  this  colony,  and  that 
about  religious  worships,  as  the  inclosed  complaint  may  declare, 
which  seems  to  us  a  great  scandal  to  religion  before  the  natives, 
and  prejudicial  to  his  majesty's  pious  intention,  as  also  to  hold 
forth  a  scries  of  means  very  opposite  to  the  end  pretended,  and 
very  much  obscured  from  the  beauty  of  such  a  religious  and  peace- 
able walking  among  English  brethren,  as  may  either  invite  the 
natives  to  the  christian  faith,  or  unite  our  spirits  in  this  juncture; 
and  this  occasion  given  before  any  conviction  tendered,  or  publica- 
tion of  the  patent  among  us,  or  so  much  as  a  treaty  with  us  in  a 
christian,  neighbourly  way.  No  pretence  for  our  dissolution  of 
government,  till  then  ( ■  :,uld  rationally  be  imagined.    Such  carriage 


m 


!)     ! 


444 


APPFNDIX. 


^fi^i 


may  seem  to  be  against  the  advice  and  mind  of  his  majesty  in  the 
patent;  as  also  of  your  honored  governor,  and  to  cast  reflection 
upon  him,  when  we  compare  these  things  with  his  letters  to  some 
here;  for  the  avoiding  whereof,  we  earnestly  request  that  the 
whole  of  what  he  hath  written  to  yourselves,  so  far  as  it  may  re- 
spect us  in  this  business,  may  be  fully  communicated  to  our  view 
in  a  true  copy  or  transcript  of  the  same.  We  must  profess  ourselves 
grieved  hereat,  and  must  desire  and  expect  your  effectual  en- 
deavours to  repair  these  breaches,  and  restore  us  to  our  former 
condi  ion  as  confederates,  until  that  by  all,  or  some  of  these  ways 
intimated,  we  may  attain  a  clear  resolution  in  this  matter.  Unto 
what  we  have  herein  propounded,  we  shall  add,  that  we  do  not,  in 
the  least,  intend  any  dislike  to  his  majesty's  act,  but  show  our  sense 
of  your  actings,  first  and  last,  so  much  to  our  detriment,  and  to 
manifest  the  consequent  effects  to  God's  dishonour,  as  also  to  give 
you  to  know  how  we  understand  the  patent,  hoping  that  you  will 
both  candidly  construe,  and  friendly  comply,  with  our  desires 
herein,  and  so  remove  the  cause  of  our  distraction  and  sad  afflic- 
tion, that  you  have  brought  upon  this  poor  colony;  then  shall  we 
forbear  to  give  you  further  trouble,  and  shall  pray  to  the  God  of 
spirits  to  grant  us  all  humility,  and  to  guide  us  by  his  heavenly 
wisdom  to  a  happy  issue  of  this  affair,  in  love  and  peace.  Resting, 
Gentlemen,  your  very  loving 

friends  and  neighbours,      ' '      ' 
The  Freemen  of  the  colony  of  New-Haven. 
Per  James  Bishop,  Secretary,  in  the  name,  and  by  order  and  con- 
sent of  the  committee  and  freemen  of  New-Haven  colony. 


NUMBER  XL 


1 


New-HavetCs  remonstrance  against  Connecticut^  May  6th,  1663. 

Gentlemen, 

THE  professed  grounds  and  ends  of  your  and  our  coming  into 
these  parts  are  lot  unknown,  being  plainly  expressed  in  the  pro- 
logue to  that  solemn  confederation  entered  into  by  the  four  col- 
onies of  New-Frqflanc',  printed  and  published  to  the  world,  viz.  to 
advance  the  king.iom  01  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ,  and  to  enjoy  the 
liberties  of  the  <jospel  in  purity  n'ith  peace,  for  which  we  left  our 
dear  native  counUy,  and  were  willing  to  undergo  the  difficulties 
we  have  since  met  with,  in  this  wilderness,  yet  fresh  in  our  re- 
membrance; 1  .ing  the  only  ends  we  still  pursue,  having  hitherto 
found  by  experienot  so  much  of  the  presence  of  God  with  us,  and 
of  his  goodness  and  compassion  towards  us  in  so  doing,  for  these 
many  years.  Yet,  considering  how  unanswerable  our  returns  have 
been  to  God,  how  unfruitful,  unthankful,  and  unholy,  under  so 


APPENDIX. 


445 


much  means  of  grace,  and  such  liberties,  we  cannot  but  lament  the 
same,  judge  ourselves,  and  justify  God,  should  he  now  at  last  (after 
so  long  patience  towards  us)  bring  desolating  judgments  upon  us, 
and  make  us  drink  of  the  dregs  of  that  cup  of  indignation,  he  hath 
put  into  the  hands  of  his  people  in  other  parts  of  the  world,  or 
suffer  such  contentions  (in  just  displeasure)  to  arise  among  us,  as 
may  hasten  our  calamity,  and  increase  our  wo;  which  we  pray  the 
Lord  in  mercy  to  prevent.  And  whereas,  in  the  pursuance  of  the 
said  ends,  and  upon  other  religious  and  civil  considerations,  as  the 
security  of  the  interest  of  each  colony,  within  itself  in  ways  of 
righteousness  and  peace,  and  all  and  every  of  the  said  colonies 
from  the  Indians  and  other  enemies,  they  did  judge  it  to  be  their 
bounden  duty,  for  mutual  strength  and  helpfulness,  for  the  future, 
in  all  their  said  concernments  to  enter  iAto  a  consociation  among 
themselves,  thereupon  fully  agreed  and  concluded  by  and  between 
the  parties  or  jurisdictions,  in  divers  and  sundry  articles,  and  at 
last  ratified  as  a  perpetual  confederation  by  their  several  subscrip- 
tions: Whereunto  we  conceived  ourselves  bound  to  adhere,  until 
with  satisfaction  to  our  judgments  and  consciences,  we  see  our 
duty,  with  the  unanimous  consent  of  the  confederates,  orderly  to 
recede,  leaving  the  issue  unto  the  most  wise  and  righteous  God. 
As  for  the  patent,  upon  your  petition,  granted  to  you  by  his  maj- 
esty, as  Connecticut  colony,  so  far,  and  in  that  sense  we  object  not 
against  it,  much  less  against  his  majesty's  act  in  so  doing,  the 
same  b  ng  a  real  encouragement  to  other  of  his  subjects  to  obtain 
the  like  favor,  upon  their  humble  petition  to  his  royal  highness,  in 
the  protection  of  their  persons  and  purchased  rights  and  interests, 
is  also  a  ground  of  hope  to  us.  But  if  the  line  of  your  patent  doth 
circumscribe  this  colony  by  your  contrivement,  without  our  cog- 
nizance, or  consent,  or  regard  to  the  said  confederation  on  your 
parts,  we  have,  and  must  still  testify  against  it,  as  not  consistent  (in 
our  judgment)  with  brotherly  love,  righteousness  and  peace:  And 
that  this  colony  (for  so  long  time  a  confederate  jurisdiction,  dis- 
tinct from  yours  and  the  other  colonies)  is  taken  in  under  the  ad- 
ministration of  the  said  patent,  in  your  hands,  and  so  its  former 
being  dissolved,  and  distinction  ceasing,  there  being  no  one  line 
or  letter  in  the  patent,  expressing  his  majesty's  pleasure  that  way. 
Although  it  is  your  sense  of  it,  yet  we  cannot  so  apprehend;  of 
which  we  having  already  given  our  grounds  at  large  in  writing, 
we  shall  not  neec'  to  say  much  more;  nor  have  we  met  with  any 
argumentative  or  rational  convictions  from  you,  nor  do  we  yet  see 
cause  to  be  of  another  mind. 

As  for  your  proceedings  upon  pretence  of  the  patent  towards  us, 
or  rather  against  us,  in  taking  in  sundry  of  the  inhabitanti^  of  this 
colony  under  your  protection  and  government,  who,  as  you  say, 
oflfered  themselves,  from  which  a  good  conscience,  and  the  obliga- 
tion under  which  most  of  them  stood  to  this  colony,  should  have 


'■•M 


m 


446 


APPENDIX. 


r 


ft 


restrained  them,  without  the  consent  of  the  body  of  this  colony 
first  had,  and  in  concurrence  with  them,  upon  mature  deliberation 
and  conviction  of  duty  yet  wanting,  we  cannot  but  again  testify 
against  as  disorderly  m  them,  and  which  admission,  on  your  parts, 
we  conceive,  your  christian  prudence  might  have  easily  suspended, 
for  prevention  of  that  great  offence  to  the  consciences  of  your  con- 
federate brethren,  and  those  sad  consequences  which  have  fol- 
lowed, disturbing  the  peace  of  our  towns,  destroying  our  com- 
forts, hazard  of  our  lives  and  liberties,  by  their  frequent  threats 
and  unsuiTerable  provocations,  hath  been,  and  is,  with  us,  matter 
of  complaint,  both  to  God  and  man ;  especially  when  we  consider, 
that  thus  you  admitted  them  and  put  power  into  their  hands,  be- 
fore you  had  made  any  overture  to  us,  or  had  any  treaty  with  us, 
about  so  weighty  a  business,  as  if  you  were  in  haste  to  make  us 
miserable,  as  indeed,  in  these  things,  we  are  at  this  day. 

And  seeing  upon  the  answer  returned  to  your  propositions 
made  by  you  afterwards,  of  joining  with  you  in  your  government, 
finding  ourselves  already  so  dismembered,  and  the  weighty 
grounds  and  reasons  we  then  presented  to  you,  we  could  not  pre- 
vail so  far  with  you,  as  to  procure  a  respite  of  your  further  proceed- 
ings, until  Mr.  Winthrop's  return  from  England,  or  the  grant  of 
any  time  that  way,  which  was  thought  but  reasonable  by  some  of 
yourselves,  and  the  like  seldom  denied  in  war  to  very  enemies,  we 
saw  it  then  high  time  and  necessary  (fearing  these  beginnings)  to 
appeal  unto  his  majesty,  and  so  we  did,  concluding  according  to 
the  law  of  appeals,  in  all  cases  and  among  all  nations,  that  the 
same,  upon  your  allegiance  to  his  majesty,  would  have  obliged  you 
to  forbear  all  further  process  in  this  business ;  for  our  own  parts 
resolving  (notwithstanding  all  that  we  had  formerly  suffered)  to 
sit  down  patient  under  the  same,  waiting  upon  God  for  the  issue  of 
our  said  appeal.  But  seeing  that,  notwithstanding  all  that  we  had 
presented  to  you  by  word  and  writing — notwithstanding  our  ap- 
peal to  his  majesty — notwithstanding  all  that  we  have  suffered,  (by 
means  of  that  power  you  have  set  up,  viz.  a  constable  at  Stamford,) 
of  which  informations  have  been  given  you,  yet  you  have  gone 
further,  to  place  a  constable  at  Guilford,  in  like  manner,  over  a 
party  there,  to  the  further  disturbance  of  our  peace  and  quiet,  a 
narrative  whereof,  and  of  the  provocations  and  wrongs  we  have 
met  with  at  Stamford,  we  have  received,  attested  to  us  by  divers 
witnesses,  honest  men.  We  cannot  but,  on  behalf  of  our  appeal 
to  his  majesty,  whose  honour  is  highly  concerned  therein,  and  of 
our  just  rights,  but  (as  men  exceedingly  afflicted  and  grieved) 
testify  in  the  sight  of  God,  angels,  and  men,  against  these  things. 
Our  end  therein  being  not  to  provoke  or  further  any  offence,  but 
rather  as  a  discharge  of  duty,  on  our  parts,  as  brethren  and  chris- 
tian confederates,  to  call  upon  you,  to  take  some  effectual  course  to 
ease  and  right  us,  in  a  due  redress  of  the  grievances  you  have 


APPENDIX. 


447 


caused  by  these  proceedings;  and  that  after  you  had  compli' 
mented  us  with  large  offers  of  patent  privileges,  with  desire  x>f  a 
treaty  with  us  for  union  of  our  colonies ;  and  you  know,  as  your 
good  words  were  kindly  accepted,  so  your  motion  was  fairly 
answered  by  our  committee.  That  in  regard  we  were  under  an  ap- 
peal to  his  majesty,  that  being  limited  by  our  freemen,  not  to  con- 
clude any  thing  for  altering  our  distinct  colony  state  and  govern- 
ment, without  their  consent,  and  without  the  approbation  of  the 
other  confederate  colonies,  they  were  not  in  present  capacity  so  to 
treat;  but  did  little  suspect  such  a  design  on  foot  against  us,  the 
effect  whereof  quickly  appeared  at  Guilford,  before  mentioned. 

But  we  shall  say  no  more  at  this  time,  only  tell  you,  whatever  we 
suffer  by  your  means,  we  pray  the  Lord  would  help  us  to  choose 
it,  rather  than  to  sin  against  our  consciences,  hoping  the  righteous 
God  will,  in  due  time,  look  upon  our  affliction,  and  incline  his  maj- 
esty's heart  to  favour  our  righteous  cause. 

Subscribed  in  the  name,  and  by  order  of 

the  general  court  of  New-Haven  colony. 

Per  James  Bishop,  Secretary. 

New-Haven,  May  6th,  1663. 


NUMBER  XH. 
Governor  Winthrop's  letter  to  Connecticut^  March  3</,  1663. 

Gentlemen, 
I  AM  informed  by  some  gentlemen,  (who  are  authorized  to  seek 
remedy  here,)  that  since  you  had  the  late  patent,  there  hath  been 
injury  done  to  the  government  of  New-Haven,  and,  in  particular, 
at  Guilford  and  Stamford,  in  admitting  of  several  of  the  inhabi- 
tants there  unto  freedom  with  you,  and  appointing  officers,  which 
hath  caused  divisions  in  the  said  towns,  which  may  prove  of  dan- 
gerous consequence,  if  not  timely  prevented;  though  I  do  hope 
the  rise  of  it  is  from  misunderstanding,  and  not  in  design  of  preju- 
dice to  that  colony,  for  whom  I  gave  assurance  to  their  friends  that 
their  rights  and  interests  should  not  be  disquieted,  or  prejudiced 
by  the  patent,  but  if  both  governments  would,  with  unanimous 
c'greement,  unite  in  one,  their  friends  judged  it  for  advantage  to 
both:  And  further  I  must  let  you  know,  that  testimony  here  doth 
affirm,  that  I  gave  assurance  before  authority  here,  that  it  was  not 
ir  tended  to  meddle  with  any  town  or  plantation  that  was  settled 
ut.der  any  other  government:  had  it  been  any  otherwise  intended, 
or  declared,  it  had  been  injurious,  in  taking  out  the  patent,  not  to 
h::ve  inserted  a  proportionable  number  of  their  names  in  it.  Now, 
upon  the  whole,  having  had  serious  conference  with  their  friends, 
authorized  by  them,  and  with  others  who  are  friends  to  both,  to 


- 


448 


APPENDIX. 


prevent  a  tedious  and  chargeable  trial,  and  tincertain  event  here,  I 
promised  them,  to  pivc  you  speedilv  this  representation,  how  far 
you  are  engaged.  If  any  injury  have  been  done,  by  admitting  of 
freemen,  or  appointing  officers,  or  other  unjust  intermeddlifig 
with  New-Haven  colony,  in  one  kind  or  other,  witbout  the  appro- 
bation of  the  government,  that  it  be  forthwith  recalled,  and  that, 
for  the  future,  there  will  be  no  imposing  in  any  kind  upon  them, 
nor  admitting  of  any  members  without  mutual  consent ;  but  that 
all  things  be  acted  as  loving  neighbouring  colonies,  as  before  sucii 
patent  granted,  and  unto  this  I  judge  you  are  obliged,  I  having 
engaged  to  their  agent  here,  that  this  will  be  l)y  you  performed, 
and  they  have  thereupon  forborne  to  give  you  or  me  any  trouble ; 
but  they  do  not  doubt,  but  upon  future  consideration,  there  may 
be  such  a  right  understanding  between  both  governments,  that  an 
union  and  friendly  joining  may  be  established,  to  the  satisfaction 
of  all;  which,  at  my  arrival,  I  shall  also  endeavour  (God  willing) 
to  promote.    Not  having  more  at  present,  in  this  case,  I  rest, 

Your  humble  servant, 

John  Winthrop. 
London,  March  3d,  1662.* 


NUMBER  XIII. 


!t 


M 


^ 


K^^ 

k 


I/$s  majesty s  commission  to  Colonel  Nichols,  Sir  Robert  Carr,  knight, 
and  cihers,  for  the  settlement  of  boundaries,  &'c.  April  26th,  1664. 

CHARLES  R. 
Charles  the  second,  by  the  grace  of  God,  king  of  England,  Scot- 
land, France,  and  Ireland,  defender  of  the  faith,  &c. 
To  all  to  \.hom  these  presents  shall  come.  Greeting. 
WHEREAS  we  have  received  several  addresses  from  our  sub- 
jects of  several  colonies  of  New-England,  all  full  of  duty  and 
affection,  and  expressions  of  loyalty  and  allegiance  to  us,  with 
their  humble  desires  to  us,  that  we  would  renew  their  several  char- 
ters, and  receive  them  into  our  favourable  opinion  and  protection : 
And  several  of  our  colonies  there,  and  other  our  loving  subjects, 
have  likewise  complained  of  differences  and  disputes  arisen  upon 
the  limits  and  bounds  of  their  several  charters  and  jurisdictions, 
whereby  unneighbourly  and  unbrotherly  contentions  have  and 
may  arise,  to  the  damage  and  discredit  of  the  English  interest ; 
and  that  all  our  good  subjects  residing  there,  and  being  planters 
within  the  several  colonies,  do  not  enjoy  the  liberties  and  privi- 
leges granted  unto  them  by  our  several  charters,  upon  confidence 
and  assurance  of  which  they  transported  themselves  and  their  es- 
tates into  those  parts:  And  we  having  received  some  addresses 
^  This,  according  to  the  present  way  of  dating,  was  March  3d,  1663. 


APPENDIX. 


449 


from  the  great  men  and  natives  of  those  cotsntries,  in  which  they 
complain  of  breach  of  faith,  and  acts  of  violence  and  injustice, 
which  they  have  been  forced  to  undergfo  from  our  subjects,  where- 
by not  only  our  government  is  traduced,  but  the  reputation  and 
credit  of  the  christian  lelig'on  brought  inUi  prejudice  and  re- 
proach, with  the  Gentiles  and  inhabitants  of  those  countries,  who 
know  not  God,  the  reduction  of  whom  to  the  true  knowledge  and 
fear  of  God,  is  the  most  worthy  and  glorious  end  of  t!"  se  planta- 
tions. Upon  all  which  motives,  and  as  an  evidence  and  manifesta- 
tion of  our  fatherly  affection  towards  all  our  subjects  in  those 
several  '  )lonies  of  New-England,  (that  is  to  say,)  )f  the  Massa- 
chusetts, Connecticut,  New-Plymouth,  Rhode-Island,  and  Pi  ovi- 
dence  plantations,  and  all  other  plantations  which  are  in  that  tract 
of  land  known  under  the  appellm  ion  of  New-England;  and  to  the 
end  that  we  may  be  truly  iafornied  of  the  state  and  condition  of 
our  good  subjects  there,  that  so  we  may  the  better  know  how  to 
contribute  to  the  further  improvement  of  their  happiness  and 
prosperity : 

Knew  ye,  therefore,  that  w  o,  reposing  especial  trust :  nd  confi- 
dence ki  the  fidelity,  wisdom,  and  circumspection  of  our  trusty 
and  well  beloved  colonel  Richard  Nichols,  Sir  Robert  Carr, 
knight,  George  Cartwright,  Esq.  and  Samu**!  Maverick,  Esq.  of 
oil  especial  grace,  certain  knowledge,  and  mere  motion,  have 
made,  ordained,  constituted,  and  appointed,  and  do  by  these 
presents  make,  ordain,  constitute,  and  appoint  the  said  colonel 
Richard  Nichols,  Sir  Robert  Carr,  knight,  George  Cartwright,  and 
Samuel  Maverick,  Esquires,  our  commissioners;  and  do  hereby 
give  and  grant  unto  them,  or  any  three  or  two  of  them,  or  of  the 
survivors  of  them,  (of  whom  we  will  the  said  colonel  Richard 
Nichols,  during  his  life,  shall  be  always  one,  and  upon  equal  divis- 
ion of  opinions,  to  have  the  casting  and  decisive  voice,)  in  our 
name,  to  visit  all  and  every  the  several  colonies  aforesaid,  and  also 
full  power  to  hear  and  receive,  and  to  examine  and  determine  all 
complaints  and  appeals,  in  all  causes  and  matters,  as  well  military 
as  criminal  and  civil,  and  proceed  in  all  things  for  the  providing 
for  and  settling  the  peace  and  security  of  the  said  country,  accord- 
ing to  their  good  and  sound 'discretions,  and  to  such  instructions 
as  they  or  the  survivors  of  them  have,  or  shall,  from  time  to  time, 
receive  from  us  in  that  behalf,  and  from  time  to  time,  as  they  shall 
find  expedient,  to  certify  us  or  our  privy  council,  of  their  actings 
or  proceedings  touching  the  premises ;  and  for  the  doing  thereof, 
or  any  other  matter  or  thing  relating  thereunto,  these  presents,  or 
the  enrolment  thereof,  shall  be  unto  them,  and  every  of  them,  a 
sufficient  warrant  and  discharge  in  that  behalf.  In  witness  where- 
of, we  have  caused  these  our  letters  to  be  made  patent.  Given  at 
the  court  at  Whitehall,  the  26th  day  of  April,  1664,  and  in  the  six- 
teenth year  of  our  reign.  Barker. 


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450 


APPENDIX. 


NUMBER  XIV. 

Hii  nuyesty's  gracious  letter  to  the  governor  and  company  of  Connecti- 
cut, accompanying  the  commission,  April  2^d,  1664. 

CHARLES  R. 
TRUSTY  and  Well  beloved,  we  greet  you  well,  having,  accord- 
ing to  the  resolution  we  declared  to  Mr.  John  Winthrop,  at  the 
time  when  we  renewed  your  charter,  now  sent  these  person^  of 
known  abilities  and  affections  to  us,  that  is  to  say,  colonel  Richard 
Nichols.  Sir  Robert  Carr,  knight,  George  Cartwright,  Esq.  and 
Samuel  Maverick,  Esq.  our  commissioners,  to  visit  those  our  sev- 
eral colonies  and  plantations  in  New-England,  to  the  end  that  we 
may  be  the  better  informed  of  the  state  and  welfare  of  our  good 
subjects,  whose  prosperity  is  very  dear  to  us;  we  can  make  no 
question  but  that  they  shall  find  that  reception  from  you  which 
may  testify  your  respect  to  us,  from  whom  they  are  sent  for  your 
good.  We  need  not  tell  you  how  careful  we  are  of  your  liberties 
and  privileges,  whether  ecclesiastical  or  civil,  which  we  will  not 
suffer  to  be  violated  in  the  least  degree;  and  that  they  may  not  be 
is  the  principal  business  of  our  said  commissioners,  as  likewise  to 
take  care  that  the  bounds  and  jurisdictions  of  our  several  colonies 
there  may  be  clearly  agreed  upon;  that  every  one  may  enjoy  what 
of  right  belongeth  unto  them,  without  strife  or  contention;  and 
especially  that  the  natives  of  that  country,  who  are  willing  to  live 
peaceably  and  neighbourly  with  our  English  subjects,  may  re- 
ceive such  justice  and  civil  treatment  from  them,  as  may  make 
them  the  more  in  love  with  their  religion  and  manners;  so  not 
doubting  of  your  full  compliance  and  submission  to  our  desire,  we 
bid  you  farewell.  Given  at  our  court  at  Whitehall,  the  23d  day  of 
April,  1664,  in  the  sixteenth  year  of  our  reign. 
By  his  majesty's  command, 

Henry  Bennit. 

NUMBER  XV. 


The  Duke  and  Duchess  of  Hamilton's  petition  to  King  Charles  second, 
end  his  majesty's  reference  of  the  case  to  his  commissioners,  May  6th, 
1664. 

To  the  King's  most  excellent  majesty. 
The  humble  petition  of  William,  Duke  of  Hamilton,  and  Anne, 

Duchess  of  Hamilton;  Sheweth, 

THAT  whereas  in  the  eleventh  year  of  the  reign  of  your  royal 
father,  of  ever  blessed  memory,  the  council  established  at  Plym- 
outh in  the  county  of  Devon,  for  planting,  ordering  and  govern- 
ing of  New-England  in  America  (according  to  the  power  given 


APPENDIX. 


451 


ucti- 


ord- 

the 

\i  of 

iiard 

and 

sev- 

t  we 

^ood 

:  no 

hich 

jrour 

rties 

not 

>tbe 

36  to 

mies 

vhat 

and 

live 

re- 

lake 

not 

we 

ly  of 


them  in  the  eighteenth  year  of  the  reign  of  the  late  king  James, 
by  his  letters  patent,  bearing  date  the  third  day  of  November)  did 
for  a  competent  sum  of  money  and  other  valuable  considerations, 
bargain  and  sell  unto  the  petitioners'  father,  by  the  name  of  James, 
Marquis  Hamilton,  his  heirs  and  assigns,  all  that  part  and  portion 
of  the  main  lands  in  New-England,  lying  and  beginning,  at  the 
middle  part  of  the  mouth  of  the  river  Connecticut,  to  proceed 
along  the  sea  coast  to  be  accounted  about  sixty  miles,  and  so  up 
to  the  westward  arm  of  the  river  into  the  land  northwestward  till 
sixty  miles  be  finished,  and  so  to  cross  southwestward  till  sixty 
miles,  all  which  part  and  portion  of  lands  were  to  be  called  by  the 
name  of  the  county  of  New-Cambridge,  with  several  other  lands 
and  privileges  as  by  the  said  deed  of  feofJFment  doth  more  fully  ap- 
pear, a  copy  whereof  is  hereunto  annexed.  Since  which  time  and 
by  reason  of  the  late  unhappy  war  several  persons  have  possessed 
themselves  of  the  best  and  most  considerable  parts  of  the  said 
lands,  without  any  acknowledgment  of  your  petitioners'  right. 
Your  petitioners  therefore  most  humbly  pray,  that  your  majesty 
will  be  graciously  pleased  to  recommend  the  premises  to  your  maj- 
esty's commissioners  for  New-England,  and  that  care  may  be 
taken  that  your  petitioners  may  be  restored  to  their  just  right,  and 
that  nothing  be  done  to  their  prejudice. 

Ai  the  court  at  Whitehall,  the  6th  May,  1664. 
His  majesty  is  graciously  pleased  to  refer  this  petition  to  the 
commissioners  now  employed  by  his  majesty  to  settle  the  affairs  of 
New-England,  who  are  to  examine  the  allegations  thereof,  and 
upon  due  consideration  had,  to  preserve  and  restore  to  the  peti- 
tioners their  just  right  and  interest,  or  otherwise  to  report  their 
opinions  thereupon  to  his  majesty,  who  will  then  declare  his 
further  pleasure,  for  the  honorable  petitioners'  just  satisfaction.^ 

Henry  Bennit. 


II 


IT. 


NUMBER  XVI. 


tond, 
6th, 


nne, 

oyal 
ym- 
em- 
iven 


The  determination  of  his  majesty s  commissioners,  relative  to  the  boun- 
daries of  his  royal  highness,  the  Duke  of  York's  patent  and  of  the 
patent  of  Connecticut,  Nor'ember  30th,  1664. 

BY  virtue  of  his  majesty's  commission,  we  have  heard  the  dif- 
ferences about  the  bounds  of  the  patents  granted  to  his  royal  high- 
ness the  Duke  of  York,  and  his  majesty's  colony  of  Connecticut — 
and  having  deliberately  considered  all  the  reasons  alleged  by  Mr. 
Allen,  senior,  Mr.  Gould,  Mr.  Richards,  and  captain  Winthrop, 
appointed  by  the  assembly  held  at  Hartford,  the  13th  day  of  Oc- 
tober, 1664,  to  accompany  John  Winthrop,  Esq.  the  governor  of 
hts  majesty's  colony  of  Connecticut,  to  New- York,  and  by  Mr. 
>  Old  Book  of  Letters,  &c.  p.  138 


m 


15 


■■'H 


45i» 


APPENDIX. 


Howell  and  captain  Young,  of  Long-Island,  why  the  said  Long- 
Island  should  be  under  the  government  of  Connecticut;  which 
are  too  long  here  to  be  recited:  We  do  declare  and  order,  that  the 
southern  bounds  of  his  majesty's  colony  of  Connecticut,  is  the  sea; 
and  that  Long-Island  is  to  be  under  the  government  of  his  royal 
highness  the  Duke  of  York;  as  is  expressed  by  plain  words  in  the 
said  patents  respectively.  And  also  by  virtue  of  his  majesty's 
commission  and  by  the  consent  of  both  the  governor  and  the  gen- 
tlemen above  named,  we  also  order  and  declare,  that  the  creek  or 
river  called  Momoronock,  which  is  reputed  to  be  about  twelve 
miles  to  the  east  of  West-Chester,  and  a  line  drawn  from  the  east 
point  or  side,  where  the  fresh  water  falls  into  the  salt,  at  high- 
water  mark,  north-northwest  to  the  line  of  the  Massachusetts,  be 
the  western  bounds  of  the  said  of  colony  of  Connecticut,  and  the 
plantations  lying  westward  of  that  creek,  and  line  so  drawn,  to  be 
under  his  royal  highness's  government;  and  all  plantations  lying 
eastward  of  that  creek,  and  line  to  be  under  the  government  of 
Connecticut.  Given  under  our  hands  at  Fort  James,  in  New- 
York,  on  Manhattans  Island,  this  30th  day  of  November  1664. 

Richard  Nichols, 
George  Cartwright, 
Samuel  Maverick. 
We  underwritten,  on  behalf  of  the  colony  of  Connecticut,  have 
assented  unto  this  determination  of  his  majesty's  commissioners, 
in  relation  to  the  bounds  and  limits  of  his  royal  highness  the  duke's 
patent,  and  the  patent  of  Connecticut.* 

John  Winthrop, 
Matthew  Allen, 
Nathan  Gould, 
James  Richards, 
John  Winthrop. 
November  30,  1664. 

NUMBER  XVII. 


Letter  of  New-Haven  to  Connecticut ^  Dec.  14,  1664. 

Honored  Gentlemen, 
WE  have  been  silent  hitherto,  as  to  the  making  of  any  griev- 
ance known  unto  the  king's  commissioners,  notwithstanding  what 
may  be  with  us  of  such  nature,  from  the  several  transactions  that 
have  been  among  us,  and  are  desirous  so  to  continue  the  manag- 
ing of  these  affairs  in  ways  consistent  with  the  ancient  confedera- 
tion of  the  united  colonies,  choosing  rather  to  suffer,  than  to  be- 
gin any  motion  hazardful  to  New-England  settlements;  in  pur- 
suance whereof  (according  to  our  promise  to  your  gentlemen, 
sent  lately  to  demand  our  submission,  though  in  a  divided  if  not 

>  Old  Book,  &c  p.  *. 


APPENDIX. 


453 


dividing  way,  within  our  towns,  severally  seeking  to  bring  us 
under  the  government  of  yourselves  already  settled,  wherein  we 
have  had  no  hand  to  settle  the  same,  and  before  we  had  cleared  to 
our  conviction,  the  certain  limits  of  your  charter,  which  may 
justly  increase  the  scruple  of  too  much  haste  in  that  and  former 
actings  upon  us)  the  generality  of  our  undiyided  people  have  or- 
derly met  this  13th  of  the  tenth  month  (64)  and  by  the  vote  en- 
dorsed, have  prepared  for  this  answer  to  be  given  of  our  submis- 
sion, which  being  done  by  us,  then  for  the  accommodation  of  mat- 
ters betwixt  us  in  an  amicable  way,  by  a  committee  impowered  to 
issue  with  you  on  their  behalf,  and  in  the  behalf  of  all  concerned, 
according  to  instructions  given  to  the  said  committee.  We  never 
did,  nor  even  do  intend  to  damnify  your  moral  rights  or  just  privi- 
leges, consistent  with  our  like  honest  enjoyments,  and  we  would 
hope  that  you  have  no  further  step  towards  us,  not  to  violate  our 
government  interest,  but  to  accommodate  us  with  that  we  shall 
desire,  and  the  patent  bear,  as  hath  been  often  said  you  would  do; 
and  surely  you  have  the  more  reason  to  be  full  with  us  herein, 
seeing  that  your  success  for  patent  bounds  with  those  gentlemen 
now  obtained,  seems  to  be  debtor  unto  our  silence  before  them, 
when  as  you  thus  by  single  application  and  audience  issued  that 
matter:  you  thus  performing  to  satisfaction,  we  may  still  rest 
silent,  and  according  to  profession,  by  a  studious  and  cordial  en- 
deavour with  us  to  advance  the  interest  of  Christ  in  this  wilderness, 
and  by  the  Lord's  blessing  thereupon,  love  and  union  between  us 
may  be  greatly  confirmed,  anr^  all  our  comforts  enlarged,  which 
is  the  earnest  prayer  of,  gentlemen,  your  loving  friends  and  neigh- 
bours, the  committee,  appointed  by  the  freemen  and  inhabitants 
of  New-Haven  colony,  now  assembled. 

James  Bishop,  Secretar}-. 
New-Haven,  December  14,  1664. 


NUMBER  XVIII. 

Letter  of  Connecticut  to  Neiv-Haven,  in  answer  to  the  preceding  letter, 

December  21st,  1664. 

Hartford,  Dec.  aist,  1664. 
Honored  Gentlemen, 
WE  have  received  yours,  dated  the  14th  of  this  instant,  signed 
by  James  Bishop,  &c.  wherein  you  are  pleased  to  mention  your 
silence  hitherto,  as  to  the  making  any  grievance  known  to  his  maj- 
esty's commissioners,  notwithstanding  what  may  be  with  you,  &c. 
we  can  say  the  same,  though  we  had  fair  opportunities  to  present 
any  thing  of  that  nature ;  as  for  your  desire  to  manage  affairs  con- 
sistent with  the  confederation,  the  present  motion  will,  we  hope, 


I  'I 


■!| 


454 


APPENDIX. 


upon  a  candid  review,  not  appear  any  ways  dissonant  therefrom; 
for  besides  the  provision  made  in  one  of  the  articles  of  confedera- 
tion for  two  colonies  uniting  in  one,  there  was  special  provision, 
as  you  well  know,  made  at  the  last  session  of  the  commissioners  to 
that  purpose,  conjoined  with  pathetical  advice  and  counsel,  to  an 
amicable  union.  Our  too  much  forwardness,  with  New-Haven, 
&c.  is  not  so  clear,  seeing  those  plantations  you  inhabit  are  much 
about  the  center  of  our  patent,  which  our  charter  limits,  as  also 
the  inclosed  determination  of  his  majesty's  honorable  commis- 
sioners, will,  to  your  conviction,  be  apparent;  that  our  success  for 
patent  bounds  with  the  king's  commissioners  is  debtor  to  your 
silence,  seems  to  us  strange,  when  your  non-compliance  was  so 
abundantly  known  to  those  gentlemen,  yea,  the  news  of  your  mo- 
tions, when  Mr.  Joseph  Allen  was  last  with  you,  was  at  New- York, 
before  our  governor's  departure  thence;  notwithstanding  your 
silence,  and  yet  so  good  an  issue  obtained,  we  desire  such  reflec- 
tions may  be  buried  in  perpetual  silence,  which  only  yourselves 
necessitating  thereunto,  shall  revive  them,  being  willing  to  pur- 
sue truth  and  peace  as  much  as  may  be  with  all  men,  especially 
with  our  dear  brethren  in  the  fellowship  of  the  gospel,  and  fellow- 
members  of  the  same  civil  corporation,  accommodated  with  so 
many  choice  privileges,  which  we  are  willing,  after  all  is  prepared 
to  your  hands,  to  confer  upon  you  equal  with  ourselves,  which  we 
wish  may  at  last  produce  the  long  desired  effect  of  your  free  and 
cordial  closure  with  us,  not  attributing  any  necessity  imposed  by 
us,  further  than  the  situation  of  those  plantations  in  the  heart  of 
our  colony,  and  therein  the  peace  of  posterity  in  these  parts  of  the 
country  is  necessarily  included,  and  that  after  so  long  liberty  to 
present  your  plea  when  you  have  seen  meet.  Gentlemen,  we  de- 
sire a  full  answer  as  speedily  as  may  be,  whether  those  lately  em- 
powered, accept  to  govern  according  to  their  commission,  if  not, 
other  meet  persons  to  govern  may  by  us  be  empowered  in  their 
room;  thus  desiring  the  Lord  to  unite  our  hearts  and  spirits  in 
ways  well  pleasing  in  his  sight,  which  is  the  prayer  of  your  very 
loving  friends,  the  council  of  the  colony  of  Connecticut. 
Signed  by  their  order,  by  me, 

John  Allen,  Secretary. 


NUMBER  XIX. 

The  final  reply  of  New-Haven  to  Connecticut. 

New-Haven,  Jan.  $,  1664-5. 
Honored  Gentlemen, 
WHEREAS  by  yours,  dated  December  21st,  1664,  you  please 
to  say,  that  you  did  the  same  as  we,  not  making  any  grievances 
known  to  the  commissioners,  &c.  unto  that  may  be  returned,  that 


APPENDIX. 


455 


you  had  not  the  same  cause  so  to  do  from  any  pretence  of  injury, 
by  our  intermeddling  with  your  colony  or  government  interest, 
unto  which  we  refer  that  passage  for  our  expressing  desires  to 
manage  all  our  matters  in  confederacy  with  the  confederation,  we 
hope  you  will  not  blame  us.  How  dissonant  or  consonant  your 
actings  with  us  have  been,  we  leave  to  the  confederation  to  judge, 
as  their  records  may  show — ^that  article,  which  allows  two  colonies 
to  join,  doth  also,  with  others,  assert  the  justness  of  each  colony's 
distinct  rights,  until  joined  to  mutual  satisfaction,  and  the  pro- 
vision made  in  such  case  the  last  session,  we  gainsay  not,  when 
the  union  is  so  completed,  and  a  new  settlement  of  the  confedera- 
tion, by  the  respective  general  courts,  accomplished.  Their  pa- 
thetical  advice  for  an  amicable  union,  we  wish  may  be  so  attended 
— ^in  order  thereunto,  we  gave  you  notice  of  a  committee  prepared 
to  treat  with  you,  for  such  an  accommodation,  unto  which  you 
gave  us  no  answer,  but  instead  thereof,  sent  forth  your  edict  from 
authority  upon  us,  before  our  conviction  for  submission  was  de- 
clared to  you.  The  argument  from  our  intermixt  situation,  is  the 
same  now  as  it  was  before  our  confederating  and  ever  since,  and 
affords  no  more  ground  now  to  disannul  the  government  than  be- 
fore. We  might  marvel  at  your  strange,  why  we  should  think 
your  success  should  be  debtor  to  our  silence,  and  that  because 
the  news  of  our  non-compliance  was  with  the  commissioners,  as 
if  the  mere  news  of  such  a  thing  contained  the  strength  of  all  we 
had  to  say  or  plead.  Gentlemen,  we  intreat  you  to  consider,  that 
there  is  more  in  it  than  so,  yea,  that  still  we  have  to  allege  things 
of  weight,  and  know  where  and  how,  if  we  chose  not  rather  to 
abate  and  suffer,  than  by  striving  to  hazard  the  hurting  yourselves 
or  the  common  cause.  We  scope  not  at  reflections,  but  conviction 
and  conscience  satisfaction,  that  so  brethren  in  the  fellowship  of 
the  gospel  might  come  to  a  cordial  and  regular  closure,  and  so  to 
walk  together  in  love  and  peace,  to  advance  Christ  his  interest 
among  them,  which  is  all  our  design:  But  how  those  high  and 
holy  ends  are  like  so  to  be  promoved  between  us,  without  a  treaty 
for  accommodation  we  have  cause  to  doubt;  yet  that  we  may  not 
fail  in  the  least  to  perform  whatever  we  have  said,  we  now  signify, 
that  having  seen  the  copy  of  his  majesty's  commissioners'  deter- 
mination (deciding  the  bounds  betwixt  his  highness  the  Duke  of 
York,  and  Connecticut  charter)  we  do  declare  submission  there- 
unto according  to  the  true  intent  of  our  vote,  unto  which  we  refer 
you.  As  to  that  part  of  yours  concerning  our  magistrates  and 
officers  acceptance,  their  answer  is,  that  they  having  been  chosen 
by  the  people  here  to  such  trust  and  sworn  thereunto  for  the  year 
ensuing,  and  until  new  be  orderly  chosen,  and  being  again  desired 
to  continue  that  trust,  they  shall  go  on  in  due  observance  thereof 
according  to  the  declaration  left  with  us  by  Mr.  John  Allen  and 
Mr.  Samuel  Sherman,  bearing  date  November  19th,  1664;    in 


45<I 


APPENDIX. 


hopes  to  find  that  in  a  loving  treaty  for  accommodating  matters  to 
the  ends  professed  by  you;  unto  which  our  committee  stands 
ready  to  attend,  upon  notice  from  you;  that  so  truth  and  peace 
may  be  maintained.  So  shall  we  not  give  you  further  trouble,  but 
remain,  gentlemen,  your  very  loving  friends  and  neighbours,  the 
committee  appointed  by  the  freemen  and  inhabitants  of  New- 
Haven  colony. 

Signed  per  their  order,  per  me, 

James  Bishop,  Secretary. 

NUMBER  XX. 


U' 


The  answer  of  Connecticui  to  the  claim  and  petition  of  the  Duhe  and 
Duchess  of  Hamilton,  March  2$th,  1665.' 

THE  king's  commissioners  had  written  to  the  colony,  request- 
ing, "  That  Siey  might  have  something  in  writing  to  return  to  the 
king,  concerning  the  grant  of  sixty  miles  square  on  the  eastern 
side  of  Connecticut  river,  to  James,  Marquis  of  Hamilton,  from 
the  council  of  Plymouth  in  Devon,  1631,  and  to  know  in  what  par- 
ticulars it  was  desired,  that  they  should  be  solicitors  to  his  majesty 
for  the  advantage  of  the  colony,"  which  they  declared  they  would 
cordially  endeavour. 

In  consequence  of  which  the  following  answer  was  given. 
To  the  Honorable  Sir  Robert  Can*,  knight,  George  Cartwright, 
Esq.  and  Samuel  Maverick,  Esq.  his  majesty's  honorable  com- 
missioners. 

IN  answer  to  Duke  Hamilton's  petition,  respecting  a  grant  of 
land  of  sixty  miles  square,  on  the  east  side  the  river  Converticu. 

1.  We  are  wholly  ignorant  of  any  river  within  the  extent  of  our 
charter,  that  is  known  under  such  an  appellation,  and  therefcM-e 
cannot  conceive  that  any  part  or  tract  of  land,  under  this  govern- 
ment, is  concerned  in  this  demand. 

2.  Yet  upon  supposition  that  it  may  be  conceived  to  intend  G>n- 
necticut  river,  we  humbly  conceive  that  the  original  patent  g^ant, 
from  royal  authority  to  the  Lord  Say  and  other  nobles  and  gen- 
tlemen, which  we  purchased  at  a  dear  rate,  is  lately  ratified  and 
confirmed  by  our  gracious  sovereign,  under  the  broad  seal  of  Eng- 
land (the  most  absolute  and  unquestionable  security  of  the  Eng- 
lish subjects)  in  which  grants  the  lands  forementioned  are  com- 
prised. The  grant  to  Connecticut  was  precedent  to  that  of  Duke 
Hamilton's  several  years,  which  gives  us  to  conclude,  that  priority 
of  title  will  be  settled  by  priority  of  grant. 

3.  A  considerable  tract  of  this  land  which  the  duke's  petition 
refers  to  (if  as  before  supposed,  it  be  determined  Connecticut)  was 

'  This  is  the  date  of  the  letter  of  the  king's  commissioner.  The  repljr  is  not 
dated.     Col.  Rec.  3  :  334. — J.  T. 


APPENDIX. 


457 


posseMcd  by  a  people  most  malignantly  spirited  against  his  maj- 
esty's English  subjects,  and  at  our  first  settling  here,  when  we  were 
weak  and  few,  they  grew  very  insolent  against  us,  making  invasion 
upon  us,  murdering  many  of  our  people,  thereby  necessitating  us 
to  a  hazardous  undertaking,  to  cast  ourselves  into  the  amu  of 
God's  providence,  in  endeavouring  to  suppress  those  bloody 
heathen;  and  through  divine  benediction  we  found  a  good  suc- 
cess; and  though  that  wilderness  land  would  not  afford  any  con- 
siderable recompence  for  the  loss  of  lives  and  great  expenses,  yet 
our  peace  attained  by  that  conquest  did  greatly  rejoice  us. 

4.  We  have  had  peaceable  possession  this  thirty  years,  free  from 
the  least  claim  of  any  other,  that  we  heard  of,  to  this  day;  which 
persuades  us  that  if  the  duke's  highness  had  ever  reason,  by  virtue 
of  his  grant,  to  make  claim,  yet  that  right  pretended  is  extinct  in 
law  many  years  since. 

His  majesty,  our  gracious  sovereign,  was  pleased  of  his  abun- 
dant favor  and  grace,  to  his  subjects  of  this  colony,  so  far  to 
declare  his  free  reception  of  the  reasons  forementioned,  of  our 
purchase  made,  and  conquest  recovered,  and  likewise  of  our  im- 
provement and  labor  bestowed  upon  those  lands,  as  to  insert  them 
as  motives  to  that  late  renewal  of  our  charter. 

We  humbly  crave,  that  as  it  hath  been  his  majesty's  royal  pleas- 
ure to  manifest  his  tender  affection  to,  and  care  of  his  subjects' 
welfare  in  these  his  colonies  of  New-England,  in  sending  over  his 
honorable  commissioners  to  compose  and  issue  those  things  that 
might  be  of  ill  consequence  between  the  several  colonies,  so  like- 
wise that  it  be  well  pleasing  to  his  majesty,  that  this  his  colony  of 
Connecticut  might  be  freed  from  further  trouble  or  inconvenience 
by  this  claim,  that  we  understand  hath  been  presented  by  the  Mar- 
quis Hamilton. 

And  whereas,  your  honors  are  pleased  so  far  to  exercise  your 
thoughts  about  the  promotion  of  the  welfare  of  his  majesty's  sub- 
jects in  this  his  colony,  as  to  vouchsafe  us  so  favorable  a  tender  to 
be  solicitors  in  our  behalf  to  his  majesty  our  gracious  sovereign, 
in  any  particulars  wherein  we  may  be  advantaged,  we  crave  your 
honors'  assistance  as  foUoweth. 

1.  That  his  majesty  would  be  graciously  pleased  to  silence  the 
claim  of  Duke  Hamilton,  if  any  be  by  him  pretended  or  presented, 
to  any  tract  of  land  lying  or  being  within  the  precincts  of  our 
charter  (renewed  and  established  to  us  by  our  royal  sovereign) 
and  possessed  and  improved  by  several  poor  people,  whose  prog- 
ress in  their  labors  and  endeavours  for  their  subsistence  (at  the 
best  very  mean)  will  be  impeded  and  obstructed  through  fear  of 
the  event  of  such  claims. 

2.  Whereas,  the  colony  is  at  a  very  low  ebb  in  respect  of  traf- 
fick,  and  although,  out  of  a  respect  to  our  relation  to  the  English 
nation,  and  that  we  might  be  accounted  a  people  under  the  sover- 


458 


APPENDIX. 


eignty  and  protection  of  his  majesty  the  king  of  England,  we  pre- 
sumed to  put  the  name  or  appellation  of  New-London  upon  one 
of  our  towns,  which  nature  hath  furnished  with  a  safe  and  com- 
modious harbour,  though  but  a  poor  people,  and  discapacitated  in 
several  respects  to  promote  traflick;  we  humbly  crave  of  our  gra- 
cious sovereign,  that  he  would  be  pleased  out  of  his  princely 
bounty,  to  grant  it  be  a  place  of  free  trade  for  seven,  ten,  or 
twelve  years,  as  his  royal  heart  shall  incline  to  confer  as  a  boon 
upon  his  poor,  yet  loyal  subjects. 

3.  We  request  of  your  honors,  i.  That  you  will  please  to  repre- 
sent unto  his  majesty  our  allegiance,  with  our  ready  acknowledg- 
ment of  his  princely  grace  in  the  late  renewal  of  our  charter.  2. 
His  more  abundant  grace  in  re-ratifying  our  privileges  both  civil 
and  ecclesiastic,  in  his  late  gracious  letter  sent  to  us  by  your 
honors.  3.  Our  ready  compliance  with  his  majesty's  royal  will 
and  pleasure  therein  expressed.  4.  Our  christian  moderation  to 
men  of  different  persuasions.  5.  We  humbly  implore  the  contin- 
uance of  the  shines  of  his  royal  favor  upon  our  mean  beginnings, 
that  so  we  may  flourish  under  the  benign  aspect  of  our  lord  the 
king.* 

NUMBER  XXI. 

The  Reverend  Mr.  John  Davenforfs  resignation  of  Governor  Hopkins's 
donation  to  the  general  court  of  New-Haven,  May  4th,  1660. 

Quod  felix  faustumque  sit! 
On  the  4th  day  of  the  fourth  month,  1660,  John  Davenport,  pas- 
tor of  the  church  of  Christ  at  New-Haven,  presented  to  the  honor- 
able general  court  at  New-Haven,  as  foUoweth; 
Memorandum, 

I.  That,  sundry  years  past,  it  was  concluded  by  the  said  general 
court,  that  a  small  college,  such  as  the  day  of  small  things  will 
permit,  should  be  settled  in  New-Haven,  for  the  education  of 
youtli  in  good  literature,  to  fit  them  for  public  services,  in  church 
and  commonwealth,  as  it  will  appear  in  the  public  records. 

II.  Thereupon,  the  said  John  Davenport,  wrote  unto  our  hon- 
ored friend,  Edward  Hopkins,  Esq.  then  living  in  London,  the  re- 
sult of  those  consultations.  In  answer  whereunto,  the  said  Ed- 
ward Hopkins  wrote  unto  the  said  John  Davenport,  a  letter,  dated 
the  30th  of  the  second  month,  called  April,  1656,  beginning  with 
these  words. 

Most  Dear  Sir, 
The  long  continued  respects  I  have  received  from  you,  but  es- 
pecially, the  speakings  of  the  Lord  to  my  heart,  by  you,  have  put 
me  under  deep  obligations  to  love  and  a  return  of  thanks  beyond 
'  This  ismn  attested  copy,  in  the  old  letter  book,  p.  138,  129,  130. 


APPENDIX. 


459 


what  I  have  or  can  express,  &c.  Then  after  other  passages  (which 
being  secrets  hinder  me  from  shewing  iiis  letters)  he  added  a  decla- 
ration of  his  purpose  in  reference  to  the  college  about  which  I 
wrote  unto  him,  That  which  the  Lord  hath  given  me  in  those  parts, 
I  ever  designed,  the  greatest  part  of  it,  for  the  furtherance  of  the 
work  of  Christ  in  those  ends  of  the  earth,  and  if  I  understand  that 
a  college  is  begun  and  like  to  be  carried  on,  at  New-Haven,  for 
the  good  of  posterity,  I  shall  give  some  encouragement  thereunto. 
These  are  the  very  words  of  his  letter.    But, 

III.  Before  Mr.  Hopkins  could  return  an  answer  to  my  next 
letter  it  pleased  God  to  finish  his  days  in  this  world :  Therefore,  by 
his  last  will  and  testament  (as  the  copy  thereof  transcribed  and  at- 
tested, by  Mr.  Thomas  Yale,  doth  shew)  he  committed  the  whole 
trust  of  ^sposing  his  estate  in  these  countries  (after  some  personal 
legacies  were  paid  out)  unto  the  public  uses  mentioned,  and  be- 
queathed it  to  our  late  honored  governor,  Theophilus  Eaton,  Esq. 
his  father  in  law,  and  to  the  aforesaid  John  Davenport,  and  joined 
with  them,  in  the  same  trust,  captain  John  Cullick,  and  Mr.  Will- 
iam Goodwin. 

IV.  It  having  pleased  the  most  high  to  afflict  this  colony  greatly 
by  taking  from  it  to  himself,  our  former  ever  honored  governor, 
Mr.  Eaton,  the  surviving  trustees  and  legatees  met  together,  to 
consider  what  course  they  should  take  for  the  discharge  of  their 
trust,  and  agreed  that  each  of  them  should  have  an  inventory  of  the 
aforesaid  testator's  estate  in  New-England,  in  houses  and  goods 
and  lands,  (which  were  prized  by  some  in  Hartford  intrusted  by 
captain  Cullick  and  Mr.  Goodwin)  and  in  debts,  for  the  gathering 
in  whereof  some  attorneys  were  constituted,  empowered  and  em- 
ployed by  the  three  surviving  trustees,  as  the  writing  in  the  magis- 
trates' hand  will  shew. 

V.  Afterwards,  at  another  meeting  of  the  said  trustees,  they 
considering  that  by  the  will  of  the  dead,  they  are  joined  together 
in  one  common  trust,  agreed  to  act  together,  with  mutual  consent, 
in  performance  thereof;  and  considering,  that  by  the  will  of  the 
testator,  two  of  New-Haven  were  joined  with  two  of  Hartford, 
and  that  Mr.  Hopkins  had  declared  his  purpose  to  further  the  col- 
lege intended  at  New-Haven,  they  agreed  that  one  half  of  that  es- 
tate which  should  be  gathered  in,  should  be  paid  unto  Mr.  Daven- 
port for  New-Haven,  the  other  half  to  captain  Cullick  and  Mr. 
Goodwin,  to  be  improved  for  the  uses  and  ends  fore  noted  where 
they  should  have  power  to  perform  their  trust,  which,  because  they 
would  not  expect  to  have  at  Hartford,  they  concluded  it  would  be 
best  done  by  them  in  that  new  plantation  unto  which  sundry  of 
Hartford  were  to  remove,  and  were  now  gone:  yet  they  agreed 
that  out  of  the  whole  lool.  should  be  given  to  the  college  at  Cam- 
bridge, in  the  bay;  the  estate  being  loool.  as  captain  Cullick  be- 
lieved it  would  be,  which  we  now  see  cause  to  doubt,  by  reason  of 


!'? 


4to 


APPENDIX. 


11 


m- 


the  tequeatrations  laid  upon  that  estate,  and  still  continued  by  the 
general  court  at  Hartford,  whereupon  some  refuse  to  pay  their 
debts,  and  others  forsake  the  purchases  they  had  made,  to  their 
great  hindrance  of  performing  the  will  of  the  deceased,  according 
to  the  trust  committed  to  them,  and  to  the  great  endamagement  of 
the  estate. 

VI.  The  said  John  Davenport  acquainted  the  other  two  trus- 
tees with  his  purpose,  to  interest  the  honored  magistrates  and 
eiders  of  this  colony  in  the  disposal  of  that  part  of  the  estate,  that 
was  by  their  agreement  to  be  paid  thereunto,  for  the  promoving 
the  college  work  in  a  gradual  way,  for  the  education  of  youth  in 
good  literature,  so  far  as  he  might,  with  preserving  in  himself,  the 
power  committed  to  him  for  the  discharge  of  his  trust:  they  con- 
sented thereunto.  Accordingly,  on  the  election  day,  it  being  the 
30th  day  of  the  third  month,  he  delivered  up  unto  the  hands  of  the 
honored  governor  and  magistrates  the  writings  that  concern  this 
business:  (viz.  the  copy  of  Mr.  Hopkins  his  last  will  and  testament, 
and  the  inventory  of  his  estate  in  New-England,  and  the  appraise- 
ment of  his  goods,  and  the  writings  signed  by  the  surviving  trus- 
tees for  their  attomies,  and  some  letters  between  the  other  trus- 
tees and  himself,)  adding  also  his  desire  of  some  particulars  for  the 
well  performing  the  trust  as  foUoweth : 

1.  He  desireth  of  New-Haven  town. 

First,  That  the  rent  of  the  oyster  shell  fields,  formerly  separated 
and  reserved  for  the  use  and  benefit  of  a  college,  be  paid  from  this 
time  forward,  towards  the  making  of  some  stock  for  disburse- 
ments of  necessary  charges  towards  the  college  till  it  be  set  up,  and 
afterwards  to  continue  for  a  yearly  rent  as  belonging  to  it,  under 
the  name  and  title  of  college  land. 

Secondly,  That  if  no  place  can  be  found  mr/r^  convenient,  Mrs. 
Eldred's  lot  be  given  for  the  use  of  the  collcj,'^,  i  nd  of  the  colony 
grammar  school,  if  it  be  in  this  town,  else  only  for  the  college. 

Thirdly,  That  parents  will  keep  such  of  their  sons  constantly  to 
learning  in  the  schools,  whom  they  intend  to  train  up  for  public 
serviceableness,  and  that  all  their  sons  may  learn,  at  least,  to  write 
and  cast  up  accounts  competently,  and  may  mrike  some  entrance 
into  the  latin  tongue. 

Fourthly,  That  if  the  colony  settle  40I.  per  annum,  for  a  com- 
mon school,  and  shall  add  lool.  to  be  paid  towards  the  building  or 
buying  of  a  school  house  and  library  in  this  town,  seeing  thereby 
this  town  will  be  freed  from  the  charges  which  they  have  been  at 
hitherto  to  maintain  a  town  school,  they  would  consider  what  part 
of  their  former  salary  may  be  still  continued  for  future  supplies 
towards  a  stock  for  necessary  expenses  about  the  college  or 
school. 

2.  He  humbly  desireth  the  honored  general  court  of  the  colony 
of  New-Haven, 


APPENDIX. 


461 


First,  That  the  40I.  per  annum  formerly  agreed  upon,  to  be 
paid  by  the  several  plantations,  for  a  common  grammar  school, 
be  now  settled  in  one  of  the  plantations  which  they  shall  judge 
fittest,  and  that  a  school  master  may  forthwith  be  provided  to 
teach  the  three  languages,  Latin,  Greek,  and  Hebrew,  so  far  ns 
shall  be  necessary  to  prepare  them  for  the  college,  and  that  if  it 
can  be  accomplished,  that  such  a  school  master  be  settled  by  the 
end  of  this  summer,  or  the  beginning  of  winter.  The  payments 
from  the  several  plantations  may  begin  from  this  time. 

Secondly,  That  if  the  common  school  be  settled  in  this  town, 
the  honored  governor,  magistrates,  elders,  and  deputies,  would 
solemnly  and  together  visit  the  grammar  school  once  every  year, 
at  the  court  for  elections,  to  examine  the  scholars'  proficiency  in 
learning. 

Thirdly,  That  for  the  payments  to  be  made  by  the  plantations, 
for  the  school,  or  out  of  Mr.  Hopkins'  estate,  towards  the  college, 
one  be  chosen  by  themselves,  under  the  name  and  title  of  stew- 
ard, or  receiver,  for  the  school  and  college,  to  whom  such  pay- 
ments may  be  made,  with  full  power  given  him  by  the  court  to 
demand  what  is  due,  and  to  prosecute  in  case  of  neglect,  and 
to  give  acquittances  in  case  of  due  payments  received,  and  to  give 
his  account  yearly  to  the  court,  and  to  dispose  of  what  he  receiv- 
eth  in  such  provisions  as  cannot  be  well  kept,  in  the  best  way 
for  the  aforesaid  uses  according  to  advice. 

Fourthly,  That  unto  that  end  a  committee  of  church  members 
be  chosen  to  meet  together  and  consult  and  advise,  in  emergent 
difficult  cases,  that  may  concern  the  school  or  college,  and  which 
cannot  be  well  delayed  till  the  meeting  of  the  general  court,  the 
governor  being  always  the  chief  of  that  committee. 

Fifthly,  The  said  John  Davenport  desireth,  that  while  it  may 
please  God  to  continue  his  life,  and  abode  in  this  place,  (to  the 
end  that  he  may  the  better  perform  his  trust)  in  reference  to  the 
college,  that  he  be  always  consulted  in  difficult  cases,  and  have 
the  power  of  a  negative  vote,  to  hinder  any  thing  from  being 
acted  which  he  shall  prove  by  good  reason  to  be  prejudicial  to  the 
true  intendment  of  the  testator,  and  to  the  true  end  of  this  work. 

Sixthly,  That  certain  orders  be  speedily  made  for  the  school, 
and  when  the  college  shall  proceed,  for  it  also;  that  the  education 
of  youth  may  be  carried  on  suitably  to  Christ's  ends,  by  the 
counsel  of  the  teaching  elders  in  this  colony ;  and  that  what  they 
shall  conclude  with  consent,  being  approved  by  the  honored  mag- 
istrates, be  ratified  by  the  general  court. 

Seventhly,  Because  it  is  requisite  that  the  writings  which  con- 
cern Mr.  Hopkins  his  estate  be  safely  kept;  in  order  thereunto, 
the  said  John  Davenport  desireth  that  a  convenient  chest  be  made, 
with  two  locks  and  two  keys,  and  be  placed  in  the  house  of  the 
governor,  or  of  the  steward,  in  some  safe  room,  till  a  more  public 


462 


APPENDIX. 


place  (as  a  library  or  the  like)  may  be  prepared;  and  that  one 
key  be  in  the  hands  of  the  governor,  the  other  in  the  steward's 
hands.  That  in  this  chest  all  the  writings  now  delivered  by  him 
to  the  magistrates  may  be  kept;  and  aU  other  bills,  bonds,  ac- 
quittances, orders,  or  whatsoever  writings  that  may  concern  this 
business  be  put  and  kept  there;  and  that  some  place  may  be 
agreed  on  where  the  steward  or  receiver  may  lay  up  such  provi- 
sions as  may  be  paid  in,  till  they  may  be  disposed  of  for  the  good 
of  the  school  or  college. 

Eighthly,  Because  our  sight  is  narrow  and  weak,  in  viewing  and 
discerning  the  compass  of  things  that  are  before  us,  much  more 
in  foreseeing  future  contingencies,  he  further  craveth  liberty  for 
himself  and  olher  elders  of  this  colony,  to  propound  to  the  hon- 
ored governor  and  magistrates  what  hereafter  may  be  found  to 
be  conducible  to  the  well  carrying  on  of  this  trust,  according  to 
the  ends  proposed,  and  that  such  proposals  may  be  added  unto 
these,  under  the  name  and  title  of  useful  additionals;  and 
confirmed  by  the  general  court. 

Lastly,  He  hopeth  he  shall  not  need  to  add,  what  he  expressed 
by  word  of  mouth,  that  the  honored  general  court  will  not  suffer 
this  gift  to  be  lost  from  the  colony,  but  as  it  becometh  fathers  of 
the  commonwealth,  will  use  all  good  endeavours  to  get  it  into 
their  hands,  and  to  assert  their  right  in  it  for  the  common  good; 
that  posterity  may  reap  the  good  fruit  of  their  labors,  and  wis- 
dom, and  faithfulness;  and  that  Jesus  Christ  may  have  the  ser- 
vice and  honor  of  such  provision  made  for  his  people;  in  whom 
I  rest. 

John  Davenport. 


NUMBER  XXII. 


y 


;,•  I 


ZeUer  o/Ais  majesty  king  Charles  II.  to  Connecticut,  April  loth,  1666. 

CHARLES  R. 
TRUSTY  and  well  beloved,  we  greet  you  well,  having  received 
so  full  and  satisfactory  an  account  from  our  commissioners,  both 
of  the  good  reception  you  have  given  them,  and  also  of  your  duti- 
fulness  and  obedience  to  us,  we  cannot  but  let  you  know  how 
much  we  are  pleased  therewith,  judging  that  respect  of  yours 
towards  our  officers  to  be  the  true  and  natural  fruit  which  demon- 
strates what  fidelity  and  affection  towards  us  is  rooted  in  your 
hearts;  and  although  your  carriage  doth  of  itself  most  justly 
deserve  our  praise  and  approbation,  yet  it  seems  to  be  set  off  with 
the  more  lustre  by  the  contrary  deportment  of  the  colony  of  the 
Massachusetts,  as  if  by  their  refractoriness  they  had  designed 
to  recommend  and  heighten  the  merit  of  your  compliance  with 
our  directions,  for  the  peaceable  and  good  government  of  our 


APPENDIX. 


46$ 


subjects  in  those  parts:  you  may  therefore  assure  yourselves  that 
we  shall  never  be  unmindful  of  this  your  loyal  and  dutiful  be- 
haviour, but  shall,  upon  all  occasions,  take  notice  of  it  to  your 
advantage,  promising  you  our  constant  protection  and  royal  fa- 
vor, in  all  things  that  may  concern  your  safety,  peace  and  wel- 
fare; and  so  we  bid  you  farewell.  Given  at  our  court,  at  White- 
hall, the  loth  day  of  April,  1666,  in  the  eighteenth  year  of  our 
reign.    By  his  majesty's  command, 

William  Morricb. 
Superscribed  to  our  trusty  and  well  beloved, 

the  governor  and  council  of  the  colony  of 

Connecticut,  in  New-England. 


NUMBER  XXIII. 


An  address  to  king  lVUliam,Jun€  13M,  1689. 

To  the  king's  most  excellent  majesty. 
The  humble  address  of  your  majesty's  dutiful  and  loyal  subjects, 
the  governor  and  company  of  your  majesty's  colony  of  Con- 
necticut, in  New-England. 

GREAT  Sovereign, 
GREAT  was  that  day,  when  the  Lord,  who  sitteth  upon  the 
floods,  and  sitteth  king  forever,  did  divide  his  and  your  adver- 
saries from  one  another,  like  the  waters  of  Jordan  forced  to  stand 
upon  an  heap,  and  did  begin  to  magnify  you  like  Joshua,  in  the 
sight  of  all  Israel,  by  those  great  actions  that  were  so  much  for 
the  honor  of  God,  and  the  deliverance  of  the  English  dominions 
from  popery  and  slavery,  and  all  this  separated  from  those  sor- 
rows that  usually  attend  the  introducing  of  a  peaceable  settlement 
in  any  troubled  state;  all  which  doth  affect  us  with  the  sense  of 
our  duty  to  return  the  highest  praise  unto  the  KING  of  KINGS, 
and  LORD  of  HOSTS,  and  bless  HIM,  who  hath  delighted  in 
you,  to  sit  you  on  the  throne  of  his  Israel,  and  to  say  because  the 
LORD  loved  Israel  forever,  therefore  hath  he  made  you  king 
to  do  justice  and  judgment,  &c.  also  humble  and  hearty  acknowl- 
edgment for  that  great  zeal,  that  by  your  majesty  hath  been  ex- 
pressed in  those  hazards,  you  have  put  your  royal  person  to,  and 
in  the  expense  of  so  great  treasure  in  the  defence  of  the  prct- 
estant  interest.  In  the  consideration  of  all  which,  we,  your  maj- 
esty's dutiful  and  loyal  subjects  of  your  said  colony,  are  encour- 
aged humbly  to  intimate  that  we,  with  much  favor,  obtained  a 
charter  of  king  Charles  the  II.  of  happy  memory,  bearing  date 
April  23d,  1662,  in  the  14th  year  of  his  reign,  granted  to  the 
governor  and  company  of  his  majesty's  colony  of  Connecticut, 
the  advantages  and  privileges  whereof  made  us  indeed  a  very 


464 


APPENDIX. 


i 


happy  people,  and  by  the  blessing  of  GOD  upon  our  endeavours, 
we  have  made  a  considerable  improvement  of  your  dominions 
here;  wnich,  with  the  defence  of  ourselves  from  the  force  of  both 
foreign  and  intestine  enemies,  has  cost  us  much  expense  of  treas- 
ure and  blood;  yet  in  the  second  year  of  the  reign  of  his  late 
majesty  king  James  the  II.  we  had  a  quo-warranto  served  upon  us 
by  Edward  Randolph,  requiring  our  appearance  before  his  maj- 
esty's court,  in  England;  and  although  the  time  of  our  appear- 
ance was  elapsed  before  the  serving  the  said  quo-warranto,  yet 
we  humbly  petitioned  his  majesty  for  his  favor,  and  the  contin- 
uance of  our  charter,  with  the  privileges  thereof;  but  we  received 
no  other  favor  but  a  second  quo-warranto,  and  we  well  observing 
that  the  charter  of  London,  and  other  considerable  cities  in  Eng- 
land were  condemned,  and  that  the  charter  of  the  Massachusetts 
had  undergone  the  like  fate,  plainly  saw  what  we  uight  expect, 
yet  we  not  judging  it  good  or  lawful  to  be  active  in  surrendering 
what  had  cost  us  so  dear,  nor  to  be  altogether  silent,  we  empow- 
ered an  attorney  to  appear  on  our  behalf,  and  to  prefer  our  humble 
address  to  his  majesty,  to  entreat  his  favor  quickly  upon  it;  but 
as  Sir  Edmund  Andross  informed  us  he  was  empowered  by  his 
majesty  to  regain  the  surrender  of  our  charter,  if  we  saw  meet 
so  to  do,  and  to  take  ourselves  under  his  government;  also 
colonel  Thomas  Dungan,  his  majesty's  governor  of  New- York, 
labored  to  gain  us  over  to  his  government:  we  withstood  all  these 
motions,  and  in  our  reiterated  addresses,  we  petitioned  his  maj- 
esty to  continue  us  in  the  full  and  free  enjoyment  of  our  liberties 
and  property,  civil  and  sacred,  according  to  our  charter.  We 
also  petitioned,  that  if  his  majesty  should  not  see  meet  to  con- 
tinue us  as  we  were,  but  was  resolved  to  annex  us  to  some  other 
government,  we  then  desired,  that  (in  as  much  as  Boston  had 
been  our  old  correspondents,  and  people  whose  principles  and 
manners  we  had  been  acquainted  with)  we  might  be  annexed 
rather  to  Sir  Edmund  Andross  his  government,  than  to  colonel 
Dungan's,  which  choice  of  ours  was  taken  for  a  resignation  of 
our  government,  though  that  was  never  intended  by  us  for  such, 
nor  had  it  the  formalities  in  law  to  make  it  a  resignation,  as  we 
humbly  conceive,  yet  Sir  Edmund  Andross  was  commissioned, 
by  his  majesty,  to  take  us  under  his  government;  pursuant  to 
which  about  the  end  of  October,  1687,  he  with  a  company  of  gen- 
tlemen and  grenadiers,  to  the  number  6f  sixty  or  upwards  came 
to  Hartford  (the  chief  seat  of  this  government)  caused  his  com- 
mission to  be  read  and  declared  our  government  to  be  dissolved, 
and  put  into  commission,  both  civil  and  military  officers  through 
our  colony,  as  he  pleased,  where  he  passed  thm'jgh  the  principal 
parts  thereof.  The  good  people  of  the  colony,  though  they  were 
under  a  great  sense  of  the  injuries  they  sustained  hereby,  yet  chose 
rather  to  be  silent  and  patient  than  to  oppose,  being  indeed  sur- 


Wi 


APPENDIX. 


465 


prised  into  an  involuntary  submission  to  an  arbitrary  power,  but 
when  the  government  we  were  thus  put  under,  seemed  to  us,  to 
be  determined,  and  we  being  in  daily  fear  and  hazard  of  those 
many  inconveniences,  that  will  arise  from  a  people  in  want  of 
government,  being  also  in  continual  danger  of  our  lives  by  reason 
of  the  natives  being  at  war  with  us,  with  whom  we  had  just  fears 
of  our  neighbouring  French  to  join,  not  receiving  any  order  or 
directions  what  method  to  take  for  our  security,  we  were  neces- 
sitated to  put  ourselves  into  some  form  of  government,  and  there 
being  none  so  familiar  to  us  as  that  of  our  charter,  nor  what  we 
could  make  so  effectual  for  the  gaining  the  universal  compliance 
of  the  people,  and  having  never  received  any  intimation  of  an 
enrolment  of  that,  which  was  interpreted  a  resignation  of  our 
charter,  we  have  presumed,  by  the  consent  of  the  major  part  of 
the  freemen,  assembled  for  that  end.  May  9th,  1689,  to  resume 
cur  government,  according  to  the  rules  of  our  charter,  and  this 
to  continue  till  further  order,  yet  as  we  have  thus  presumed  to 
dispose  ourselves,  not  waiting  orders  from  your  majesty,  we 
humbly  submit  ourselves  herein,  intreating  your  majesty's  most 
gracious  pardon,  and  that  what  our  urgent  necessity  hath  put 
upon  us,  may  no  ways  interrupt  your  majesty's  grace  and  favor 
towards  us,  your  most  humble  and  dutiful  subjects,  but  that  in 
your  clemency  you  would  be  pleased  to  grant  us  such  directions 
as  to  your  princely  wisdom  may  seem  meet,  with  such  ratifica- 
tions and  confirmations  of  our  charter,  in  the  full  and  free  en- 
joyment of  all  our  properties,  privileges,  and  liberties,  both  civil 
and  sacred,  as  therein  granted  to  us,  by  your  royal  predecessor, 
king  Charles  the  II.  which  may  yet  further  insure  it  an  inher- 
itance to  us  and  our  posterities  after  us,  with  what  farther  grace 
and  favor  your  royal  and  enlarged  heart  may  be  moved  to  confer 
upon  us;  which,  we  trust,  we  shall  not  forget  nor  be  unprofit- 
able under;  but  as  we  have  this  day  with  the  greatest  expressions 
of  joy,  proclaimed  your  majesty  and  royal  consort  king  and  queen 
of  England,  France,  and  Ireland,  with  the  dominions  thereto  be- 
longing, so  we  shall  ever  pray,  that  God  would  grant  your  maj- 
esties long  to  live,  and  prosperously  to  reign  over  all  your  do- 
minions, and  that  great  and  happy  work  you  have  begun  may 
be  prospered  here  and  graciously  rewarded  with  a  crown  of  glory 
hereafter. 

Robert  Treat,  Governor. 
Per  order  of  the  general  court  of  Connecticut,  signed, 

John  Allen,  Secretary. 


i 


I!  i 


■Si 


hi 


I  t: 


466 


APPENDIX. 


I 


NUMBER  XXIV. 

litter  to  governor  Leisler,  requiring  tie  release  of  major-gemeral  Win 
throp,  Sfc.  September  ist,  1690. 

Hartford,  Sept.  iit,  1690. 
Honorable  Sir, 

By  an  express  from  our  captains,  at  Albany,  of  the  27th  August 
last,  we  are  certified,  that  major-general  Winthrc^  is  made  a 
prisoner,  and  that  on  our  officers'  request  to  the  commander  of 
the  fort  for  his  liberty  to  officiate  in  the  army,  yourself  being  pres- 
ent at  Albany,  their  answer  was,  that  if  they  would  speak  with 
the  general,  they  might  go  to  York;  also  that  our  commissary 
is  under  restraint;  these  are  very  unexpected  and  surprising  as 
well  as  grievous  tidings  to  us,  and  put  us  upon  signifying  to  you, 
that  it  was  upon  a  certain  knowledge  of  major  Winthrop's  fidel- 
ity, prudence,  and  valor,  that  we  did  solicit  him  to  undertake  this 
service,  and  used  our  interest  in  the  Massachusetts  gentlemen 
to  prevail  with  him  therein,  who  having  the  same  confidence  in 
his  virtues  did  so,  and  we  thereon  recommended  him  to  you,  who 
gave  us  to  understand  as  gi'eat  a  value  of  him,  and  therefore  de- 
sired his  acceptance,  which  his  honor  accepting,  though  he  were 
worthy  of  a  tenfold  greater  command,  he  waited  on  you  and  his 
country ;  sir,  these  things  are  so  radicated  in  all  New-England, 
that  your  thus  dealing  cannot  raise  a  jealousy  in  us  of  any  thing 
unworthy  so  generous  a  soul,  as  is  this  gentleman,  and  though 
in  honor  to  you,  in  your  present  capacity,  we  will  suspend  any 
censures  which  we  might  make  on  your  unadvisedness  in  this 
action,  yet  we  must  in  justice  remember  you  of  that  article  con- 
cluded by  the  commissioners  at  York,  whereof  you  were  one, 
namely,  what  was  referred  to  the  commander  in  chief  and  his 
council  of  war,  which  you  in  particular  are  not  to  overrule;  if 
the  return  from  Wood  Creek,  done  by  a  council  of  war,  be  the 
matter  which  offends  you,  as  it  is  generally  said  to  be,  consider 
how  far  that  article,  and  the  reason  it  is  grounded  on,  lead  to 
it;  also,  that  the  army  being  confederate,  if  you  be  concerned 
so  are  we,  and  the  rest,  and  that  you  alone  should  judge  upon  the 
general's  and  council  of  war's  actions,  will  infringe  our  liberty; 
but  that  which  is  worst  in  event  is,  that  such  actions  will  render 
our  friendly  correspondence  too  weak,  to  join  in  future  attempts, 
which  we  may  have  but  too  much  occasion  for;  for  if  our  send- 
ing our  best  friends  to  join  with  you,  prove  a  pitfall  to  them, 
it  will  necessitate  our  future  forbearance,  whatever  the  conse- 
quence be. 

And  sir,  you  necessitate  us  to  tell  you,  that  a  prison  is  not  a 
catholicon  for  all  state  maladies,  though  so  much  used  by  you. 


APPENDIX. 


4fi9 


nor  are  you  incapable  of  need  of,  nor  aid  from  their  majesty's 
subjects  in  New-England;  nor  could  you  in  any  one  action  have 
more  disobliged  all  New-England,  and  if  you  shall  proceed  in 
this  way,  you  will  certainly  put  all  that  gentleman's  friends  on 
his  vindication,  be  the  matter  controverted  what  it  will,  he  is  of 
such  estate  and  repute,  as  could  not  shun  a  just  trial,  and  if  your 
adherence  to  Mr.  Milbom  (whose  spirit  we  have  sufficient  testi- 
mony of,)  and  other  emulators  of  the  major's  honor,  be  greater 
than  to  ourselves  and  the  gentlemen  of  the  bay,  you  may  boast 
of  the  exchange,  by  what  profit  you  find.  Sir,  you  cannot  expect 
but  we  shall  be  warm  with  these  matters,  unless  you  prevent  us 
by  a  timely  and  honorable  release  of  the  major,  which  is  the  thing 
we  advise  unto,  and  desire  to  hear  from  you  with  all  speed,  what 
our  expectations  may  be  on  this  account.  We  are  giving  account 
of  this  matter  to  the  governor  and  council  of  Massachusetts,  it 
is  justly  expected  that  your  declaration  to  us  all  of  the  grounds 
of  this  your  action,  should  have  been  as  forward  as  the  thing 
itself.  We  also  move  you  to  set  our  commissary  at  liberty,  since 
he  is  of  such  use  to  our  soldiers  as  he  cannot  be  spared. 


NUMBER  XXV. 

T/ie  determin<Uion  of  the  king,  in  council,  relative  to  the  militia  of  Con 
necticut,  April  igth,  1694. 

A  PETITION  having  been  presented  to  his  majesty,  by  major- 
general  Fitz  John  Winthrop,  agent  for  the  English  colony  of 
Connecticut,  in  New-England,  in  America,  in  behalf  of  the  said 
colony,  by  the  name  of  the  governor  and  company  of  the  English 
colony  of  Connecticut,  in  New-England,  in  America,  setting 
forth,  that  the  petitioners  by  letters  patents,  under  the  great  seal 
of  England,  in  the  fourteenth  year  of  the  reign  of  the  late  king 
Charles  the  second,  were  incorporated  by  the  name  of  the  gov- 
ernor and  company  of  the  English  colony  of  Connecticut,  in 
America,  with  powers  as  well  for  the  civil  administration  of  af- 
fairs, as  the  lieutenancy  for  the  ordering,  arraying,  modelling,  and 
conducting  the  militia,  for  the  special  defence  of  the  colony;  that 
from  the  date  of  the  said  grant,  until  the  month  of  October  last, 
they  have  enjoyed  the  said  liberties  and  privileges,  without  for- 
feiture or  molestation,  except  some  interruption  they  received  in 
the  reign  of  king  James  the  second;  that  colonel  Fletcher,  gov- 
ernor of  New- York,  in  October  last,  by  color  of  his  majesty's 
commission,  whereby  for  the  uniting  the  forces  of  the  said  prov- 
ince and  colony,  he  was  created  commander  in  chief  of  the  militia 
of  the  said  colony,  did  demand  of  the  petitioners  not  only  to 
submit  to  him,  as  lieutenant  general  and  commander  in  chief  over 


468 


APPENDIX. 


ii 


the  full  quota  of  the  militia  of  that  colony,  in  conjunction  with 
those  of  New- York  and  the  adjacent  governments,  but  likewise 
the  particular  lieutenancy  of  the  said  colony  and  the  power  of 
assessing,  modelling,  and  establishing  the  militia  thereof,  the  pe- 
titioners therefore  humbly  praying  the  said  commission  may  re- 
ceive such  explanation  and  restriction,  as  jto  his  majesty  in  his 
royal  justice  and  wisdom  shall  seem  meet;  and  his  majesty  having 
been  pleased  to  refer  the  said  petition  to  the  right  honorable  the 
lords  of  the  committee  of  trade  and  plantations  to  consider  the 
matter  of  the  said  petition,  and  to  report  what  they  conceive  fit 
for  his  majesty  to  do  therein;   and  the  lords  of  the  committee 
having  received  the  report  of  their  majesty's  attorney  general  and 
solicitor  general  upon  the  matter  of  the  said  petition,  together 
with  the  address  of  the  colony  of  Rhode-Island,  and  touching  the 
uniting  the  strength  of  those  colonies  against  the  French,  which 
report  is  in  the  words  following, 
May  it  please  your  lordships, 
In  obedience  to  your  lordship's  commands  signified  to  us  by 
Mr.  Blaithwait,  the  2d  of  January  and  the  3d  of  February  last, 
by  which  we  were  to  consider  the  several  charters  of  Connecticut 
and  Rhode-Island,  and  the  grants  of  east  and  west  New-Jersey, 
and  to  report  our  opinion  upon  the  whole  matter  what  may  be 
done  for  the  uniting  the  strength  of  those  colonies  and  New- York 
under  a  chief  commander,  to  be  commissioned  by  their  majesties, 
for  the  defence  of  their  majesty's  subjects  in  those  parts  against 
the  French,  and  also  to  consider  the  annexed  copy  of  the  petition 
of  the  governor  and  company  of  Connecticut,  and  to  report  our 
opinion  thereupon,  we  have  considered  the  matter  to  us  referred, 
and  do  find  that  king  Charles  the  II.  by  his  charter,  dated  the 
23d  of  April,  in  the  14th  year  of  his  reign,  did  incorporate  John 
Winthrop,  and  several  other  persons  therein  named  and  all  oth- 
ers who  then  were  or  after  should  be  admitted  and  made  free 
of  the  company,  to  be  a  corporation  by  the  name  of  the  governor 
and  company  of  the  English  colony  of  Connecticut  in  New-Eng- 
land in  America,  with  such  powers,  privileges  and  capacities,  as 
are  usually  granted  to  corporations  of  like  nature,  and  to  have 
continuance  and  succession  forever,  and  therein  the  bounds  of 
the  colony  are  described  and  a  grant  thereby  made  to  the  cor- 
poration of  all  land,  soil,  ground,  havens,  ports,  jurisdictions, 
royalties,  privileges,  franchises  and  hereditaments,  within  the 
same  or  thereunto  belonging,  TO  BE  HOLDEN  to  the  corpora- 
tion and  their  successors  in  trust  for  the  benefit  of  themselves  and 
their  associates,  freemen  of  that  colony,  their  heirs  and  assigns 
of  the  kings  of  England,  as  of  the  manor  of  East-Greenwich,  by 
the  sth  part  of  the  ore  of  gold  and  silver  there  found,  with  power 
to  the  corporation  to  make  laws,  elect  governors,  deputy  govern- 
ors and  assistants,  erect  judicatures  and  courts,  and  choose  ofH- 


^    1 


APPENDIX. 


469 


cers  for  the  civil  government,  and  thereby  also  power  is  granted 
to  the  chief  commanders,  governors  and  officers  of  the  company 
and  others  inhabiting  there,  by  their  leave  or  direction  for  their 
special  defence  and  safety,  to  assemble,  martially  array  and  put 
in  warlike  posture  the  inhabitants  of  the  colony,  and  to  commis- 
sion such  persons  as  they  should  think  fit  to  lead  and  conduct  the 
inhabitants,  and  to  encounter,  resist,  kill  and  slay  all  that  should 
attempt  or  interpose  the  invasion  or  annoyance  of  the  inhabitants 
or  plantations,  and  to  exercise  martial  laws  and  take  and  surprise 
the  invaders  or  attemptors  of  the  plantation  or  hurt  of  the  com- 
pany and  inhabitants,  and,  on  just  occasion,  to  invade  and  de- 
stroy the  natives  or  other  enemies  of  the  colony. 

We  also  find  that  king  Charles  the  II.  in  the  15th  year  of  his 
reign  did  incorporate  divers  persons  by  name,  and  such  others 
as  then  were,  or  after  should  be  admitted  and  free  of  the  company 
by  the  name  of  the  governor  and  company  of  the  English  colony 
of  Rhode-Island  and  Providence  plantation,  in  New-England  in 
America,  and  granted  them  in  effect  the  like  powers  and  author- 
ities both  civil  and  military,  as  are  before  mentioned  to  be  granted 
to  Connecticut. 

We  find  that  the  civil  government,  in  those  plantations  or  colo- 
nies, executed  the  military  powers  conferred  by  the  charters;  but 
that  their  majesties,  in  the  third  year  of  their  reign,  by  their  com- 
mission, constituted  Sir  William  Phipps,  lieutenant  and  comman- 
der in  chief  of  the  miUtia  and  of  the  forces  by  sea  and  land  within 
the  colonies  of  Connecticut,  Rhode-Island  and  Providence  plan- 
tation, king's  province  and  province  of  New-Hampshire,  and  all 
forts  and  places  of  strength  in  the  same  with  several  powers  and 
authorities,  and  that  their  majesties  by  their  commission  under 
the  great  seal,  dated  the  loth  of  June,  1693,  revoked  so  much  of 
Sir  William  Phipps  his  commission  and  powers,  as  related  to  the 
colony  of  Connecticut,  and  by  the  same  commission  constituted 
Benjamin  Fletcher,  Esq.  their  majesty's  captain  general  and  com- 
mander in  chief  of  New- York,  Pennsylvania,  New-Castle,  and 
the  territories  and  tracts  of  land  depending  thereupon,  to  be  the 
commander  in  chief  of  the  militia  and  of  all  the  forces  by  sea  and 
land  within  the  colony  of  Connecticut  and  of  all  forts  and  places 
of  strength  within  the  same,  with  power  to  levy,  arm,  muster, 
command,  or  employ  the  militia  of  the  said  colony,  and  upon  any 
necessary  and  urgent  occasion,  during  this  war,  to  transfer  to  the 
province  of  New- York,  and  frontiers  of  the  same,  for  resisting 
and  withstanding  enemies,  pirates  and  rebels,  both  at  land  and 
sea,  and  defence  of  that  province  and  colony,  of  which  commis- 
sion and  the  large  powers  therein  contained  as  to  Connecticut, 
the  colony  of  Connecticut  by  their  annexed  petition  do  complain 
and  pray  redress  against  the  exercise  of  it,  in  such  manner  over 
the  whole  militia,  and  therein  shew  their  reasons  against  it.    We 


47© 


APPENDIX. 


ll.i 


have  heard  colonel  Winthrop  and  his  council,  on  the  behalf  of 
the  colony  of  Connecticut,  and  Mr.  Almey  and  his  council,  on 
the  behalf  of  Rhode-Island  and  Providence  plantation,  and  Dr. 
Cox  appeared  on  the  behalf  of  east  and  west  New-Jersey,  and 
produced  some  writings,  shewing  how  the  same  were  granted  out 
from  the  crown  to  the  duke  of  York,  and  by  the  duke  of  York 
to  others,  but  the  Dr.  not  claiming  any  title  to  himself  it  doth 
not  appear  to  us  in  whom  the  estate  in  law  of  those  places  or  of 
the  government  thereof,  civil  or  military,  doth  now  reside,  nor 
how  the  same  is  exercised.  But  having  read  the  annexed  esti- 
mate from  Mr.  Blaithwait,  we  communicated  the  same  to  the 
agents  for  Connecticut,  Rhode-Island  and  Providence  plantation, 
who  declared  their  readiness  during  times  of  danger  to  provide 
their  respective  quotas  therein  contained,  and  in  case  of  increase 
of  danger,  or  other  necessary  occasions,  during  the  continuance 
thereof,  their  respective  quotas  to  be  proportionably  increased 
with  other  colonies;  but  as  to  the  remaining  militia  beyond  the 
quotas  (which  it  seems  in  those  countries  consists  of  all  males 
between  sixteen  and  sixty  years  of  age)  they  humbly  desire  that 
it  may  remain  under  the  ordinary  and  usual  government  and 
command  of  the  colonies  according  to  their  charters,  and  not  to 
be  commanded  out,  unless  in  times  of  actual  invasion  or  imminent 
danger,  for  the  necessary  preservation  of  some  of  the  colonies, 
and  at  such  times  only  when  such  of  the  colonies  whereout  the 
forces  shall  be  drawn,  are  not  in  danger,  and  that  at  all  times  a 
sufficient  power  of  the  militia  may  be  always  kept  in  each  colony 
under  the  power  of  the  government  of  it,  for  the  safety  and  neces- 
sary preservation  thereof. 

We  are  humbly  of  opinion  that  the  charters  and  grants  of  those 
colonies  do  give  the  ordinary  power  of  the  militia  to  the  respective 
governments  thereof;  but  do  also  conceive  that  their  majesties 
may  constitute  a  chief  commander,  who  may  have  authority,  at 
all  times,  to  command  or  order  such  proportion  of  the  forces  of 
such  colony  or  plantation,  as  their  majesties  shall  think  fit;  and 
farther,  in  times  of  invasion  and  approach  of  the  enemy,  with  the 
advice  and  assistance  of  the  governors  of  the  colonies,  to  conduct 
and  command  the  rest  of  the  forces  for  the  preservation  and  de- 
fence of  such  of  those  colonies  as  shall  most  stand  in  need  thereof, 
not  leaving  the  rest  unprovided  of  a  competent  force  for  their 
defence  and  safety;  but  in  time  of  peace,  and  when  the  danger 
is  over,  the  militia  within  each  of  the  said  provinces  ought,  as  we 
humbly  conceive,  to  be  under  the  government  and  dispositions 
of  the  respective  governors  of  the  said  colonies,  according  to  their 
charters. 

All  which,  nevertheless,  is  most  humbly  submitted  to  your  lord- 
ship's great  wisdom.  Edward  Ward, 

Thomas  Treves 

2d  April,  1694. 


APPENDIX. 


471 


And  tht  \ot^i  bi  fhe  <ioittniHt«6  hAvitlg  prtieliteA  to  his  maj- 
esty's cooncll  the  report  of  Mr.  attorney  and  Mr.  solicitor  general 
upon  the  matters  above  mentioned,  his  majesty,  in  council,  is 
pleased  to  approve  the  said  report,  and  to  signify  his  pleasure, 
that  the  quota,  not  exceeding  one  hundred  and  twenty  men,  be 
the  measure  of  the  assistance  to  be  given  by  the  colony  of  Con- 
necticut, and  all  times  during  war  to  be  commanded  by  the  gov- 
ernor of  New- York;  and  the  right  honorable  Sir  John  Trenchard, 
his  majesty's  principal  secretary  of  state,  is  to  prepare  letters  for 
his  majesty's  royal  signature,  for  the  signification  of  his  majesty's 
pleasure  herein  to  the  governor  of  New- York  and  Connecticut 
accordingly. 

William  Briugeman. 


NUMBER  XXVI. 


THE  GREAT  PATENT  OF  NEW-ENGLAND. 

/AMES,  by  the  grace  of  God^  King  of  England,  Scotland,  France,  and 
Ireland,  Defender  of  the  Faith,  &'c. 

TO  all  to  whom  these  presents  shall  come,  greeting: — ^Where- 
as, upon  the  humble  petition  of  divers  of  our  well  disposed  sub- 
jects, that  intended  to  make  several  plantations  in  the  parts  of 
America,  between  the  degrees  of  thirty-four  and  forty-five,  We, 
according  to  our  princely  inclination,  favouring  much  their  worthy 
disposition,  in  hope  thereby  to  advance  the  enlargement  of  the 
christian  religion,  to  the  glory  of  God  Almighty,  as  also  by  that 
means  to  stretch  out  the  bounds  of  our  dominions,  and  to  replen- 
ish those  deserts  with  people,  governed  by  laws  and  magistrates, 
for  the  more  peaceable  commerce  of  all  that  in  time  to  come  shall 
have  occasion  to  traffic  into  those  territories,  granted  unto  Sir 
Thomas  Gates,  Sir  George  Summers,  knights,  Thomas  Hamon, 
and  Raleigh  Gilbert,  Esquires,  and  others  their  associates,  for 
the  more  speedy  accomplishment  thereof,  by  our  letters  patents, 
bearing  date  the  loth  day  of  April,  in  the  ifottrth  year  of  our  reign 
of  England,  France,  and  Ireland,  and  of  Scotland  the  fortieth, 
free  liberty  to  divide  themselves  into  two  several  colonies;  the 
one  called  the  first  colony,  to  be  undertaken  and  advanced  by  cer- 
tain knights,  gentlemen,  and  merchants,  in  and  about  our  city 
of  London ;  the  other,  called  the  second  colony,  to  be  undertaken 
and  advanced  by  certain  knights,  gentlemen,  merchants,  and  their 
associates,  in  or  about  our  cities  of  Bristol,  Exon,  and  our  town 
of  Plymouth,  and  other  places,  as  in  and  by  our  said  letters  pat- 
ents, amongst  other  things  more  at  large,  it  doth  and  may  appear. 

And  whereas,  since  that  time,  upon  the  humble  petition  of  the 
said  adventurers  and  planters  of  the  said  first  colony,  we  have 


47» 


APPENDIX. 


u,!-.; 


It'  .  i 


i'i:  ; 


been  graciously  pleased  to  make  them  one  distinct  and  entire 
body  by  themselves,  giving  unto  them  their  distinct  limits  and 
bounds: 

And  have,  upon  their  like  humble  request,  granted  unto  them 
divers  liberties,  privileges,  enlargements,  and  immunities,  as  in 
and  by  our  several  letters  patents,  it  doth  and  may  more  at  large 
appear. 

Now  forasmuch  as  we  have  been,  in  like  manner,  humbly  peti- 
tioned unto  by  our  trusty  and  well  beloved  servant,  Sir  Ferdinan- 
do  Gorges,  knight,  captain  of  our  fort  and  island,  by  Plymouth, 
and  by  certain  the  principal  knights  and  gentlemen  adventurers 
of  the  said  second  colony,  and  by  divers  other  persons  of  quality, 
who  now  intend  to  be  their  associates,  divers  of  which  have  been 
at  great  and  extraordinary  charges,  and  sustained  many  losses, 
in  seeking  and  discovering  a  place  fit  and  convenient  to  lay  the 
foundation  of  a  hopeful  plantation,  and  have,  divers  years  past, 
by  God's  assistance,  and  their  own  endeavours,  taken  actual  pos- 
session of  the  continent  hereafter  mentioned,  in  our  name,  and 
to  our  use,  as  sovereign  lord  thereof,  and  have  settled  already 
some  of  our  people  in  places  agreeable  to  their  desires  in  those 
parts,  and  in  confidence  of  prosperous  success  therein,  by  the  con- 
tinuance of  God's  divine  blessing,  and  our  royal  permission,  have 
resolved,  in  a  more  plentiful  and  effectual  manner,  to  prosecute 
the  same;  and  to  that  purpose  and  intent,  have  desired  of  us, 
for  their  better  encouragement  and  satisfaction  therein,  and  that 
they  may  avoid  all  confusion,  questions,  or  differences  between 
themselves  and  those  of  the  said  first  colony,  that  we  would  like- 
wise be  graciously  pleased  to  make  certain  adventurers,  intending 
to  erect  and  establish  fishery,  trade,  and  plantation,  within  the 
territories,  precincts,  and  limits  of  the  said  second  colony,  and 
their  successors,  one  several  distinct  and  entire  body,  and  to  grant 
unto  them  such  estate,  liberties,  privileges,  enlargements,  and 
immunities  there,  as  are  in  those,  our  letters  patents,  hereafter 
particularly  expressed  and  declared. 

And  forasmuch  as  we  have  been  certainly  given  to  understand, 
by  divers  of  our  good  subjects,  that  have,  for  these  many  years 
past,  frequented  those  coasts  and  territories  between  the  degrees 
of  forty  and  forty-eight,  that  there  is  no  other  the  subjects  of  any 
christian  king  or  state,  by  any  authority  from  their  sovereign 
lords  or  princes,  actually  in  possession  of  any  the  said  lands  or 
precincts,  whereby  any  right,  claim,  interest,  or  title,  may,  might, 
or  ought,  by  that  means  accrue,  belong,  or  appertain  unto  them, 
or  any  of  them. 

And  also,  for  that  we  have  been  further  given  certainly  to 
know,  that  within  these  late  years,  there  hath,  by  God's  visitation, 
reigned  a  wonderful  plague,  together  with  many  horrible  slaugh- 
ters and  murders,  committed  amongst  the  savages  and  British 


APPENDIX. 


m 


people  there  heretofore  inhabiting,  in  a  manner  to  the  utter  de* 
struction,  devastation,  and  depopulation  of  that  whole  territory, 
so  as  there  is  not  left,  for  many  leagues  together,  in  a  manner, 
any  that  do  claim  or  challenge  any  kind  of  interest  therein,  nor 
any  other  superior  lord  or  sovereign,  to  make  claim  thereunto, 
whereby  we,  in  our  judgment,  are  persuaded  and  satisfied,  that 
the  appointed  time  is  come  in  which  Almighty  God,  in  his  great 
goodness  and  bounty  towards  us,  and  our  people,  hath  thought 
fit  and  determined,  that  those  large  and  goodly  territories,  de- 
serted as  it  were  by  their  natural  inhabitants,  should  be  possessed 
and  enjoyed  by  such  of  our  subjects  and  people,  as  heretofore 
have,  and  hereafter  shall,  by  his  mercy  and  favour,  and  by  his 
powerful  arm,  be  directed  and  conducted  thither;  in  the  contem- 
plation and  serious  consideration  whereof,  we  have  thought  it  fit, 
according  to  our  kingly  duty,  so  much  as  in  us  lieth,  to  second 
and  follow  God's  sacred  will,  rendering  reverend  thanks  to  his 
Divine  Majesty,  for  his  gracious  favour  in  laying  open  and  re- 
vealing the  same  unto  us,  before  any  other  christian  prince  or 
state;  by  which  means,  without  offence,  and,  as  we  trust,  to  his 
glory,  we  may  with  boldness  go  on  to  the  settling  of  so  hopeful 
a  work,  which  tendeth  to  the  reducing  and  conversion  of  such 
savages  as  remain  wandering  in  desolation  and  distress,  to  civil 
society  and  christian  religion,  to  the  enlargement  of  our  own  do- 
minions, and  the  advancement  of  the  fortunes  of  such  of  our  good 
subjects  as  shall  willingly  interest  themselves  in  the  said  employ- 
ment, to  whom  we  cannot  but  give  singular  commendations  for 
their  so  worthy  intention  and  enterprise. 

We,  therefore,  of  our  special  grace,  mere  motion,  and  certain 
knowledge,  by  the  advice  of  the  lords  and  others  of  our  privy 
council,  have,  for  us,  our  heirs,  and  successors,  granted,  ordained, 
and  established,  and,  in  and  by  these  presents,  do,  for  us,  our 
heirs,  and  successors,  grant,  ordain,  and  establish,  that  all  that 
circuit,  continent,  precincts,  and  limits,  in  America,  lying  and 
being  in  breadth  from  forty  degrees  of  northerly  latitude  from  the 
equinoctial  line,  to  forty-eight  degrees  of  the  said  northerly  lati- 
tude, and  in  length  by  all  the  breadth  aforesaid,  throughout  the 
main  land,  from  sea  to  sea,  with  all  the  seas,  rivers,  islands,  creeks, 
inlets,  ports,  and  havens,  within  the  degrees,  precincts,  and  limits 
of  the  said  latitude  and  longitude,  shall  be  the  limits,  and  bounds, 
and  precincts  of  the  said  second  colony. 

And  to  the  end  that  the  said  territories  may  for  ever  hereafter 
be  more  particularly  and  certainly  known  and  distinguished,  our 
will  and  pleasure  is,  that  the  same  shall,  from  henceforth,  be  nom- 
inated, termed,  and  called  by  the  name  of  New-England,  in  Amer- 
ica, and  by  that  name  of  New-England,  in  America,  the  said  cir- 
cuit, precinct,  limit,  continent,  islands,  and  places  in  America 
aforesaid,  we  do,  by  these  presents,  for  us,  our  heirs,  and  sue- 


m 


APPENDIX. 


ccMors,  name,  call,  erect,  found,  and  establiih,  and  by  that  name 
to  have  continuance  for  ever. 

And  for  the  better  plantation,  ruling,  and  governing  of  the 
aforesaid  New-England,  in  America,  we  will,  ordain,  constitute, 
assign,  limit,  and  appoint,  and  for  us,  our  heirs,  and  successors, 
we,  by  the  advice  of  the  lords,  and  others  of  the  said  privy  coun- 
cil, do,  by  these  presents,  ordain,  constitute,  limit,  and  appoint, 
that  from  henceforth  there  shall  be  for  ever  hereafter,  in  our 
town  of  Plymouth,  in  the  county  of  Devon,  one  body  politic  and 
corporate,  which  shall  have  perpetual  succession;   which  shall 
consist  of  the  number  of  forty  persons,  and  no  more;  which  shall 
be,  and  shall  be  called  and  known  by  the  name  of  the  council 
established  at  Plymouth,  in  the  county  of  Devon,  for  the  plant- 
ing, ruling,  ordering,  and  governing  of  New-England,  in  Amer- 
ica, and  for  that  purpose,  we  have,  at  and  by  the  nomination  and 
request  of  the  said  petitioners,  granted,  ordained,  established,  and 
confirmed,  and,  by  these  presents,  for  us,  our  heirs,  and  succes- 
sors, do  grant,  ordain,  establish,  and  confirm  our  right  trusty  and 
right  well  beloved  cousins  and  counsellors,  Lodowick,  duke  of 
Lenox,  lord  steward  of  our  household;  George,  lord  Marquis 
Buckingham,  our  high  admiral  of  England;  James,  marquis  Ham- 
ilton; William,  earl  of  Pembroke,  lord  chamberlain  of  our  house- 
hold; Thomas,  earl  of  Arundel;  and  our  right  trusty  and  right 
well  beloved  cousin,  William,  earl  of  Bath ;  and  our  right  trusty 
and  right  well  beloved  cousin  and  counsellor,  Henry,  earl  of 
Southampton;  and  our  right  trusty  and  right  well  beloved  cous- 
ins, William,  earl  of  Salisbury,  and  Robert,  earl  of  Warwick;  and 
our  right  trusty  and  right  well  beloved  John,  viscount  Hadding- 
ton; and  our  right  trusty  and  well  beloved  counsellor,  Edward, 
lord  Zouch,  lord  warden  of  our  cinque  ports;  and  our  trusty  and 
well  beloved  Edmond,  lord  Sheffield,  Edward,  lord  Gorges;  and 
our  well  beloved  Sir  Edward  Seymor,  knight  and  baronet;   Sir 
Robert  Mansel;    Sir  Edward  Zouch,  our  knight  marshal;   Sir 
Dudley  Diggs,  Sir  Thomas  Roe,  Sir  Ferdinando  Gorges,  Sir  Fran- 
cis Popham,  Sir  John  Brooks,  Sir  Thomas  Gates,  Sir  Richard 
Hawkins,  Sir  Richard  Edgecomb,  Sir  Allen  Apsley,  Sir  Warwick 
Heale,  Sir  Richard  Catchmay,  Sir  John  Bourgchier,  Sir  Nathan- 
iel Rich,  Sir  Edward  Giles,  Sir  Giles  Mompesson,  Sir  Thomas 
Worth,  knights;  and  our  well  beloved  Matthew  SutcliflF,  dean  of 
Exeter;    Robert  Heath,  Esq.  recorder  of  our  city  of  London; 
Henry  Bourgchier,  John  Drake,  Raleigh  Gilbert,  George  Chud- 
ley,  Thomas  Hamon,  and  John  Argall,  Esquires,  to  be,  and  in 
and  by  these  presents,  we  do  appoint  them  to  be,  the  first  modern 
and  present  council,  established  at  Plymouth,  in  the  county  of 
Devon,  for  the  planting,  ruling,  ordering,  and  governing  of  New- 
England,  in  America;  and  that  they,  and  the  survivors  of  them, 
and  such  as  the  survivors  and  survivor  of  them  shall,  from  time 


APPENDIX. 


47S 


to  time,  elect  and  choose  to  make  up  the  foresaid  number  of  forty 
persona,  when  and  as  often  as  any  of  th^m,  or  any  <^  their  suc- 
cessors, shall  happen  to  decease,  or  to  be  rrmoved  irom  being 
of  the  said  council,  shall  be,  in  anu  \.,y  these  pn  ii«nts,  incorpor- 
ated, to  have  a  perpetual  succession  (ur  ever,  in  deed,  fact,  and 
name,  and  shall  be  one  body  corporate  and  politic ;  and  that  those, 
and  such  said  persons,  and  their  successors,  and  such  as  shall 
be  elected  and  chosen  to  succeed  them,  as  aforesaid,  shall  be,  and, 
by  these  presents,  are  and  be  incorporated,  named,  and  called  by 
the  name  of  the  council  established  at  Plymouth,  in  the  county  of 
Devon,  for  the  planting,  ruling,  and  governing  of  New-England, 
in  America;  and  them,  the  said  duke  of  Lenox,  marquis  Bucking- 
ham, marquis  Hamilton,  earl  of  Pembroke,  earl  of  Arundel,  earl 
of  Bath,  earl  of  Southampton,  earl  of  Salisbury,  earl  of  Warwick, 
viscount  Haddington,  lord  Zouch,  lord  Sheffield,  lord  Gorges, 
Sir  Edward  Seymor,  Sir  Robert  Mansel,  Sir  Edward  Zouch, 
Sir  Dudley  Diggs,  Sir  Thomas  Roe,  Sir  Ferdinando  Gorges, 
Sir  Francis  Popham,  Sir  John  Brooks,  Sir  Thomas  Gates,  Sir 
Richard  Hawkins,  Sir  Richard  Edgecomb,  Sir  Allen  Apsley,  Sir 
Warwick  Heale,  Sir  Richard  Catchmay,  Sir  John  Bourgchier,  Sir 
Nathaniel  Rich,  Sir  Edward  Giles,  Sir  Giles  Mompesson,  Sir 
Thomas  Worth,  knights;  Matthew  Sutcliff,  Robert  Heath,  Henry 
Bourgchier,  John  Drake,  Raleigh  Gilbert,  George  Chudley, 
Thomas  Hamon,  and  John  Argall,  Esquires,  and  their  succes- 
sors, one  body  corporate  and  politic,  in  deed  and  in  name,  by 
the  name  of  the  council  established  at  Plymouth,  in  the  county 
of  Devon,  for  the  planting,  ruling,  and  governing  of  New-Eng- 
land, in  America. 

We  do,  by  these  presents,  for  us,  our  heirs,  and  successors, 
really  and  fully  incorporate,  erect,  ordain,  name,  constitute,  and 
establish,  and  that,  by  the  same  name  of  the  said  council,  they, 
and  their  successors,  for  ever  hereafter  be  incorporated,  named, 
and  called,  and  shall,  by  the  same  name,  have  perpetual  succes- 
sion. 

And  further,  we  do  hereby,  for  us,  our  heirs,  and  successors, 
grant  unto  the  said  council  established  at  Plymouth,  that  they, 
and  their  successors,  by  the  same  name,  be,  and  shall  be,  and 
shall  continue  persons  able  and  capable  in  the  law,  from  time  to 
time,  and  shall,  by  that  name  of  council  aforesaid,  have  full  power 
and  authority,  and  lawful  capacity  and  ability,  as  well  to  purchase, 
take,  hold,  receive,  enjoy,  and  to  have  to  them  and  their  succes- 
sors, for  ever,  any  manors,  lands,  tenements,  rents,  royalties,  priv- 
ileges, immunities,  reversions,  annuities,  hereditaments,  goods, 
and  chattels  whatsoever,  of,  or  from  us,  our  heirs,  and  successors, 
and  of,  or  from  any  other  person  or  persons  whatsoever,  as  well 
in  and  within  this  our  realm  of  England,  as  in  and  within  any 
other  place  or  places  whatsoever  or  wheresoever;  and  the  same 


47^ 


APPENDIX. 


manors,  lands,  'cenements,  and  hereditaments,  goods,  or  chattels, 
or  any  of  them,  by  the  same  name,  to  aliea  and  sell,  or  to  do, 
execute,  or  ordain  and  perform  all  other  matters  and  things  what- 
soever, to  the  said  incorporation  and  plantation  concerning  and 
belonging. 

And  further,  our  will  and  pleasure  is,  that  the  said  council,  for 
the  time  being,  and  their  successors,  shall  have  full  power  and 
lawful  authority,  by  the  name  aforesaid,  to  sue  and  to  be  sued, 
implead  and  to  be  impleaded,  answer  and  to  be  answered  unto, 
in  all  manner  of  courts  and  places  that  now  are,  or  hereafter  shall 
be,  within  this  our  realm,  and  elsewhere,  as  well  temporal  as  spir- 
itual, in  all  manner  of  suits  and  matters  whatsoever,  and  of  what 
nature  or  kind  soever  such  suits  or  actions  be  or  shall  be. 

And  our  will  and  pleasure  is,  that  the  said  forty  persons,  or 
the  greater  number  of  them,  shall,  and  may,  from  time  to  time, 
and  at  any  time  hereafter,  at  their  own  will  and  pleasure,  accord- 
ing to  the  laws,  ordinances,  and  orders  of,  or  by  them,  or  by  the 
greater  part  of  them  hereafter,  in  manner  and  form  in  these  pres- 
ents mentioned  to  be  agreed  upon,  to  elect  and  choose,  amongst 
themselves,  one  of  the  said  forty  persons,  for  the  time  being,  to 
be  president  of  the  said  council,  which  president,  so  elected  and 
chosen,  we  will  shall  continue  and  be  president  of  the  said  council, 
for  so  long  time  as  by  the  orders  of  the  said  council,  from  time, 
to  time  to  be  made,  as  hereafter  is  mentioned,  shall  be  thought 
fit,  and  no  longer;  unto  which  president,  or,  in  his  absence,  to 
any  such  person  as,  by  the  orders  of  the  said  council,  shall  be 
thereunto  appointed,  we  do  give  authority  to  give  order  for  the 
warning  of  the  said  council,  and  summoning  the  company  to  their 
meetings. 

And  our  will  and  pleasure  is,  that,  from  time  to  time,  when,  and 
so  often  as  any  of  the  said  council  shall  happen  to  decease,  or  to 
be  removed  from  being  of  the  said  council,  that  then,  and  so  often, 
the  survivors  of  them  of  the  said  council,  and  no  other,  or  the 
greater  number  of  them,  who  then  shall  be,  from  time  to  time, 
left  and  remaining,  arid  who  shall,  or  the  gfreater  number  of  which 
that  shall  be  assembled  at  a  public  court,  or  meeting,  to  be  held 
for  the  said  company,  shall  elect  and  choose  one  or  more  other 
person  or  persons,  to  be  of  the  said  council,  and  which,  from  time 
to  time,  shall  be  of  the  said  council,  so  that  the  number  of  forty 
persons  of  the  said  council  may,  from  time  to  time,  be  supplied. 

Provided  always,  that  as  well  the  persons  herein  named  to  be 
of  the  said  council,  as  every  other  counsellor  hereafter  to  be 
elected,  shall  be  presented  to  the  lord  chancellor  of  England,  or 
to  the  lord  high  treasurer  of  England,  or  to  the  lord  chamberlain 
of  the  household,  of  us,  our  heirs,  and  successors,  for  the  time 
being,  to  take  his  and  their  oath  and  oaths,  of  a  counsellor  and 
counsellors,  to  us,  our  heirs,  and  successors,  for  the  said  com- 
pany and  colony  in  New-England. 


APPENDIX. 


477 


And  further,  we  will  and  grant,  by  these  presents,  for  us,  our 
heirs,  and  successors,  unto  the  said  council,  and  their  successors, 
that  they,  and  their  successors,  shall  have  and  enjoy  for  ever,  a 
common  seal,  to  be  engraven  according  to  their  discretions. 

And  that  it  shall  be  lawful  for  them  to  appoint  what  other  seal, 
or  seals,  they  shall  think  most  meet  and  necessary,  either  for  their 
use,  as  they  are  one  united  body,  incorporate  here,  or  for  the 
public  use  of  their  government  and  ministers  in  New-England 
aforesaid,  whereby  the  said  incorporation  may  or  shall  seal  any 
manner  of  instrument,  touching  the  same  corporation,  and  the 
manors,  lands,  tenements,  rents,  reversions,  annuities,  heredita- 
ments, goods,  chattels,  affairs,  and  any  other  things,  belonging 
unto,  or  in  any  wise  appertaining,  touching  or  concerning  the  said 
council,  and  their  successors,  or  concerning  the  said  corporation 
and  plantation,  in  and  by  these  our  letters  patents,  as  aforesaid, 
founded,  erected,  and  established. 

And  we  do  further,  by  these  presents,  for  us,  our  heirs,  and 
successors,  grant  unto  the  said  council,  and  their  successors,  that 
it  shall  and  may  be  lawful  to  and  for  the  said  council,  and  their 
successors,  for  the  time  being,  in  their  discretions,  from  time  to 
time,  to  admit  such  and  so  many  person  and  persons  to  be  made 
free,  and  enabled  to  trade  and  traffic  unto,  within,  and  in  New- 
England,  aforesaid,  and  unto  every  part  and  parcel  thereof,  or 
to  have,  possess,  and  enjoy  any  lands  or  hereditaments  in  New- 
England  aforesaid,  as  they  shall  think  fit,  according  to  the  laws, 
orders,  constitutions,  and  ordinances,  by  the  said  council  and  their 
successors,  from  time  to  time,  to  be  made  and  established,  by 
virtue  of,  and  according  to  the  true  intent  of  these  presents,  and 
under  such  conditions,  reservations,  and  agreements,  as  the  said 
council  shall  set  down,  order,  and  direct,  and  not  otherwise. 

And  further,  of  our  especial  grace,  certain  knowledge,  and 
mere  motion,  for  us,  our  heirs,  and  successors,  we  do,  by  these 
presents,  give  and  grant  full  power  and  authority  to  the  said 
council,  and  their  successors,  that  the  said  council,  for  the  time 
being,  or  the  greater  part  of  them,  shall  and  may,  from  time  to 
time,  nominate,  make,  constitute,  ordain,  and  confirm,  by  sucli 
name  or  names,^style  or  styles,  as  to  them  shall  seem  good,  and, 
likewise,  to  revoke,  and  discharge,  change  and  alter,  as  well  all 
and  singular,  governors,  officers,  and  ministers,  which  hereafter 
shall  be  by  them  thought  fit  and  needful  to  be  made  or  used,  as 
well  to  attend  the  business  of  the  said  company  here,  as  for  the 
government  of  the  said  colony  and  plantation. 

And  also,  to  make,  ordain,  and  establish  all  manner  of  orders, 
laws,  directions,  instructions,  forms,  and  ceremonies  of  govern- 
ment and  magistracy,  fit  and  necessary  for  and  concerning  the 
government  of  the  said  colony  and  plantation,  so  always  as  the 
same  be  not  contrary  to  the  laws  and  statutes  of  this  our  realm 


47t 


APPENDIX. 


of  England,  and  the  same  at  all  times  hereafter,  to  abrogate,  re- 
voke, or  change,  not  only  within  the  precincts  of  the  said  colony, 
but  also  upon  the  seas,  in  going  and  coming  to  and  from  the  said 
colony,  as  they,  in  their  good  discretion,  shall  think  to  be  fittest 
for  the  good  of  the  adventurers  and  inhabitants  there. 

,  And  we  do  further,  of  our  special  grace,  certain  knowledge, 
and  mere  motion,  grant,  declare,  and  ordain,  that  such  principal 
governor  as,  from  time  to  time,  shall  be  authorized  and  appointed, 
in  manner  and  form  in  these  presents  heretofore  expressed,  shall 
have  full  power  and  authority  to  use  and  exercise  martial  laws, 
in  cases  of  rebellion,  insurrection,  and  mutiny,  in  as  large  and 
ample  manner,  as  our  lieutenants  in  our  counties  within  our  realm 
of  England,  have,  or  ought  to  have,  by  force  of  their  commission 
of  lieutenancy. 

And  forasmuch  as  it  shall  be  necessary  for  all  such  our  loving 
subjects  as  shall  inhabit  within  the  said  precincts  of  New-England 
aforesaid,  to  determine  to  live  together,  in  the  fear  and  true  wor- 
ship of  Almighty  God,  christian  peace,  and  civil  quietness,  each 
with  other,  whereby  every  one  may,  with  more  safety,  pleasure, 
and  profit,  enjoy  that,  whereunto  they  shall  attain  with  great  pain 
and  peril. 

We,  for  us,  our  heirs,  and  successors,  are  likewise  pleased  and 
contented,  and,  by  these  presents,  do  give  and  grant  unto  the 
said  council,  and  their  successors,  and  to  such  governors,  officers, 
and  ministers,  as  shall  be,  by  the  said  council,  constituted  and 
appointed  according  to  the  natures  and  Hmits  of  their  offices  and 
places  respectively,  that  they  shall  and  may,  from  time  to  time, 
for  ever  hereafter,  within  the  said  precincts  of  New-England,  or 
in  the  way  by  the  seas  thither  and  from  thence,  have  full  and 
absolute  power  and  authority  to  correct,  punish,  pardon,  govern, 
and  rule  all  such  the  subjects  of  us,  our  heirs,  and  successors,  as 
shall,  from  time  to  time,  adventure  themselves  in  any  voyage 
thither,  or  that  shall,  at  any  time  hereafter,  inhabit  in  the  pre- 
cincts and  territories  of  the  said  colony  as  aforesaid,  accord'<c)g 
to  such  laws,  orders,  ordinances,  directions,  and  instructions,  as 
by  the  said  council  aforesaid,  shall  be  established ;  and,  in  defect 
thereof,  in  cases  of  necessity,  accordr  ^  to  the  good  discretions 
of  the  said  governors  and  officers  respectively,  as  well  in  cases 
capital  and  criminal  as  civil,  both  marine  and  others ;  so  always 
as  the  said  statutes,  ordinances,  and  proceedings,  as  near  as  con- 
veniently may  be  agreeable  to  the  laws,  statutes,  government, 
and  policy  of  this  our  realm  of  England. 

And  furthermore,  if  any  person,  or  persons,  adventurers,  or 
planters,  of  the  said  colony,  or  any  other,  at  any  time  or  times 
hereafter,  shall  transport  any  monies,  goods,  or  merchandizes, 
out  of  any  our  kingdoms,  with  a  pretence  and  purpose  to  land, 
set,  or  otherwise  to  dispose  the  same,  within  the  Hmits  and  bounds 


of 
h< 
th 
to 


APPENDIX. 


479 


of  the  said  colony,  and  yet,  nevertheless,  being  at  sea,  or  after 
he  hath  landed  within  any  part  of  the  said  colony,  shall  carry 
the  same  into  any  other  foreign  country,  with  a  purpose  there 
to  set  and  dispose  thereof,  that  then  all  the  goods  and  chattels 
of  the  said  person,  or  persons,  so  offending,  and  transported,  to- 
gether with  the  ship  or  vessel  wherein  such  transportation  was 
made,  shall  be  forfeited  to  us,  our  heirs,  and  successors. 

And  we  do  further,  of  our  special  grace,  certain  knowledge, 
and  mere  motion,  for  us,  our  heirs,  and  successors,  for,  and  in 
respect  of  the  considerations  aforesaid,  and  for  divers  other  good 
causes  and  considerations,  us  thereunto  especially  moving,  and 
by  the  advice  of  the  lords  and  others  of  our  said  privy  council, 
have  absolutely  given,  granted,  and  confirmed,  and,  by  these  pres- 
ents, do  absolutely  give,  grant,  and  confirm,  unto  the  said  council, 
called  the  council  established  at  Plymouth,  in  the  county  of 
Devon,  for  the  planting,  ruling,  and  governing  of  New-England, 
in  America,  and  unto  their  successors,  for  ever,  all  the  aforesaid 
lands  and  grounds,  continent,  precincts,  place,  places,  and  terri- 
tories, (viz.)  the  aiforesaid  part  of  America,  lying  and  being  in 
breadth  from  forty  degrees  of  northerly  latitude  from  the  equi- 
noctial line,  to  forty-eight  degrees  of  the  said  northerly  latitude 
inclusively,  and  in  length  of,  and  within  all  the  breadth  afore- 
said, throughout  the  main  land,  from  sea  to  sea,  together  also  with 
all  the  firm  land,  soils,  grounds,  havens,  ports,  rivers,  waters,  fish- 
ings, mines,  and  minerals,  as  well  royal  mines  of  gold  and  silver, 
as  other  mines  and  minerals,  precious  stones,  quarries,  and  all  and 
singular  other  commodities,  jurisdictions,  royalties,  privileges, 
franchises,  and  pre-eminences,  both  within  the  said  tract  of 
land,  upon  the  main,  and  also  within  the  said  island  and  seas  ad- 
joining. 

Provided  always,  that  the  said  islands,  or  any  the  premises 
hereinbefore  mentioned,  and,  by  these  presents,  intended  and 
meant  to  be  granted,  be  not  actually  possessed,  or  inhabited  by 
any  other  christian  prince  or  state,  nor  be  within  the  bounds, 
limits,  or  territories  of  that  southern  colony,  heretofore,  by  us, 
granted  to  be  planted  by  divers  of  our  loving  subjects  in  the 
south  parts. 

To  have  and  to  hold,  possess,  and  enjoy  all  and  singular  the 
aforesaid  continent,  lands,  territories,  islands,  hereditaments,  and 
precincts,  sea  waters,  fishings,  with  all  and  all  manner  their  com- 
modities, royahies,  liberties,  pre-eminences,  and  profits,  that  shall 
arise  from  thence,  with  all  and  singular  their  appurtenances,  and 
every  part  and  parcel  thereof,  and  of  them  to.  and  unto  the 
said  council,  and  their  successors,  and  assigns,  for  ever,  to  the 
sole,  only  and  proper  use,  benefit,  and  behoof  of  them,  the  said 
council,  and  their  successors,  and  assigns,  for  ever,  to  be  holden 
of  us,  our  heirs,  and  successors,  as  of  our  manor  of  East-Green- 


48o 


APPENDIX. 


wich,  in  our  county  of  Kent,  in  free  and  common  socage,  and 
not  in  capite,  nor  by  knights'  services. 

Yielding  and  paying,  therefore,  to  us,  our  heirs,  and  successors, 
the  fifth  part  of  the  ores  of  gold  and  silver  which,  from  time  to 
time,  and  at  all  times  hereafter,  shall  happen  to  be  found,  gotten 
and  obtained  in,  at,  or  within  any  the  said  lands,  limits,  territories, 
and  precincts,  or  in,  or  withir.  any  part,  or  parcels  thereof,  for, 
or  in  respect  of  all  and  all  nanner  of  duties,  demands,  and  ser- 
vices whatsoever,  to  be  done,  made,  or  paid  to  us,  our  heirs,  and 
successors. 

And  we  do  further,  of  our  especial  grace,  certain  knowledge, 
and  mere  motion,  for  us,  our  heirs,  and  successors,  give  and  grant 
to  the  said  council,  and  their  successors,  for  ever,  by  these  pres- 
ents, that  it  shall  be  lawful  and  free  for  them,  and  their  assigns, 
at  all  and  every  time  and  times  hereafter,  out  of  any  our  realms 
or  dominions  whatsoever,  to  take,  lead,  carry,  and  transport,  in 
and  into  their  voyages,  and  for  and  towards  the  said  plantation 
in  New-England,  all  such  and  so  many  of  our  loving  subjects, 
or  any  other  strangers  that  will  become  our  loving  subjects,  and 
live  under  our  allegiance,  or  shall  willingly  accompany  them  in 
the  said  voyages  and  plantation,  with  shipping,  armour,  weapons, 
ordinances,  munition  powder,  shot,  victuals,  and  all  manner  of 
clothing,  implements,  furniture,  beasts,  cattle,  horses,  mares,  and 
all  other  things  necessary  for  the  said  plantation,  and  for  their 
use  and  defence,  and  for  trade  with  the  people  there,  and  in  pass- 
ing and  returning  to  and  fro,  without  paying  or  yielding  any  cus- 
tom or  subsidy,  either  inwards  or  outwards,  to  us,  our  heirs,  or 
successors,  for  the  same,  for  the  space  of  seven  years  from  the 
day  of  the  date  of  these  presents. 

Provided,  that  none  of  the  said  persons  be  such  as  shall  be 
hereafter,  by  special  name,  restrained  by  us,  our  heirs,  or  suc- 
cessors. 

And,  for  their  further  encouragement,  of  our  special  grace  and 
favour,  we  do,  by  these  presents,  for  us,  our  heirs,  and  succes- 
sors, yield  and  grant  to,  and  with  the  said  council,  and  their  suc- 
cessors, and  every  of  them,  their  factors  and  assigns,  that  they, 
and  every  of  them,  shall  be  free  and  quiet  from  all  subsidies  and 
customs,  in  New-England,  for  the  space  of  seven  years,  and  from 
all  taxes  and  impositions  for  the  space  of  twenty  and  one  years, 
upon  all  goods  or  merchandize,  at  any  time  or  times  hereafter, 
either  upon  importation  thither,  or  exportation  from  thence,  into 
our  realm  of  England,  or  into  any  other  our  dominions,  by  the 
said  council,  and  their  successors,  their  deputies,  factors,  and  as- 
signs, or  any  of  them,  except  only  the  five  pounds  per  cent,  due 
for  custom  upon  all  such  goods  and  merchandizes  as  shall  be 
brought  or  imported  into  our  realm  of  England,  or  any  other  of 
our  dominions,  according  to  the  ancient  trade  of  merchants; 


APPENDIX. 


481 


and 


which  five  pounds  per  centum  only  being  paid,  it  shall  be  thence- 
forth lawful  and  free  for  the  said  adventurers,  the  same  goods 
and  merchandize,  to  export  and  carry  out  of  our  said  dominions 
into  foreign  parts,  without  any  custom,  tax,  or  other  duty,  to  be 
paid  to  us,  our  heirs,  or  successors,  or  to  any  other  officers  or 
ministers  of  us,  our  heirs,  and  successors.  Provided,  that  the  said 
goods  and  merchandizes  be  ship^C  out  within  thirteen  months 
after  their  first  landing,  within  any  part  of  those  dominions. 

And  further,  our  will  and  pleasure  is,  and  we  do,  by  these  pres- 
ents, charge,  command,  warrant,  and  authorize  the  said  council, 
and  their  successors,  or  the  major  part  of  them,  which  shall  be 
present  and  assembled  for  that  purpose,  shall,  from  time  to  time, 
under  their  common  seal,  distribute,  convey,  assign,  and  set  over 
such  particular  portions  of  lands,  tenements,  and  hereditaments, 
as  are,  by  these  presents,  formerly  granted  unto  each  our  loving 
subjects,  naturally  born,  or  denizens,  or  others,  as  well  advent- 
urers as  planters,  as,  by  the  said  company,  upon  a  commission 
of  survey  and  distribution,  executed  and  returned  for  that  pur- 
pose, shall  be  named,  appointed,  and  allowed,  wherein  our  will 
and  pleasure  is,  that  respect  be  had,  as  well  to  the  proportion  of 
the  adventurers,  as  to  the  special  service,  hazard,  exploit,  or  merit, 
of  any  person  so  to  be  recompensed,  advanced,  or  rewarded. 

And  we  do  also,  for  us,  our  heirs,  and  successors,  grant  to  the 
said  council,  and  their  successors,  and  to  all  and  every  such  gov- 
ernors, or  other  officers,  or  ministers,  as,  by  the  said  council, 
shall  be  appointed,  to  have  power  and  authority' of  government 
and  command,  in  or  over  the  said  colony  and  plantation,  that 
they,  and  every  of  them,  shall,  and  lawfully  may,  from  time  to 
time,  and  at  all  times  hereafter,  for  ever,  for  their  several  defence 
and  safety,  encounter,  expulse,  repel,  and  resist,  by  force  of  arms, 
as  well  by  sea  as  by  land,  and  all  ways  and  means  whatsoever,  all 
such  person  and  persons  as,  without  the  special  license  of  the 
said  council,  and  their  successors,  or  the  greater  part  of  them, 
shall  attempt  to  inhabit  within  the  said  several  precincts  and  limits 
of  the  said  colony  and  plantation. 

And  also,  all  and  every  such  person  and  persons  whatsoever, 
as  shall  enterprise  or  attempt,  at  any  time  hereafter,  destruction, 
invasion,  detriment,  or  annoyance  to  the  said  colony  and  plan- 
tation. 

And  that  it  shall  be  lawful  for  the  said  council,  and  their  suc- 
cessors, and  every  of  them,  from  time  to  time,  and  at  all  times 
hereafter,  and  they  shall  have  full  power  and  authority  to  take 
and  surprise,  by  all  ways  and  means  whatsoever,  all  and  every 
such  person  or  persons  whatsoever,  with  their  ships,  goods,  and 
other  furniture,  trafficking  in  any  harbour,  creek,  or  place,  within 
the  limits  and  precincts  of  the  said  colony  and  plantation,  and  not 
being  allowed  by  the  said  council  to  be  adventurers  or  planters 
of  the  said  colony. 


482 


APPENDIX. 


^t 


m 


And  of  our  further  royal  favour,  we  have  granted,  and  for  us, 
our  heirs,  and  successors,  we  do  grant  unto  the  said  council, 
and  their  successors,  that  the  said  territories,  lands,  rivers, 
and  places  aforesaid,  or  any  of  them,  shall  not  be  visited,  fre- 
quented, or  traded  unto  by  any  other  of  our  subjects,  or  the  sub- 
jects of  us,  our  heirs,  or  successors,  either  from  any  of  the  ports 
and  havens,  belonging,  or  appertaining,  or  which  shall  belong  or 
appertain  unto  us,  our  heirs,  or  successors,  or  to  any  foreign 
prince,  state,  or  potentate  whatsoever. 

And  therefore,  we  do  hereby,  for  us,  our  heirs,  and  successors, 
charge,  command,  prohibit,  and  forbid  all  the  subjects  of  us, 
our  heirs,  and  successors,  of  what  degree  or  quality  soever  they 
be,  that  none  of  them,  directly  or  indirectly  presume  to  visit,  fre- 
quent, trade,  or  adventure  to  traffic  into,  or  from  the  said  terri- 
tories, lands,  rivers,  and  places  aforesaid,  or  any  of  them,  other 
than  the  said  council,  and  their  successors,  factors,  deputies,  and 
assigns,  unless  it  be  with  the  license  and  consent  of  the  said  coun- 
cil and  company,  first  had  and  obtained  in  writing,  under  their 
common  seal,  upon  pain  of  our  indignation,  and  imprisonment  of 
their  bodies,  during  the  pleasure  of  us,  our  heirs,  or  successors, 
and  the  forfeiture  and  loss,  both  of  their  ship  and  goods,  where- 
soever they  shall  be  found,  either  within  any  of  our  kingdoms 
or  dominions,  or  any  the  place  or  places  out  of  our  dominions, 
and  for  the  better  effecting  of  our  said  pleasure  herein,  we  do 
hereby,  for  us,  our  heirs,  and  successors,  give  and  grant  full  power 
and  authority  unto  the  said  council,  and  their  successors,  for  the 
time  being,  that  they,  by  themselves,  their  factors,  deputies,  or 
assigns,  shall  and  may,  from  time  to  time,  and  at  all  times  here- 
after, attach,  arrest,  take,  and  seize  all  and  all  manner  of  ship  and 
ships,  goods,  wares,  and  merchandizes  whatsoever,  which  shall 
be  brought  from,  or  carried  to  the  places  before  mentioned,  or 
any  of  them,  contrary  to  our  will  and  pleasure,  before  in  these 
presents  expressed,  the  moiety,  or  one  half  of  all  which  forfeit- 
ures, we  do  hereby,  for  us,  our  heirs,  and  successors,  give  and 
grant  unto  the  said  council,  and  their  successors,  to  their  own 
proper  use,  without  accompt,  and  the  other  moiety,  or  half  part 
thereof,  we  will  shall  be  and  remain  to  the  use  of  us,  our  heirs, 
and  successors. 

And  we,  likewise,  have  condescended  and  granted,  and,  by 
these  presents,  for  us,  our  heirs,  and  successors,  do  condescend, 
and  grant  to,  and  with  the  said  council,  and  their  successors;  that 
we,  our  heirs,  or  successors,  shall  not,  or  will  not,  give  and  grant 
any  liberty,  license,  or  authority  to  any  person  or  persons  what- 
soever, to  sail,  trade,  or  traffic  unto  the  aforesaid  plantations  of 
New-England,  without  the  good  will  and  liking  of  the  said  coun- 
cil, or  the  greater  part  of  them,  for  the  time  being,  at  any  their 
courts  to  be  assembled. 


APPENDIX. 


483 


And  we  do,  for  us,  our  heirs,  and  successors,  give  and  grant 
unto  the  said  council,  and  their  successors,  that  whensoever,  or 
so  often  as  any  custom  or  subsidy  shall  grow  due  or  payable, 
unto  us,  our  heirs,  or  successors,  according  to  the  limitation  and 
appointment  aforesaid,  by  reason  of  any  goods,  wares,  or  mer- 
chandize, to  be  shipped  out,  or  any  return  to  be  made,  of  any 
goods,  wares,  or  merchandize,  unto,  or  from  New-England,  or 
any  the  lands  or  territories  aforesaid,  that  then,  so  often,  and  in 
such  case,  the  farmers,  customers,  and  officers  of  our  customs  of 
England  and  Ireland,  and  every  of  them,  for  the  time  being,  upon 
request  made  unto  them  by  the  said  council,  their  successors, 
factors,  or  assigns,  and  upon  convenient  security  to  be  given  in 
that  behalf,  shall  give  and  allow  unto  the  said  council,  and  their 
successors,  and  to  all  person  and  persons  free  of  the  said  company 
as  aforesaid,  six  months  time,  for  the  payment  of  the  one  half 
of  all  such  customs  and  subsidy,  as  shall  be  due  and  payable  unto 
us,  our  heirs,  and  successors,  for  the  same;  for  which  these,  our 
letters  patents,  or  the  duplicate,  or  the  enrolment  thereof,  shall 
be,  unto  our  said  officers,  a  sufficient  warrant  and  discharge. 

Nevertheless,  our  will  and  pleasure  is,  that,  if  any  of  the  said 
goods,  wares,  and  merchandizes,  which  be,  or  shall  be,  at  any 
time  hereafter,  landed  and  exported  out  of  any  our  realms  afore- 
said, and  shall  be  shipped  with  a  purpose  not  to  be  carried  to 
New-England  aforesaid,  that  then  such  payment,  duty,  custom, 
imposition,  or  forfeiture,  shall  be  paid  and  belong  to  us,  our  heirs, 
and  successors,  for  the  said  goods,  wares,  and  merchandizes,  so 
fraudulently  sought  to  be  transported,  as  if  this  our  grant  had  not 
been  made  nor  granted. 

And  we  do,  for  us,  our  heirs,  and  successors,  give  and  g^ant 
unto  the  said  council,  and  their  successors,  for  ever,  by  these  pres- 
ents, that  the  said  president  of  the  said  company,  or  his  deputy, 
for  the  time  being,  or  any  two  others  of  the  said  council,  for  the 
said  colony  in  New-England,  for  the  time  being,  shall  and  may, 
at  all  times  hereafter,  and  from  time  to  time,  have  full  power  and 
authority  to  minister,  and  give  the  oath  and  oaths  of  allegiance 
and  supremr.cy,  or  either  of  them,  to  all  and  every  person  and 
persons,  which  shall,  at  any  time  and  times  hereafter,  go  and 
pass  to  the  said  colony  in  New-England. 

And  further,  that  it  shall  be,  likewise,  lawful  for  the  said  presi- 
dent, or  his  deputy,  for  the  time  being,  or  any  two  others  of  the 
said  council,  for  the  said  colony  in  New-England,  for  the  time 
being,  from  time  to  time,  and  at  all  times  hereafter,  to  minister 
such  a  fprmal  oath,  as  by  their  discretions  shall  be  reasonably 
devised,  as  well  unto  any  person  or  persons  employed,  or  to  be 
employed  in,  for,  or  touching  the  said  plantation,  for  their  honest, 
faithful,  and  just  discharge  of  their  service,  in  all  such  matters 
as  shall  be  committed  unto  them,  for  the  good  and  benefit  of  the 


.I'l 
n 


484 


APPENDIX. 


said  company,  colony,  and  plantation,  as  also  unto  such  other 
person  or  persons  as  the  said  president,  or  his  deputy,  with  two 
others  of  the  said  council,  shall  think  meet,  for  the  examination 
or  clearing  of  the  truth,  in  any  cause  whatsoever  concerning  the 
said  plantation,  or  any  business  from  thence  proceeding,  or  there- 
unto belonging. 

And  to  the  end  that  no  lewd  or  ill  disposed  persons,  sailors, 
soldiers,  artificers,  husbandmen,  labourers,  or  others  which  shall 
receive  wares,  apparel,  or  other  entertainment  from  the  said  coun- 
cil, or  contract  and  agree  with  the  said  council,  to  go,  and  to 
serve,  and  to  be  employed  in  the  said  plantation,  in  the  colony 
in  New-England,  do  afterwards  withdraw,  hide,  and  conceal  them- 
selves, or  refuse  to  go  thither,  after  they  have  been  so  entertained 
and  agreed  withal,  and  that  no  persons  which  shall  be  sent  and 
employed  in  the  said  plantation  of  the  said  colony  in  New-Eng- 
land, upon  the  charge  of  the  said  council,  do  misbehave  them- 
selves by  mutinous,  seditious,  or  other  notorious  misdemeanours, 
or  which  shall  be  employed,  or  sent  abroad  by  the  governor  of 
New-England,  or  his  deputy,  with  any  ship  or  pinnace,  for  pro- 
vision of  the  said  colony,  or  for  some  discovery,  or  other  business 
and  affairs  concerning  the  same,  do,  from  thence,  treacherously 
either  come  back  again,  or  return  into  the  realm  of  England,  by 
stealth,  or  without  license  of  the  governor  of  the  said  colony  in 
New-England,  for  the  time  being,  or  be  sent  hither  as  misdoers 
or  offenders,  and  that  none  of  those  persons,  after  their  return 
from  thence,  being  questioned  by  the  said  council  here  for  such 
their  misbehaviours  and  offences,  do,  by  insolent  and  contemptu- 
ous carriage,  in  the  presence  of  the  said  council,  shew  little  respect 
and  reverence,  either  to  the  place  or  authority  in  which  we  have 
placed  and  appointed  them,  and  others,  for  the  clearing  of  their 
lewdness  and  misdemeanours,  committed  in  New-England,  di- 
vulge vile  and  slanderous  reports  of  the  country  of  New-England, 
or  of  the  government  or  estate  of  the  said  plantation  and  colony, 
to  bring  the  said  voyages  and  plantation  into  disgrace  and  con- 
tempt, by  means  whereof,  not  only  the  adventurers  and  planters 
already  engaged  in  the  said  plantation,  may  be  exceedingly 
abused,  and  hindered,  and  a  great  number  of  our  loving  and 
well  disposed  subjects,  otherwise  well  affected,  and  inclined  to 
join  and  adventure  in  so  noble  a  christian  and  worthy  an  action, 
may  be  discouraged  from  the  same,  but  also  the  enterprise  itself, 
may  be  overthrown,  which  cannot  miscarry,  without  some  dis- 
honour to  us  and  our  kingdom. 

We,  therefore,  for  preventing  of  so  g^eat  and  enormous  abuses 
and  misdemeanours,  do,  by  these  presents,  for  us,  our  heirs,  and 
successors,  give  and  grant  unto  the  said  president,  or  his  deputy, 
or  such  other  person,  or  persons,  as,  by  the  orders  of  the  said 
council,  shall  be  appointed,  by  warrant,  under  his  or  their  hand 


APPENDIX. 


485 


buses 
and 

I  said 
land 


or  hands,  to  send  for,  or  cause  to  be  apprehended,  all  and  every 
such  person  and  perons,  who  shall  be  noted,  or  accused,  or  found, 
at  any  time  or  times  hereafter,  to  offend,  or  misbehave  themselves, 
in  any  the  affairs  before  mentioned  and  expressed;  and,  upon 
the  examination  of  any  such  offender  or  offenders,  and  just  proof, 
made  by  oath,  taken  before  the  said  council,  of  any  such  notori- 
ous misdemeanours,  by  them  to  be  committed,  as  aforesaid,  and 
also,  upon  any  insolent,  contemptuous,  or  unreverent  carriage, 
or  misbehaviour,  to,  or  against  the  said  council,  to  be  shewed  or 
used,  by  any  such  person  or  persons,  so  called,  convinced,  and 
appearing  before  them,  as  aforesaid,  that,  in  all  such  cases,  our 
said  council,  or  any  two,  or  more  of  them,  for  the  time  being, 
shall,  and  may  have  full  power  and  authority,  either  here  to  bind 
them  over  with  good  securities  for  their  good  behaviour,  and 
further  therein  to  proceed,  to  all  intents  and  purposes,  as  it  is 
used  in  other  like  cases  within  our  realm  of  England,  or  else,  at 
their  discretions,  to  remand  and  send  back  the  said  offenders, 
or  any  of  them,  to  the  said  colony  of  New-England,  there  to  be 
proceeded  against  and  punished,  as  the  governors,  deputy,  or 
council  there,  for  the  time  being,  shall  think  meet,  or  otherwise, 
according  to  such  laws  and  ordinances,  as  are,  and  shall  be  in 
use  there,  for  the  well  ordering  and  good  government  of  the  said 
colony. 

And  our  will  and  pleasure  is,  and  we  do  hereby  declare,  to  all 
christian  kings,  princes,  and  states,  that,  if  any  person  or  persons, 
which  shall  hereafter  be  of  the  said  colony  or  plantation,  or  any 
other,  by  license  or  appointment  of  the  said  council,  or  their  suc- 
cessors, or  otherwise,  shall,  at  any  time  or  times  hereafter,  rob, 
or  spoil,  by  sea  or  by  land,  or  do  any  hurt,  violence,  or  unlawful 
hostility,  to  any  of  the  subjects  of  us,  our  heirs,  or  successors, 
or  any  of  the  subjects  of  any  king,  prince,  ruler,  or  governor, 
or  state,  being  then  in  league  and  amity  with  us,  our  heirs,  and 
successors;  and  that,  upon  such  injury,  or  upon  just  complaint 
of  such  prince,  ruler,  governor,  or  state,  or  their  subjects,  we, 
our  heirs,  or  successors,  shall  make  open  proclamation,  within 
any  of  the  parts  of  our  realm  of  England  commodious  for  that 
purpose,  that  the  person  or  persons  having  committed  any  such 
robbery  or  spoil,  shall,  within  the  time  limited  by  such  a  procla- 
mation, make  full  restitution  or  satisfaction  of  all  such  injuries 
done,  so  as  the  said  princes,  or  others  so  complaining,  may  hold 
themselves  fully  satisfied  and  contented;  and  if  that  the  said  per- 
son or  persons,  having  committed  such  robbery  or  spoil,  shall 
not  make,  or  cause  to  be  made,  satisfaction  accordingly,  within 
such  time  so  to  be  limited,  that  then  it  shall  be  lawful  for  us, 
our  heirs,  and  successors,  to  put  the  said  person  or  persons  out 
of  our  allegiance  and  protection,  and  that  it  shall  be  lawful  and 
free  for  all  princes  to  prosecute  with  hostility  the  said  offenders. 


486 


APPENDIX. 


and  every  of  them,  their  and  every  of  their  procurers,  aiders, 
abettors,  and  comforters  in  that  behalf. 

Also,  we  do,  for  us,  our  heirs,  and  successors,  declare,  by  these 
presents,  that  all  and  every  the  persons  being  our  subjects,  which 
shall  go  and  inhabit  within  the  said  colony  and  plantation,  and 
every  of  their  children  and  posterity,  which  shall  happen  to  be 
born  within  the  limits  thereof,  shall  have  and  enjoy  all  liberties, 
and  franchises,  and  immunities  of  free  denizens  and  natural  sub- 
jects, with  any  of  our  other  dominions,  to  all  intents  and  pur- 
poses, as  if  they  had  been  abiding,  and  born  within  this  our  king- 
dom of  England,  or  any  other  our  dominions. 

And  lastly,  because  the  principal  effect  which  we  can  desire, 
or  expect  of  this  action,  is  the  conversion  of,  and  reduction  of 
the  people  in  those  parts,  unto  the  true  worship  of  God  and  chris- 
tian religion,  in  which  respect  we  would  be  loath  that  any  person 
should  be  permitted  to  pass,  that  we  suspected  to  affect  the  super- 
stition of  the  church  of  Rome,  we  do  hereby  declare,  that  it  is 
our  will  and  pleasure,  that  none  be  permitted  to  pass  in  any  voy- 
age, from  time  to  time  to  be  made  into  the  said  country,  but  such 
as  shall  first  have  taken  the  oath  of  supremacy;  for  which  pur- 
pose, we  do,  by  these  presents,  give  full  power  and  authority  to 
the  president  of  the  said  couricil,  to  tender  and  exhibit  the  said 
oath  to  all  such  persons  as  shall,  at  any  time,  be  sent  and  em- 
ployed in  the  said  voyage. 

And  we  also,  for  us,  our  heirs,  and  successors,  do  covenani^  and 
grant  to,  and  with  the  council,  and  their  successors,  by  these  pics- 
ents,  that  if  the  council,  for  the  time  being,  and  their  successors, 
or  any  of  them,  shall,  at  any  time  or  times  hereafter,  upon  any 
doubt  which  they  shall  conceive,  concerning  the  strength  or  valid- 
ity in  law,  of  this  our  present  grant,  or  be  desirous  to  have  the 
same  renewed  and  confirmed  by  us,  our  heirs,  and  successors, 
with  amendments  of  such  imperfections  and  defects,  as  shall  ap- 
pear lit  and  necessary  to  the  said  council,  or  their  successors,  to 
be  reformed  and  amended,  on  the  behalf  of  us,  our  heirs,  and 
successors,  and  for  the  furthering  of  the  plantation  and  govern- 
ment, or  the  increase,  continuing,  and  flourishing  thereof,  that 
then,  upon  the  humble  petition  of  the  said  council,  for  the  time 
being,  and  their  successors,  to  us,  our  heirs,  and  successors,  we, 
our  heirs,  and  successors,  shall  and  will,  forthwith,  make  and 
pass,  under  the  great  seal  of  England,  to  the  said  council,  and 
their  successors,  such  further  and  better  assurance  of  all  and 
singular  the  lands,  grounds,  royalties,  privileges,  and  premises 
aforesaid,  granted,  or  intended  to  be  granted,  according  to  our 
true  intent  and  meaning,  in  these  our  letters  patents,  signified, 
declared,  or  mentioned,  as  by  the  learned  council  of  us,  our  heirs, 
and  successors,  and  of  the  said  company,  and  their  successors, 
shall,  in  that  behalf,  be  reasonably  devised  or  advised. 

And  further,  our  will  and  pleasure  is,  that,  in  all  questions  and 


APPENDIX. 


4l7 


doubts,  that  shall  arise  upon  any  difficulty  of  construction  or  in- 
terpretation of  any  thing  contained  in  these  our  letters  patents, 
the  same  shall  be  taken  and  interpreted,  in  most  ample  and  bene- 
ficial manner,  for  the  said  council,  and  their  successors,  and  every 
member  thereof. 

And  we  do  further,  for  us,  our  heirs,  and  successors,  charge 
and  command  all  and  singular  admirals,  vice  admirals,  generals, 
commanders,  captains,  justices  of  peace,  mayors,  sheriffs,  bailiffs, 
constables,  customers,  comptrollers,  waiters,  searchers,  and  all 
the  officers  of  us,  our  heirs,  and  successors  whatsoever,  to  be, 
from  time  to  time,  and  at  all  times  hereafter,  in  all  things  aiding, 
helping,  and  assisting  unto  the  said  council,  and  their  successors, 
and  unto  every  of  them,  upon  request  and  requests,  by  them  to 
be  made,  in  all  matters  and  things,  for  the  furtherance  and  ac- 
complishment of  all  or  any  the  matters  and  things  by  us,  in,  and 
by  these  our  letters  patents,  given,  granted,  and  provided,  or  by 
us  meant  or  intended  to  be  given,  granted,  and  provided,  as  they, 
our  said  officer,  and  the  officers  of  us,  our  heirs,  and  successors, 
do  tender  our  pleasure,  and  will  avoid  the  contrary,  at  their  perils. 

And  also,  we  do,  by  these  presents,  ratify  and  confirm  unto  the 
said  council,  and  their  successors,  all  privileges,  franchises,  lib- 
erties, and  immunities,  granted  in  our  said  former  letters  patents, 
and  not  in  these  our  letters  patents,  revoked,  altered,  changed, 
or  abridged,  although  expressed,  mention;  &c. — In  witness,  &c. 
witness  ourself  at  Westminster,  the  third  day  of  November,  in 
the  eighteenth  year  of  our  reign  over  England,  &c. 

Concordat  cum  re-  Convenit  cum  recordo, 

cordo   et   exam-  et  exaratur,  pr.  me. 

inat.  pr.  me.  LAUR.  HALSTED. 

JOHANNEM  INNES. 
Exd.  W.  S. 
W.  P. 


Office  for  Trade 
and  Plantations, 
Whitehall. 


■\ 


The  undersigned  George  Chalmers,  the 
Chief  Clerk  of  the  Lords  of  the  Commit- 
tee of  Privy  Council  for  Trade  and  For- 
eign Plantations,  do  hereby  certify,  to 
all  whom  it  may  concern,  that  the  before 
Patent,  upon  this,  and  the  53  preceding 
pages,  is  a  true  copy  of  the  Patent  for 
New-England,  dated  the  3d  November, 
1620,  from  an  entry,  entitled,  New-Eng- 
land belonging  to  the  late  Board  of  Trade : 
In  testimony  whereof,  I  have  signed  the 
same,  this  4th  day  of  March,  1814. 

GEO:  CHALMERS,  C.  C. 


A 
A 
A 
A 
A 


A 
A 
A 
A 

A 


A 
A 

A 
A 
A 


Bi 
Bi 
Bi 
Hi 
Bi 
Bi 
B 
B< 
Bi 
Bi 
Bi 
Bi 
BI 
Bi 

Bi 

BI 
lil 

BI 
BI 
Bi 
Hi 


INDEX  TO   VOLUME   I. 


Adaint,  Eliphalet,  iao, 

Adami,  Henry,  34a. 

Adams,  John.  337. 

Adrlaeni,  Maryn,  109. 

Agawam,  Ste  Springfield,  Mass. 

AUen,  John,  007,  aii-13,  396,  ajo,  313, 
3a«.  343.  3*7- 

Allen,  Matthew,  19a,  194,  197,  905,  907, 
ail,  830,  370. 

Allyn  (Allen),  Robert,  136,  199. 

Andrew,  Samuel,  401-a,  410,  416,  430. 

Andrews,  William,  79. 

Animali,  native,  aa 

Andros,  Sir  Edmund,  commissioned,  373  ; 
demands  surrender  of  Say  brook,  374- 
76;  claims  Fisher's  Island,  300;  de- 
mands surrender  of  charter,  313 ;  as- 
sumes government,  313;  oppressive 
measures  of,  314-16 ;  forcibly  cleposed, 
3'7. 

Antinomianism,  7a,  110,  340. 

Argall,  Samuel,  a. 

Ashford,  Conn.,  383. 

Ashley,  Samuel,  34B. 

Ashurst,  Sir  Henry,  agent  for  Connecti- 
cut, 344 ;  defends  charter,  345-46,  349- 
53>  355-56 ;  states  Mohegan  case,  360- 
6a. 

Astwood,  John,  81,  137,  144, 165,  167, 174. 

Atherton,  Humphrey,  lao,  153-53,  a6a, 
367, 

Atwater,  Joshua,  74,  167. 

Avery,  fames,  136,  a8a,  388,  357. 

Avery,  John,  357. 

Bacon,  Andrew,  954. 

Baker,  19a,  207. 

Baldwin,  Richard,  aaS,  368-69. 

Baptism,  348-49,  953-53,  959,  387, 389,  401. 

Uassett,  Robert,  175-76. 

Baxter,  George,  155. 

Beebe,  James,  341. 

Belden,  John,  369. 

Bell,  Francis,  338. 

Benedict,  James,  341, 

Benedict,  Samuel,  341. 

Birds,  native,  ai. 

Birdseye,  John,  83. 

Bishop,  James,  199,  938,  364,  300,  317,  331, 

3a5- 
Bishop,  John,  81,  431. 
Blackman,  Adam,  83,  333,  393.  431. 
Blinman  (Blynman),    Richard,  136,   333, 

a47,  aso.  4«>. 
Bliss,  John,  418. 
Block  Island,  49-50,  336. 
Bolton,  Conn.,  385. 
Bond,  Robert,  194. 


Booi),  James,  77,  117. 

Boston,  Mass.,  5. 

;ioundaries,   lo-ii,   156,  337,  366-68,  308, 

3a9,  338-39.  36^-67,  378-81,  448-49.  451- 

$»■ 
Boweis,  John,  430-31. 
Bradforv.^,  William,  15,  165,  169. 
Bradstreei,  Simon.  113,  153,154,  160,  167- 

69,  181,  351,.  490. 
Branford,  Conn.,  9a,  113,  16a,  307,  33a 
Brenton,  Jahleel,  Sjt,  .•^57. 
Brigden,  Zecharian,  33U. 
Brown,  John,  153,  165,  18a. 
Brown,  Wiiliani,  113. 
Bruen,  Obadlah,  205. 
Bryan,  Alexander,  364. 
Buckingham,  Stephen,  404,  491. 
Buckingham,  Thomas,  81,  938,  364,  400, 

409,  410,  418,  490. 
Bulkley,  Gershom,  347,  359.  391,  347,  388, 

391,  419-30. 
Bulkley,  John,  337,  419. 
Bull,  993. 

Bull,  Jonathan,  318,  390. 
Bull,  Thomas,  974,  976. 
Burnham,  William,  419. 
Burr,  Jehu,  308. 
Burr,  John,  391. 

Burr,  Peter,  349,  365,  367,  377.  384. 
Bushheag,  137. 
Butterfield,  Samuel,  5a. 
By  field,  Nathaniel,  357. 


Cabots,  the,  9. 

Caffinge,  John,  81. 

Cambridge,  Mass.,  8,  37,  39. 

Canfietd,  Matthew,  905. 

Canonicus,  58. 

Canterbury,  Conn.,  337,  337,  343,  359. 

Cape  Cod,  named,  9. 

Ca.ssasinamon,  938. 

Catapazet,  988-89. 

Cates,  John,  337. 

ChandleiMohn,  356,  378. 

Chaplin,  Clement,  55,  70- 

Chapman,  John,  175-76. 

Chapman,  Robert,  300, 364,  410. 

Charlestown,  Mass.,  5. 

Charter,  petition  for,  197,  438-43;  ob- 
tained, 905  ;  provisions  of,  905-6  ;  in- 
cludes New  Haven  colony,  308-31 ; 
surrender  demanded  by  Andros,  319; 
hidden,  313  ;  confirmed,  334  ;  attacked 
by  Dudley,  344-63. 

Chauncey,  Charles,  410. 

Chauncey,  Israel,  ^93-94.  403,  431. 

Chauncey,  Nathaniel,  sen.,  390,  399.       r. 

Chauncey,  Nathaniel,  404,  419. 


490 


INDEX  TO  VOLUME  I. 


Cheesebrough,  See  Chesebrough. 
Chesebrough    (Cheesebrough),     Elisha, 

193- 
Chesebrough    (Cheesebrough),   Samuel, 

Chesebrough  (Cheesebrough),  Williain, 
193-93. 

Cheshire,  Conn.,  74. 

Chester,  John,  337.  339,  341,  357,  367. 

Chester,  Samuel,  339. 

Chevers,  Ezekiel,  79. 

Chippachauge  Island,  153. 

Chittenden.  William,  78,  81. 

Christopher,  Richard,  337,  367,  377,  384. 

Churches,  333-36,  347-48,  352-63. 

Clark,  Daniel,  194,  305,  307,  313,  330,  340, 
346,  359. 

Clark,  Henry,  153, 179,  184,  194,  305. 

Clark,  John,  305,  267,  364. 

Cleveland  (Cleavelandl,  Josiah,  343. 

Cleveland  (Cleaveland),  Samuel,  343. 

Coe,  Robert,  93,  96. 

Cogingchaug,  337. 

Coit,  Joseph,  404,  419. 

Colchester,  Conn. ,  340,  359. 

Collins,  Nathaniel,  338,  262,  419,  431. 

Collins,  William,  no. 

Commerce,  385. 

Connecticut,  agrees  to  N.  £.  confedera- 
tion, 98 ;  disputes  with  Massachusetts, 
98,  116,  133,  139-40,  143,  148;  agree- 
ment with  Fenwick,  ii3;  absorbs  New 
Haven  Colony,  308-31  ;  share  in  King 
Philip's  war,  383-95  :  rights  in  Rhode 
Island,  398-303.  33S,  379-80 ;  share  in 
French  and  Indian  wars,  335,  381-83 ; 
address  to  King  William,  463-65 

Connecticut,  See  also  Charter ;  Courts  ; 
General  assembly  ;  Boundaries  ; 
Towns  ;  Counties  ;  Population  ;  Con- 
stitution ;  Rivers  ;  Schools  ;  Taxes. 

Conneoticut  River,  13-14. 

Constitution,  of  Connecticut,  75-76,  426- 
30 ;  of  New  Haven,  78-80,  430-34  ;  arti- 
cle 10  of  Connecticut  amended,   139, 

I79. 
Cooly,  Benjamin,  383. 
Cooper.  Thomas,  383. 
Cope,  Mr.,  135,  143. 
Coram,  83. 
Combury,    Edward   Hyde,    Lord,   joins 

Dudley  in  intrigues,  344-63. 
Corwin,  Matthias,  93. 
Cosmore,  John,  139,  184. 
Cotton,  George,  383. 
Cotton,  John,  9,  38. 
Counties,  364,  383-83. 
Courts,  43-45,  53,  55,  75,  80-81,   87-88, 

95-97.   107-8.   164.   171,   »73.   »79.  19a, 
309,  ai8,  333,  335,  337,  330,  354-56,  360, 

^37S.  384. 

Courts,  See  also  General  assembly. 

Coventry,  Conn.,  376. 

Crab,  Richard,  77,  188. 

Craft,  Samuel,  378. 

Crane,  Jasper,  160, 193,  199,  307,  313,  330, 

330. 
Cranfleld.  Edward,  301. 
Cullick,  John,  137,  165,  179-80,  184,  196, 

248-49,  254,  357. 
Cupheag,  See  Stratford. 
Curtis,  Joseph,  336,  341,  367. 
Curtis,  Samuel,  364. 
Curtiss,  John,  83. 


Curtiss,  William,  83,  372,  394.  , 

Cutler,  Timothy,  431.  , 

Dale,  Sir  Thomas,  2. 

Danbury,  Conn,,  341. 

Davenport,  John,  sen.,  40,  70-71,  73-74, 
78-80,  92,  199,  200,  309,  319,  340,  389, 
394-96,  419,  458-63. 

Davenport,  John,  410,  431. 

Davenport,  Paul,  342. 

Davenport,  Richard,  66. 

Davie,  Sir  John,  417. 

Davis,  Sergeant,  63. 

Davis,  William,  166, 

Deerfield,  Mass.,  69. 

Delaware,  160-61. 

Deming,  John,  46,  205. 

Denison,  George,  168,  183,  193,  388,  290. 

Denton,  Richard,  93,  333,  337,  431. 

Deputies,  76,  108. 

Derby,  Conn. ,  369,  398. 

Desborough,  Samuel,  78,  81,  96,  337,  246. 

Dixon,  Jeremiah,  79-80. 

Dorchester,  Conn.  See  Windsor. 

Dorchester,  Mass.,  6,  37,  43. 

Dudley,  Joseph,  plots  against  Connecti- 
cut, 343-63. 

Dudley,  Thomas,  104. 

Dummer,  Jeremiah,  417. 

Durham,  Conn.,  338. 

Dutch,  the,  13,  15-17,  4°.  64.  87,  91,  04, 
98,105-6,  108-10,  123-36.  138,  135,  lat, 
148,  IS3-S7.  »6o,  165,  168,  174, 177,  214- 

16,  331-33,  370-73. 

Dwight,  Josiah,  431. 

East  Haddam,  Conn.,  365, 
East  Haven,  Conn.,  73,  note,  74. 
Eaton,  Samuel,  70-71,  74,  93,  179,  346-47. 
Eaton,  Theophilus,  70-71,  73-74.  79-80, 

93,  98,  104,  107,  III,  113,  124,  137,  144, 

152. 165.  169,  183,  150. 
Edwards,  Timothy,  418. 
Eells,  Samuel,  367,  377,  384. 
Elections,  75,  77,  80,  90,  93,  1x3, 130, 137, 

143.  ^S»>  164,  167,  179.  184-85,  189,  193, 

306-7,  3X3,  330,  330,  364-65,  336,  367. 
Eliot  (Elliott),  John,  6,  357,  397. 
Elliot,  Joseph,  391,  42a 
Elliott,  Jared,  420. 
Ellsworth,  Tixhall,  343. 
Ely,  Nathan,  159. 

Endicott,  John,  4,  5,  50,  165,  199,  200, 
Eniield,  Conn. ,  338,  366,  383-84. 
Elsterbrook,  Samuel,  419. 
Eyers,  il/rj.,  203. 


Fairchild,  Thomas,  83. 

Fairfield,  Conn.,  66,  82-83,  112,  175,  178, 

184. 
Fairfield  county,  264. 
Farmington,  Conn.,  90,  133,  184,  189,  398. 
Fasts,  73,  III.  120,  177,  193,  317,  283,  396. 
Peaks,  Robert,  91. 
Fenn,   Benjamin,  179,  199,  207,  313,  320, 

23a 
Fenwiek,  George,  84,   87,  98,   104,    113, 

116-18, 148, 157, 19S-96, 198,425,  434-37. 

440. 
Filer,  Samuel,  364. 
Finch,  John,  88. 

Fisher's  Island,  300.  , 

Fisk,  John,  418. 


INDEX  TO   VOLUME  I. 


491 


Fisk,  Phineas,  418. 

Fitch.  James,  sen.,  84,  195,  238,  991,  391, 

397.  404.  420. 
Fitch.  James,  300,  318,  331,  335,  340-4a, 

360,  378,  402. 
Fletcher,  Benjamin,  329,  331,  335. 
Ford,  Thomas,  77. 
Foster,  Isaac,  418. 
Fowler,  William,  81,  107,  167. 
Freemen,  75-76,  79-80. 
French,  Francis,  269, 
Frink,  John,  340. 
Fruits,  native,  19-20. 
Fugill,  Thomas,  74,  79-80,  93. 


Gallup,  John,  49,  282,  386. 

Gardiner,  David,  40. 

Gardiner,  Lion,  40,  note,  46,  53. 

Gaylord,  William,  77. 

GefTords,  Mr.  (misprint  in  original),  See 

Hosford. 
General  assembly,  205,  315,  230,  334,  336, 

928,  264,  399,  333.  336.  341.  384,  409. 
Gibbard,  William,  igs,  199,  S07. 
Gilbert,  Jonathan,  183. 
Gilbert,  Matthew,  74,  79-80,  93,  199,  206, 

330. 
Gilbert,  Samuel,  337. 
Gildersleeve   (Gildersleve),   Richard,  93, 

96. 
Glastonbury,  Conn, ,  331. 
Goff,  9. 

Goffe,  William,  199-S03. 
Golden  Hill,  83. 
Goodwin,  William,  85,  348,  254. 
Goodyear,  Stephen,  74,  93,  107,  iii,  130, 

152- 
Gore,  John,  378. 
Gorton,  Samuel,  103. 
Gosnold,  Bartholomew,  3. 
Gould  (Gold),  Nathan,  194,  305,  307,  230, 

308,  318,  331,  34T,  365-66,  377. 
Green,  Timothy,  385. 
Greenfield,  Conn.,  83. 
Green's  Farms,  83. 

Greenwich,  Conn.,  91,  156-57,  188.  307. 
Gregson,  I'homas,  70,  74,  93,  98,  104, 113, 

133,  129. 
Griffin,  John,  378. 
Grosvenor,  John,  378. 
Groton,  Conn.,  89,  136. 
Guilfora,  Conn.,  65,  81-82,  96,  200,  207, 

218-19. 


Haddam,  Conn.,  265. 

Hallam,  Nicholas,  340,  346,  348-49,  359. 

Hamden,  Conn.,  74. 

Hamilton  grant,  38,  226,  229,  303-6,  450- 

51,  456-58. 
Hamlin,  Giles,  308. 
Hamlin,  John,  341,  367. 
Hammonassett,    See  Killingworth,  Conn. 
Hanford,  Thomas,  238,  431. 
Harriman,  Augustus,  158,  note. 
Hart,  John,  418,  43a 
Hartford,  Conn.,  9,  13,  16-17,  42-43,  53- 

54.  75-77.  87,  89,  93-94,  99,  156,  177,  182, 

184,  334,  254,  391- 
Hartford  county,  264. 
Harvard  university,  242. 
Hastings,  N.  Y.,  230. 
Hawkins,  Anthony,  205,  264. 


Hawley,  Samuel,  83. 

Hawthorne,  John,  160. 

Hawthorne,  William,  113,  153,  165,  169. 

Hayden,  William,  64,  note. 

Haynes,  John,  sen.,  9,  43,  46,  77,  87,  90, 
92-93.  97-98,  101,  III,  117,  126, 137, 143, 
153,  176-77. 

Haynes,  John,  366-67,  384,  410. 

Havnes,  Joseph,  388,  391,  418. 

Hebron,  Conn.,  364. 

Hemingway,  James,  420. 

Hewet  (Hewit),  Ephraim,  244,  418. 

Higginson,  John,  233,  246,  420. 

Hoadly,  John,  337. 

Hobart,  Jeremiah,  419. 

Holmes, William,  16. 

Holyoke,  Elizur,  383. 

Hook,  William,  933,  237,  246-47,  419. 

Hooker,  Samuel,  345,  388,  419. 

Hooker,  Thomas,  flees  to  Holland,  8  ;  ar- 
rives at  Boston,  Mass.,  9,  37  ;  comes  to 
Connecticut,  43 ;  mentioned,  46 ;  his 
connection  with  the  Constitution  of 
1639,  77,  note;  on  committee  to  confer 
with  Fenwick,  87;  on  New  England 
confederation,  98  ;  on  committee  for  pe- 
tition for  charter,  197  ;  opposes  Antino- 
mianism,  240 ;  death,  344  ;  elsewhere 
mentioned,  407,  418. 

Hooker,  Thomas,  son  of  Samuel,  357. 

Hopkins,  Edward,  46,  70,  74,  77,  90,  92-03, 
97-98,  104,  III,  113,  117,  126,  130,  133, 
m.  143-44,  152.  179.  184.  190,  243.  458- 
62. 

Hopkins,  Samuel,  269. 

Hopkins,  William,  93,  97. 

Hotton,  Barnabas,  93. 

Hosford,  William  (for  Gefford,  Mr.)  55. 

Hosmer,  Stephen,  419. 

Howe,  Daniel,  91,  139. 

Howell,  John,  212. 

Hoyt  (Hoit),  John,  341. 

Hoyt,  Samuel,  410. 

Hubbard,  George,  77. 

Hudson,  Henry,  3. 

Hudson  river  discovered,  3. 

Hull,  George  (?),  55. 

Huntington,  Conn  ,  83. 

Huntington,  L.  I.,  83,  195,  308. 

Hutchinson,  Mrs.  Anne,  no. 

Hutchinson,  Thomas,  quoted,  150,  183. 

Hyde,  Hugh,  233. 

Indians,  general  description,  31-37  ;  mur- 
der John  Oldham,  49  ;  incited  to  exter- 
minate the  English,  51,  55 ;  combina- 
tion of,  98, 104  ;  troubles  with  the  Dutch, 
108-11 ;  fight  at  Horseneck,  138  ;  trade 
with,  restricted,  148  ;  plot  with  the 
Dutch,  165 ;  missionary  labors  of  Eliot 
and  others,  397-98. 

Indians,  See  also  names  of  places,  tribes, 
chiefs,  etc. 


ames,  John,  430. 

ames,  Thomas,  185. 
■  eremy's  farm,  337. 

ohnson  Qobnston),  Lady  Arabella,  5,  7. 

ohnson  (Johnston),  Isaac,  5,  7. 

ohnson,  Joseph,  343. 
I  ohnson,  Obadiah,  343. 
Johnson,  William,  343. 


492 


INDEX  TO  VOLUME   I. 


Jones,  Caleb,  364. 

Jones,  John,  431. 

Jones,  William,  aoa,  307,  aao,  330,  321, 

.  3aS-96.  336. 

Jordan,  Thontas,  179,  346. 

Judson,  Joseph,  83. 

Jury,  trial  by,  45,  97,  io8,  133,  144. 

Kceler,  Samuel,  369, 

Kehoran,  143. 

Kellond,  Thomas,  aoo. 

Kieft,  William,  87, 94-95, 109, 134-35,  155. 

Killingly,  Conn.,  367. 

Killingworth,  Conn.,  84,  ai6,  404, 

Kimberly,  Eleazar,  333,  341,  357. 

Kirk,  Thomas,  200. 

Kitchel,  Robert,  78,  81. 

Knowles,  Alexander,  193. 

Lamberton,  George,  94,  139. 

Langdon,  Thomas,  369. 

Lathrop  (Lothrop),  Samuel,  136. 

Law,  Richard,  326. 

Laws,  77-78,  95-96,  130,  143-44,  184-85, 

341,  s^9-5o.  369.  344,  363,  366,  375. 
Lebanon,  Conn.,  359. 
Lee,  William,  198. 
Leet,  Andrew,  396,  331,  341. 
Leet,   William,  78,  81,  96,  167,  179,  193, 

30O-I,  ao6,  313,  330,  330,  265,  290,  30c. 
Leflingwell,  Thomas,  84,  194-95,  340,  357. 
Legislature,  See  General  assembly. 
Leisler,  Jacob,  318,  323-34. 
Leverett  (Leveret),  John,  166-68,  179, 
Litchfield  county,  385. 
Long  Island,  3,  91,  94,  156,  185,  308,  315- 

16,  330,  227,  270-73,  451. 
Loomis,  John,  337. 
Lord,  Richard,  192,  205,  357,  376. 
Ludlow,  Roger,  6,  42,  46,  55,  77,  83,  87. 

,  90-91,  93.  "1-12,  137,  I43i  16s,  >75.  »78. 
Lyme,  Conn.,  264,  359. 
Lynde,  Nathaniel,  404. 

Machemoodus,  See  Eas^  Haddam,  Conn. 

Magistrates,  75,  80,  84,  108. 

Malbon,  Richard,  79. 

Mamaquaog.  359. 

Mansfield,  Moses,  336,  341,  343. 

Mansfield,  Conn.,  327,  341. 

Manufactures,  385. 

Mapes,  Thomas,  92. 

Marine,  Captain,  See  Adriaens,  Maryn. 

Marshall,  Samuel,  283,  386. 

Martha's  Vineyard  named,  2. 

Mason,  John,  sen  ,  46,  54,  56-63,  67,  70, 
84-86.  93,  "7,  120-21,  130,  135,  152.  161, 
164,  179-83,  184,  189.  194-96,  205,  207, 
230,  365,  269,  282,  286,  290,  296. 

Mason,  John,  359-60. 

Mason,  Samuel,  300, 331,  340-41,  346,  359. 

Masons,  the,  340. 

Massachusetts,  4,  39,  43,  113,  116,  133, 
148-51,  170-71,  173,  i8o,  183-84,  193, 
203,  ao4.  333,  339.  366.  378. 

Massacoe,  .SV<;  Simsbury,  Conn. 

Massapeag,  Conn.,  358. 

Mather,  Increase,  335. 

Mather,  Samuel,  399-400,  403,  418. 

Mattabeseck,  See  Middletown,  Conn. 

Mattatock,  See  Waterbury,  Conn. 

Maverick,  John,  6,  43. 


May  hew,  John,  376. 
Meacham,  Joseph,  418. 
Menunkatuck.  See  Guilford,  Conn. 
Miantonomo  (Miantonimoh),  51,  58,  ico- 

4,  106-7. 
Middletown,  Conn.,  73,  85,  159,  184. 
Milborn,  Jacob,  333-24. 
Milford,  Conn.,  81,  107, 178,  300,  203,  307, 

326,  268. 
Minor,  John,  364,  398  (?). 
Minot,  Thomas,  136. 
Mipham,  John.  337. 
Mitchell,  David,  46,  55. 
Mitchell  (Mitchel),  Matthew,  93,  96, 
Mix,  Stephen,  410,  419. 
Mohawks,  138,  137-38,  163. 
Mohegans  (Moheagans),  56,  68,  86, 89-90, 

100,  ioa-3,  130.  137,  146,  189,  19s,  388, 
^  340,  348-49. 356-6». 
Momauguin,  73. 
Mononotto,  64,  67. 
Monson,  Stephen,  129. 
Montauks  (Montaukets),  189. 
Montowese,  Conn. ,  73, 
Morgan,  John,  357. 
Morgan,  Joseph,  431. 
Moss,  (oseph,  404,  420. 
Muirson,  G.,  405. 
Mulford  John,  193. 
Mystic  (Mistic),  Conn.,  59-60,  153. 


Nameaug,  See  New  London,  Conn. 
Nanunttenoo,  388-89. 
Narragansett  river,  267,  30a,  379-80. 
Narragansetts,  48-49, 51,  59,  68,  98,  ioa-4. 

114-15,  130-33.  138,  130-31,  137-38,  145, 

153,  189,  377,  283,  388. 
Nash,  John,  330,  338,  369. 
Nehantics,  48, 59,  131, 128, 130-31, 137-38, 

14S- 

Nepaupuck,  88. 

New  England,  named,  3  ;  patent,  3,  471- 
87 ;  confederation,  97-100  ;  commissipn- 
ers  of  the  United  Colonies  meet  at 
Hartford.  113-17 ;  at  New  Haven,  133- 
38  ;  opinion  of  commissioners  on  juris- 
diction of  Connecticut  in  New  Haven, 
313 ;  advise  union,  324. 

New  Fairfield,  Conn.,  565,  383. 

New  Haven,  65-66,  70-74,  78-81,  85,  90- 
94,  98-99,  107-8,  113,  123.  144,  147,  157. 
188,  199-204,  206.  208-31,  341.  442-47. 
452-56. 

New  London,  Conn.,  89,  136-37, 177,  343, 
3.';8,  360,  373. 

New  London  county,  264. 

New  Milford,  Conn.,  378. 

New  Netherlands,  See  New  York. 

New  Plymouth,  See  Plymouth. 

New  Stratford,  83. 

New  York.  10,  153,  333. 

Newbury,  Benjamin,  226. 

Newman,  Francis,  74,  166-67,  182,  193, 
198. 

Newman,  Robert,  74,  78-80,  93. 

Newton.  Roger,  238,  345,  398,  419-20. 

Newtown,  Conn,  (first  so  named),  See 
Hartford. 

Newtown,  Conn,  (founded  in  1708),  376. 

Newtown,  Mass,  See  Cambridge,  Mass. 

Nichols,  Richard,  231-33,  236,  296. 

Ninigret  (Ninigrate),  48,  131-32,  146,  153, 
165,  172,  181-83,  185. 


INDEX   TO  VOLUME   I. 


493 


Norris,  Edward,  169. 

North  Haven,  Conn.,  74. 

North  Stratford,  83. 

Norton,  Captain,  47. 

Northam,  Samuel,  337. 

Norwalk,  Conn.,  91,  159,  184. 

Norwich,  Conn.,  195. 

Noyes,  Tames,  238,  36a,  335,  40a,  410,  420. 

Noyes,  Moses,  410,  430. 


Obachickquid,  146. 

OKden,  John,  194,  205,  807. 

Oldham,  John,  16,  49 . 

Olmstead,  Richard,  159. 

Oneco  (Onecho),  288. 

Otash,  £6. 

Owaneco,  340,  348-49,  356,  359. 


Paine,  Elisha,  342. 

Palmer,  Daniel,  381. 

Palmer,  Moses,  193. 

Palmer,  William,  193. 

Palms  (Palmes),  Edward,  288,  301,  340, 
346.  3SS.  357.  3S9-60. 

I'arlier,  William,  410, 

Parsons,  Joseph,  420. 

Patrick,  Daniel,  56,  58,  67,  91. 

Paugasset,  See  Derby,  Conn. 

Pawcatuck,  Conn.,  214. 

Pawcatuck  river,  267,  30a,  380. 

Peck,  Joseph,  419. 

Pekoath,  12. 

Pell,  Thomas,  216. 

Pequonnock  (Pughquonnock),  See  Strat- 
ford, Conn. 

Pequot  harbor,  See  New  London,  Conn. 

Pequot  war,  See  Pequots. 

Peqvots,  12, 45,  47-53 ;  expedition  against, 
under  Mason,  56-62  ;  survivors  pursued, 
65-68  ;  aided  at  Wethersfield,  84-85  : 
name  extinguished,  147;  remnant  seek 
English  protection,  183 ;  granted,  184. 

Pessacus,  lai,  131,  146,  152. 

Peters,  Thomas,  84,  239,  938. 

Phelps,  George,  192,  194. 

Phelps,  Timothy,  364. 

Phelps,  William,  43,  46,  55,  77,  93,  97. 

Philip  [failed  King  Philip),  273-74,  278, 
293. 

Phillips,  George,  5,  6,  44. 

Pierpont,  James,  401-2,  410,  419. 

Pierpont,  John,  378. 

Pierpont,  Samuel,  420. 

Pierson,  Abraham,  117,  230,  232,  398,  402- 
3.  41s.  420. 

Pigot,  G.,  405-6- 

Pitkin,  William,  291,  331,  339,  331,  339, 

341.  357.  367,  376-77,  384. 

Plainfield,  Conn  ,  337,  342,  359,  398. 

Plymouth,  3 ;  claims  Connecticut  terri- 
tory, 15-18,  39,  44. 

Plymouth  Company,  3,  9. 

Pocomtock,  See  Deerneld,  Mass. 

Pocomtocks,  137-38. 

Point  Judith,  10. 

Pomeroy, Joseph,  337. 

Pomfret,  Conn  ,  378. 

Pomperaug,  See  Woodbury,  Cona 

Ponus,  91. 

Porter,  James,  325. 

Population,  in  1654,  184. 

Post,  Stephen,  364. 


Pratt,  John,  77,  364. 
Prince,  Thomas,  152,  154,  i8a. 
Printz,  John,  94. 

Pruriden,  Peter,  71,  74,  81,  932,  945,  42a 
Punderson,  John,  79-8a 
Puritans,  233-33. 

Pynchon  (Pyncheon),  John,  sen,,  383. 
Pynchon 1 
Pynchon 1 
»3a.  »49. 


■  233-33. 

,  (Pyncheon),  John,  sen,,  383. 
,  (Pyncheon),  John,  301. 
(Pyncheon),  William,  6,  45,  69, 


Quakers,  249,  355-56. 
Quinnipiac  (Quinnipiack),  See  New  Ha- 
ven, Conn. 


Randolph,  Edward,  301,  303,  310. 
Rayner,  Thurston,  46,  77,  93,  96,  107,  198. 
Redding  (Reading),  Conn.,  83. 
Regicides,  199-204. 
Rhode  Island,  138-39,  158,  266,  298-303, 

335.  379-80. 
Richards,  James,  a3a 
RidgefieldT,  Conn.,  369. 
Riggs,  Edward,  269. 
Rippowams,  See  Stamford,  Conn. 
Ripton,  See  Huntington,  Conn. 
Rivers  of  Connecticut,  13-15. 
Robinson,  David,  338. 
Root,  Jacob,  364. 
Rossiter,  Edward,  6,  7. 
Rossiter,  John,  218. 
Rossiter,  Josiah,  341,  367. 
Rowland,  Thomas,  383. 
Rowlandson,  Joseph,  419. 
Ruggles,  Benjamin,  421. 
Ruggles,  John,  378. 
Ruggles,  Samuel,  378. 
Ruggles,  Thomas,  420. 
Ruggles,  William,  378. 
Russell,  Jonathan,  245,  350,  258,  419. 
Russell,  Noadiah,  409,  410,  419. 
Russell,  Samuel,  401-3,  410,  430. 
Rust,  Nathaniel,  376. 
Rye,  N.  Y.,  230. 


Sabin,  Benjamin,  378. 

Saffery,  Solomon,  151,  339. 

Saffin,  John,  30,:?. 

St.  John,  Matthias,  369. 

Salaries,  137,  364,  268,  384. 

Salem,  Mass.,  5. 

Saltonstall,  Gurdon,  334,  365-67,  369-70, 

420. 
Saltonstall,  Nathaniel,  301. 
Saltonstall,  Sir  Richard,  6,  39. 
Sashions,  134. 
Sassacus,  48,  50,  64,  67. 
Sausaman,  John,  273. 
Sawyer,  Edward,  3(54. 
Say  and  Sele  (Seal)  grant,  9-10,  39,  198, 

204,304. 
Saybrook,  Conn.,  52,  54,  84,  117-19,  130, 

133.   »3S.  139.  143.   157.  184,  874.  876. 

424-25,  434-37. 
Saybrook  platform,  385,  410-15. 
Schools,  241,  343,  458-63. 
Sedgwick,  Robert,  179. 
Seely,  Robert,  80,  181,  283,  s86. 
Selectmen,  241. 
ScUeck  (Sillick),  Jonathan,  308. 
Sequassen,  101-3, 136-37. 


494                      INDEX 

TO 

VOLUME   I. 

Setauket,  L.  I. ,  308. 

Tracy,  Solomon,  343. 

Seward,  Caleb,  338, 

Tracy,  Thomas,  84. 
Trask,  William,  67. 

Seymour,  Matthew,  369. 

Shaw,  Thomas,  193. 

Treat,  Richard,  193,  194,  305,  307. 

Sheaf,  Jacob,  337. 

Treat,  r<obert,  199,  207,330,  338,  370,  380- 

Sherman,  John,  233,  364,  378,  394. 
Sherman,  Joseph,  55,  307,  326. 

83,  386-87,  390,  300,  313,  317,  3*1,  335, 

341,  366. 

Sherman,  Samuel,  330,  37a. 

Treat,  Salmon,  404,  43a 

Shipman,  William,  364. 

Treaties,  115,  133,  isS,  130,  377. 

Short,  Thomas,  385. 

'I'rees,  native,  19. 

Shove,  Seth,  431. 

Trumbull,  Benoni,  364. 

Simsbury  (Symsbury),  Conn.,  365, 

338. 

Tunxis  Indians,  90. 

366.  378,  381. 

Turner,  Nathaniel,  50,  74,  79,  80,  139. 

Smith,  Henry,  46,  333,  345,  419. 

Tuthill,  John,  93. 
Tuttle,  William,  160. 

Smith,  John,  3. 

Southampton,  L.  I.,  117. 

Southington,  Conn.,  90. 

Southmayd,  John,  419. 

Uncas,  56,  60-61,  85-86,  89-90,  100-4,  '06- 

Southold,  L.  I.,  91,  107, 145,  307-8,  319. 

7, 114-15.  120,  ?22,  126, 137, 142,  145-47, 

Sowheag,  84-85. 

i6i,  177,  188,  194-95. 

Spencer,  Thomas,  77. 

Underbill,  John,  50,  54,  60,  63,  96,  109-10, 

Springfield,  Mass.,  70,  133-33,  139, 

143. 

i63,  185. 

J49.  157- 

United  Colonies,  See  New  England. 

Stafford,  Conn.,  385. 

Unquowa,  See  Fairfield,  Conn. 

Stamford,  Conn.,  91,  93,  96,  107,  113 

.142. 

>7S>  207.  219. 

Stanley,  Caleb,  335-36,  367. 

Van  Curter,  Jacob,  17. 

,     Stanley,  Nathaniel,  331,  341,  367. 

Van  Twiller,  Walter,  16-17. 

Stanton,  Thomas,  66  73,  114,  134, 

137. 

Vegetables,  native,  20. 

" 

J83.  193- 

Volunto«  n.  Conn. ,  340. 

Starr,  Josiah,  341. 

Stebbins,  Edward,  77. 

Steel,  John,  42,  46,  55,  77,  117. 

Wadsworth,  James,  381. 
Wadsworth.  Joseph,  388,  313,  331-32. 

Stevens,  Timothy,  419. 

Stone,  Captain,  47. 

\ 

Wahquimacut,  13. 

Stone,   Samuel,  8-9,  43,  46,  56,  85, 

197. 

Wakeman,  John,  93,  186,  199,  365. 
Wakeman,  Samuel,  391,  421. 

350,  354-55,  a6o,  398,  418. 

Stonington,  Conn.,  89,  357. 

Walker,  Zachariah,  393-94,  431. 

Stoughton,  Israel,  65,  77. 

Wallingford,  Conn.,  74,  265. 

Stowe  (Stow),  Samuel,  359. 

Wampanoags,  373. 

Stratfield,  83, 

Ward,  Andrew,  43,  46,  55,  93,  96. 

Stratford,  Conn.,  83,  87,  184,  393,  405-6. 

Warham,  John,  6,  44,  46, 197,  350, 388-89, 

Street,  Nicholas,  219,  347,  419. 

394,  396,  418. 

Street,  Samuel,  420. 

Warranoke  (Waranoke),  See  Westfield, 

Sturges,  Jonathan,  365. 

Mass. 

Stuyvesant,  Peter,  141,  153-56,  159, 

165- 

Warwick  grant,  9-10,  118,  423. 

67,  187,  213,  222-33. 
Suffield,  Conn,  338,  366,  379,  383. 

Waterbury,  Conn.,  309,  364. 

Watertown,  Conn,  See  Wethersfield. 

Swain,  William,  43,  46,  55,  88,  97,  iii 

113. 

Watertown,  Mass.,  6-7,  9,  37,  39,  93. 

Sylvester,  Giles,  357. 

Watohibrough,  126. 

Synods,  340,  250-54,  259-61,  386-89,  406. 

Watts,  Thomas,  282. 

Wawequa,  196. 

Webb,  Joseph,  402,  421. 

Taintor  (Tainter),  Michael,  337. 

Webetomaug,  131. 

Talcott,  John,  46,  55.  179,  184,  194. 

305, 

Webster,  John,  77,  93,  179,  183,  184,  186, 

307,  an,  313-14,  326,  230,  291,  393. 

189.  194,  348,  354. 

Talcott,  Joseph.  375-76. 

Webster,  Thomas,  46,  55. 

Talcott.  Samuel,  331. 

Welch,  384. 

Tapp.  Edmund,  81,  107. 

Welch,  Thomas,  81. 

Tapping,  John,  307. 

Tapping,  Thomas,  184-85,  194,  305. 

Welde  (Weld),  Thomas,  6. 

Wells,  John,  83,  193. 
Wells,  Joseph,  97. 

Ta.xes,  70,  84,  119,   164,  3l7-l;f,  395, 

331. 

363.  369.  383. 

Wells,    Samuel,   sen.,  43.  46,  55  (?),   77, 

Taylor,  Thomas,  341. 

83.  93(?).  420. 

Thames  river,  137. 

Wells,  Samuel,  83. 

-J' 

Thanksgiving,  99,  133,  331,  258,  335. 

Wells,  Thomas,  83,  87,  144,  177,  179,  184. 

Tilly,  Joseph,  52. 

Wells,  William,  93. 

Tolland,  Conn.,  385. 

Wequash  (Wequosh),  59-60,  147. 

Topping  (Tapping),  Thomas,  272,  308. 

Westchester,  N.  V.,  312,  216,  337. 

Toquamske,  91. 

Westerhouse,  William,  141,  147,  156. 

Toquattoes,  142. 

Westfield,  Mass.,  90,  116,  137,  i43.{ 

Totoket,  See  Branford,  Conn. 

Westwood,  William,  43. 

Towns,  in  1645,  123  ;  in  1713,  382-83. 

Wetherell  (Witherell),  Daniel,  331,  335, 

Towsey,  Thomas,  4x8. 

341.  367- 

INDEX   TO  VOLUME   I. 


495 


Wethersfield  (Weathersfield),  Conn.,  6, 
9.  38-39.  45-46.  54.  76.  81.  83-85,  89.  93, 

113,  184,  aS4,  as8,  331. 
Whallev,  Edward,  199-303. 
Whitfield,  Henry,  78,  81,  345,  420. 
Whiting,  348. 
Whiting,  Joseph,  sen.,  46,  S5.  97.  ^»5  (?). 

ia6,  I97,a33(?),  388,  391. 
Whiting,  Joseph,  300,  337,  341,  367. 
Whiting,  Samuel,  of  Hartford,  418. 
Whiting,  Samuel,  of  Windham,  419. 
Whiting,  William,  sen.,  93,  310-ia,  318, 

335. 
Whiting,  William,  338-39,  337,  339,  357, 

368,  373.  376. 
Whitman,  Samuel,  419. 
Whitman,  Zachariah,  81. 
Whitmore,  John,  142. 
Whittlesey  (Whittelsey),  Samuel,  4aa 
Wickford,  R.  I.,  313,  367,  373. 
Wilcoxson,  Timothy,  83. 
Willard,  Simon,  183,  185. 
Willett,  Nathaniel,  114. 
Willett,  Thomas,  155. 
Williams,  Arthur  (?),  55. 
Williams,  Eleazer,  419. 
Willis,  George,  46. 
Wilson,  John,  5,  65. 
Wilson,  Nathan,  378. 
Winchester,  Conn. ,  207. 
Windham,  Conn.,  327,  341,  359. 
Windsor,  Conn. ,  9,  13,  17,  44,  54,  76,  82, 

84,  89,  127,  184,  338,  366,  389,  399-400. 
Winslow,  Edward,  12,  44,  113. 
Winslow,  Josiah,  283. 
Winthrop,    Fitz-John    ("  John     Fitz "). 

sometimes  called  John,   301,   313,   317, 

333-33, 338-29,  33a,  334-35.  341.  357.  :65- 
Winthrop,  John,  sen.,  5,  98, 104-5. 
Winthrop,  John,  arrives  at  Boston,  39- 


40 ;  fortifies  Saybrook,  46 ;  claims  Ne- 
hantick  country,  134 ;  at  New  London, 
136  ;  chosen  magistrate,  158,  179,  184  ; 
governor,  189 ;  deputy  governor,  19a, 
194 ;  agent  for  petition  for  charter,  197  ; 
obtains  charter,  305  ;  re-elected  gover- 
nor, 207;  defends  charter,  213-14;  re- 
elected governor,  230  ;  salary  fixed,  264, 
368  ;  death,  390 ;  letter  to  (Connecticut, 
447-48. 

Winthrop,  Wait,  313. 

Wolcott,  Henry,  6,  43,  46,  77,  97,  179, 184- 
85,  aos,  207,  330,  390. 

Wolcott,  Roger,  381. 

Woodbridge,  Benjamin,  399. 

Woodbridge,  Dudley,  419. 

Woodbridge,  Ephraim,  320. 

Woodbridge,  John,  419-20. 

Woodbridge,  Timothy,  400, 402,  410,  418- 
19. 

Woodbridge,  Conn.,  74,  81. 

Woodbury,  Conn.,  272,  394. 

Woodstock,  Conn.,  383-84. 

Woodward,  John,  343,  410,  430. 

Woodward,  Joseph,  342. 

Woodward,  Nathaniel,  151,  339. 

Woodward,  Richard,  34a. 

Wooster,  Edward,  269. 

Wopowage,  See  Milford,  Conn. 

Wyllys,  George,  46,  77,  92-93,  118. 

Wyllys,  Samuel,  179,  184,  194,  197.  205, 
207, 313,  326,  330,  331. 


Yale  university,  founded,  40a  ;  incorpor- 
ated and  organized,  403  ;  at  Saybrook, 
404  ;  endowments,  403-4,  417. 

Yennycock,  See  Southold,  L.  I. 

Youngs,  John,  91-92,  185, 208. 

Youngs,  Joseph,  364. 


